Mr. DAWSON, from the committee appointed on the petition of Marcella
Stanton, and others, reported a bill, entitled an act to authorize the
Court of the District of Columbia to decree divorces in certain cases;
which was read twice, and referred to a Committee of the Whole on Tuesday
next.
Mr. DAWSON prefaced his motion, on this subject, when he introduced it in
the manner following:
He observed that, after the decision which had taken place a few days
ago, he had resolved not to meddle any further with the affairs of the
District of Columbia, but to leave the inhabitants in the enjoyment of
the blessings of that government which they seem to have chosen, and the
principles of which were sanctioned by this House.
There was, however, one class of persons who claimed, in all situations,
our particular attention; who had not made a surrender of their political
rights; and, if they had been defrauded out of their natural ones, were
anxious to regain them.
It would be remembered that, at the last session, a gentleman from
Maryland, who had been absent for some time, and whom he rejoiced now to
see in his place, (Mr. NICHOLSON,) presented a petition from a person
in this district, praying for a divorce, and he two others for the same
relief. These were referred to a select committee, and a bill reported,
which remained among the unfinished business; as he learned that the
situations and wishes of these unfortunate persons were still the same,
he thought the subject ought again to be renewed.
_Emancipation in the District of Columbia._
Mr. SLOAN moved the following resolution:
_Resolved_, That, from and after the fourth of July, 1805,
all blacks and people of color that shall be born within the
District of Columbia, or whose mother shall be the property of
any person residing within the said district, shall be free,
the males at the age of ----, and the females at the age of
----.
The House proceeded to consider the said motion, and on the question that
the same be referred to a Committee of the whole House, it passed in the
negative--yeas 47, nays 65.
And then the main question being taken that the House do agree to the
said motion as originally proposed, it passed in the negative--yeas 31,
nays 77, as follows:
YEAS.--Isaac Anderson, John Archer, David Bard, Phanuel Bishop,
Robert Brown, Clifton Claggett, Joseph Clay, James Elliot,
Ebenezer Elmer, William Findlay, Gaylord Griswold, John A.
Hanna, Josiah Hasbrouck, David Hough, Nehemiah Knight, Michael
Leib, Andrew McCord, Nahum Mitchell, Beriah Palmer, John Rea
of Pennsylvania, Jacob Richards, Erastus Root, Thomas Sammons,
Ebenezer Seaver, James Sloan, John Smilie, Joseph Stanton,
Isaac Van Horne, Joseph B. Varnum, Peleg Wadsworth, and John
Whitehill.
NAYS.--Willis Alston, jr., Simeon Baldwin, George Michael
Bedinger, William Blackledge, Adam Boyd, Joseph Bryan, William
Butler, George W. Campbell, John Campbell, Levi Casey, Thomas
Claiborne, Matthew Clay, John Clopton, Frederick Conrad, Jacob
Crowninshield, Manasseh Cutler, John Davenport, John Dawson,
John Dennis, William Dickson, John B. Earle, Peter Early, John
W. Eppes, William Eustis, John Fowler, Calvin Goddard, Peterson
Goodwyn, Thomas Griffin, Roger Griswold, Joseph Heister,
William Helms, John Hoge, James Holland, Benjamin Huger, Samuel
Hunt, Walter Jones, William Kennedy, Simon Larned, Joseph
Lewis, jun., Henry W. Livingston, Thomas Lowndes, John B.
C. Lucas, Matthew Lyon, William McCreery, David Meriwether,
Nicholas R. Moore, Thomas Moore, James Mott, Roger Nelson,
Anthony New, Thomas Newton, jun., Joseph H. Nicholson, Gideon
Olin, John Randolph, John Rhea of Tennessee, Samuel Riker,
Thomas Sanford, John Smith, Henry Southard, Richard Stanford,
William Stedman, James Stephenson, John Stewart, Samuel
Taggart, Samuel Tenney, Philip R. Thompson, George Tibbits,
Abram Trigg, Philip Van Cortlandt, Killian K. Van Rensselaer,
Daniel C. Verplanck, Matthew Walton, Marmaduke Williams,
Alexander Wilson, Richard Wynn, Joseph Winston, and Thomas
Wynns.
So the said motion was rejected.
MONDAY, January 21.
_Slavery in Territories._
A memorial of the people called Quakers, at their yearly meeting, held in
the city of Philadelphia, in the month of December last, was presented
to the House and read, praying that effectual measures may be adopted
by Congress to prevent the introduction of slavery into any of the
Territories of the United States.--Referred to the committee appointed on
the twelfth of November last, on so much of the Message of the President
of the United States as relates “to an amelioration of the form of
government of the Territory of Louisiana.”
WEDNESDAY, January 23.
_Protection of Seamen._
The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of State,
accompanying statements and abstracts relative “to the number of
American seamen who have been impressed or detained on board of the ships
of war of any foreign nation; with the names of the persons impressed;
the name of the ship or vessel by which they were impressed; the nation
to which she belonged, and the time of the impressment; as also certain
facts and circumstances relating to the same;” prepared in obedience to a
resolution of this House of the thirty-first ultimo.
Mr. CROWNINSHIELD said, that the list of impressed seamen, furnished by
the Secretary of State, exceeded in number any thing he had expected. He
thought these impressments ought to be prevented, and that the subject
demanded investigation. He had drafted a resolution, which he would
submit to the House, having in view to connect this with another very
important subject. Many gentlemen must have observed that some late
proclamations had been issued by the Governors of the several British
West India Islands, interdicting the American trade after May next. The
proclamations bore date in October or November, and were to take effect
in six months. It appeared to him that the British Government were
determined to exclude us from their islands, upon the expectation that
their own vessels would be competent to carry the necessary supplies.
