APPENDIX

_Respecting the Pieces said to be falsely attributed to Shakspeare._

The commentators of Shakspeare, in their attempts to deprive him of parts

of his works, or even of whole pieces, have for the most part displayed

very little of a true critical spirit. Pope, as is well known, was

strongly disposed to reject whole scenes as interpolations by the players;

but his opinion was not much listened to. However, Steevens acceded to the

opinion of Pope, as to the apparition of the ghosts and of Jupiter, in

_Cymbeline_, while Posthumus is sleeping in the dungeon. But Posthumus

finds on waking a tablet on his breast, with a prophecy on which the

_dénouement_ of the piece depends. Is it to be imagined that Shakspeare

would require of his spectators the belief in a wonder without a visible

cause? Can Posthumus have got this tablet with the prophecy by dreaming?

But these gentlemen do not descend to this objection. The verses which the

apparitions deliver do not appear to them good enough to be Shakspeare's.

I imagine I can discover why the poet has not given them more of the

splendour of diction. It is the aged parents and brothers of Posthumus,

who, from concern for his fate, return from the world below: ought they

not consequently to speak the language of a more simple olden time, and

their voices, too, ought they not also to seem a feeble sound of wailing,

when contrasted with the thundering oracular language of Jupiter? For this

reason Shakspeare chose a syllabic measure which was very common before

his time, but which was then going out of fashion, though it still

continued to be frequently used, especially in translations of the

classical poets. In some such manner might the shades express themselves

in the then existing translations of Homer and Virgil. The speech of

Jupiter is, on the other hand, majestic, and in form and style bears a

complete resemblance to Shakspeare's sonnets. Nothing but incapacity to

appreciate the views of the poet, and the perspective observed by him,

could lead them to stumble at this passage.

Pope would willingly have declared the _Winter's Tale_ spurious, one

of the noblest creations of the equally bold and lovely fancy of

Shakspeare. Why? I suppose on account of the ship coming to Bohemia, and

of the chasm of sixteen years between the third and fourth acts, which

Time as a prologue entreats us to overleap.

_The Three Parts of Henry the Sixth_ are now at length admitted to be

Shakspeare's. Theobald, Warburton, and lastly Farmer, affirmed that they

were not Shakspeare's. In this case, we might well ask them to point out

the other works of the unknown author, who was capable of inventing, among

many others, the noble death-scenes of Talbot, Suffolk, Beaufort, and

York. The assertion is so ridiculous, that in this case _Richard the

Third_ might also not be Shakspeare's, as it is linked in the most

immediate manner to the three other pieces, both by the subject, and the

spirit and style of handling.

All the editors, with the exception of Capell, are unanimous in rejecting

_Titus Andronicus_ as unworthy of Shakspeare, though they always

allow it to be printed with the other pieces, as the scape-goat, as it

were, of their abusive criticism. The correct method in such an

investigation is first to examine into the external grounds, evidences,

&c., and to weigh their value; and then to adduce the internal reasons

derived from the quality of the work. The critics of Shakspeare follow a

course directly the reverse of this; they set out with a preconceived

opinion against a piece, and seek, in justification of this opinion, to

render the historical ground suspicious, and to set them aside. Now

_Titus Andronicus_ is to be found in the first folio edition of

Shakspeare's works, which it is known was published by Heminge and

Condell, for many years his friends and fellow-managers of the same

theatre. Is it possible to persuade ourselves that they would not have

known if a piece in their repertory did or did not really belong to

Shakspeare? And are we to lay to the charge of these honourable men an

intentional fraud in this single case, when we know that they did not show

themselves so very desirous of scraping everything together which went by

the name of Shakspeare, but, as it appears, merely gave those plays of

which they had manuscripts in hand? Yet the following circumstance is

still stronger. George Meres, a contemporary and admirer of Shakspeare, in

an enumeration of his works, mentions _Titus Andronicus_, in the year

1598. Meres was personally acquainted with the poet, and so very

intimately, that the latter read over to him his sonnets before they were

printed. I cannot conceive that all the critical scepticism in the world

would ever be able to get over such a testimony.

This tragedy, it is true, is framed according to a false idea of the

tragic, which by an accumulation of cruelties and enormities, degenerates

into the horrible, and yet leaves no deep impression behind: the story of

Tereus and Philomela is heightened and overcharged under other names, and

mixed up with the repast of Atreus and Thyestes, and many other incidents.

In detail there is no want of beautiful lines, bold images, nay, even

features which betray the peculiar conception of Shakspeare. Among these

we may reckon the joy of the treacherous Moor at the blackness and

ugliness of his adulterous offspring; and in the compassion of Titus

Andronicus, grown childish through grief, for a fly which had been struck

dead, while his rage afterwards, when he imagines he discovers in it his

black enemy, we recognize the future poet of _Lear_. Are the critics

afraid that Shakspeare's fame would be injured, were it established that

in his early youth he ushered into the world a feeble and immature work?

Was Rome the less the conqueror of the world, because Remus could leap

over its first walls? Let any one place himself in Shakspeare's situation

at the commencement of his career. He found only a few indifferent models,

and yet these met with the most favourable reception, because in the

novelty of an art, men are never difficult to please, before their taste

has been made fastidious by choice and abundance. Must not this situation

have had its influence on him before he learned to make higher demands on

himself, and by digging deeper in his own mind, discovered the rich veins

of noble metal that ran there? It is even highly probable that he must

have made several failures before he succeeded in getting into the right

path. Genius is in a certain sense infallible, and has nothing to learn;

but art is to be learned, and must be acquired by practice and experience.

In Shakspeare's acknowledged works we find hardly any traces of his

apprenticeship, and yet apprenticeship he certainly had. This every artist

must have, and especially in a period where he has not before him the

examples of a school already formed. I consider it as extremely probable

that Shakspeare began to write for the theatre at a much earlier period

than the one which is generally stated, namely, after the year 1590. It

appears that, as early as the year 1584, when only twenty years of age, he

had left his paternal home and repaired to London. Can we imagine that

such an active head would remain idle for six whole years without making

any attempt to emerge by his talents from an uncongenial situation? That

in the dedication of the poem of _Venus and Adonis_ he calls it "the

first heir of his invention," proves nothing against the supposition. It

was the first which he printed; he might have composed it at an earlier

period; perhaps, also, in this term, "heirs of his invention," he did not

indulge theatrical labours, especially as they then conferred but little

to his literary dignity. The earlier Shakspeare began to compose for the

theatre, the less are we enabled to consider the immaturity and

imperfection of a work a proof of its spuriousness in opposition to

historical evidence, if only we can discern in it prominent features of

his mind. Several of the works rejected as spurious, may still have been

produced in the period betwixt _Titus Andronicus_, and the earliest of

the acknowledged pieces.

At last, in two supplementary volumes, Steevens published seven pieces

ascribed to Shakspeare. It is to be remarked, that they all appeared in

print in Shakspeare's life-time, with his name prefixed at full length.

They are the following:--

1. _Lochrine._ The proofs of the genuineness of this piece are not

altogether unambiguous; the grounds for doubt, on the other hand, are

entitled to attention. However, this question is immediately connected

with that respecting _Titus Andronicus_, and must with it be resolved

in the affirmative or negative.

2. _Pericles, Prince of Tyre._ This piece was acknowledged by Dryden

to be a work, but a youthful work of Shakspeare's. It is most undoubtedly

his, and it has been admitted into several late editions of his works. The

supposed imperfections originate in the circumstance, that Shakspeare here

handled a childish and extravagant romance of the old poet Gower, and was

unwilling to drag the subject out of its proper sphere. Hence he even

introduces Gower himself, and makes him deliver a prologue in his own

antiquated language and versification. This power of assuming so foreign a

manner is at least no proof of helplessness.

3. _The London Prodigal._ If we are not mistaken, Lessing pronounced

this piece to be Shakspeare's, and wished to bring it on the German stage.

4. _The Puritan; or The Widow of Wailing Street._ One of my literary

friends, intimately acquainted with Shakspeare, was of opinion that the

poet must have wished for once to write a play in the style of Ben Jonson,

and that in this way we must account for the difference between the

present piece and his usual manner. To follow out this idea, however,

would lead to a long and very nice critical investigation.

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