Mr. C. said we had a right to carry the productions of the United States
in American bottoms, and he hoped we should never permit foreign ships
to come to our ports and carry on an exclusive trade with any country
whatever, where our vessels were not allowed the same privilege. His
intention was to prevent the American carrying trade to the West Indies
from falling into the hands of other nations. He would not exclude
foreign vessels from our ports, but it was desirable that our own export
trade should not be monopolized by foreigners. The subject was highly
important to this country. Will the United States tamely submit to see
some of its best citizens torn from their families and friends, without
attempting something for their relief? Shall we see another country
pursuing measures hostile to our commercial rights and make no effort
to correct the mischief? The West India Islands depended on the United
States for their ordinary supplies, and our vessels had usually carried
a large proportion of their cargoes on American account; but it appeared
now that we were to be shut out from this trade, and it was in future
to be carried on in foreign vessels. An effectual remedy would be to
prohibit the exportation of our productions in foreign bottoms to all
ports of islands with which we were not permitted to have intercourse,
and in order that the subject might undergo the examination which its
importance demanded, he offered the following resolution:
_Resolved_, That the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures
be instructed to inquire if any, and what, further provision
be necessary for the protection of the commerce and seamen of
the United States, and to inquire whether any foreign country
has made any late regulations with a view to monopolize any
branch of the American carrying trade, to the exclusive benefit
of such foreign country, or which in their operation may be
injurious to the agricultural or commercial interest of the
United States; and also to inquire into the expediency of
prohibiting the exportation from the United States of all goods
and merchandise whatever in foreign ships bound to any port
with which the vessels of the United States are not allowed
communication, or where a free and unrestricted trade is not
permitted in the productions of the United States, and that the
committee be authorized to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. RANDOLPH wished the resolution to lie for consideration a few days;
he would mention Monday. The gentleman had said it was an important
subject, and if he had no objection it would be as well to allow the
resolution to remain unacted upon for a little time. It might be
printed for the consideration of the House, and he rather supposed some
alteration would be necessary in the form of the resolution.
Mr. CROWNINSHIELD replied that he was perfectly willing the resolution
should lie for consideration, agreeably to the desire of the gentleman
from Virginia, and he would consent to any reasonable delay; but he
would not consent to its remaining unacted upon till a period so late as
to preclude any measures from being adopted this session, because the
proclamation would take effect in the month of May. He was not tenacious
of forms, it was the substance of things he looked to, and he would with
great pleasure agree to modify the resolution to any shape which the
gentleman from Virginia might suggest.
A motion was made to refer the resolution to a Committee of the Whole
for Monday next; which was agreed to, and the resolution ordered to be
printed.
THURSDAY, January 24.
The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of War,
enclosing sundry documents relating to the case of William Scott, and
James and John Pettigrew, stated to have been murdered and plundered by
the Cherokee Indians, in pursuance of a resolution of this House of the
twenty-second instant; which were read and referred to the Committee of
the Whole, to whom is committed the report of the Committee of Claims
on the petition of Alexander Scott, of the State of South Carolina, in
behalf of himself and others.
_Navy Yards, &c._
Mr. EUSTIS moved the following resolution:
“_Resolved_, That it is expedient to provide by law for
defraying the expense incident to fitting and preparing one of
the navy yards belonging to the United States, and lying near
the margin of the ocean, for the reception and repairing of
such ships of war as are now at sea on their return to port,
and such other ships or vessels of war as may hereafter return
from their cruises or stations.”
Mr. EUSTIS said the resolution now submitted to the consideration of
the House had grown out of an opinion which impressed itself on his
mind, when he first beheld the whole naval force of the United States
moored in the Eastern branch of the Potomac. He had ever considered
the establishment of a navy yard in this city, as the principal naval
arsenal, to be among the errors or misfortunes which had presided over
many other arrangements respecting this city and territory. As the
United States were at that time at peace with all the world, excepting
the Dey of Algiers, as a small part of the force only was necessary to
carry on this warfare, and as the ships had been actually hauled up at
a considerable expense, there appeared to be no immediate necessity for
incurring a further expense in their removal. Our maritime concerns have
now experienced a change. We are at war with another of the Barbary
Powers, and a greater number of ships have been necessarily taken into
the service. We have at this time six frigates, and five or six smaller
vessels on duty in the Mediterranean. After a certain time these ships
must be relieved. Others must be sent out to take their stations. Those
which return will require repairs; and in order to prepare for these
contingencies it was proper that some one of the navy yards nearer to the
ocean should be put in a condition to receive them. This was the object
of the resolution. It was desirable that some place should be selected
easy of access, where the water was deep, and in the neighborhood of some
large maritime town, having large markets and magazines of the variety
of articles required for repairing and fitting ships for sea, with the
artizans employed in that business. It was not his intention to describe
the advantages or disadvantages of one place or of another. The United
States own six navy yards. The whole coast is before the Executive, and
such a place will be selected as will combine the greatest number of
advantages and best promote the public interests. To those who believed
that ships of war could be repaired or fitted out with the same despatch,
at the same expense, and with the same ease and convenience, at a place
three hundred miles distant from the sea, as they could be in one of the
ports lying on its margin, and possessing the advantages which had been
stated, no reasoning could be applied which would change their opinions.
The proposition was offered to the House to be decided by common sense
and understanding. There was one objection which he had anticipated, and
which had some weight in it. The business of the department would in
that case be removed from the eye of the Government, and from the more
immediate inspection and control of the intelligent and capable officer
who directed its operations; this inconvenience would be balanced by the
more ample means and resources which his agents would find in the large
towns, and by which they would be enabled to carry his instructions more
promptly into effect.
The motion was referred to a Committee of the Whole on Monday next.
FRIDAY, January 25.
_Mississippi Territory._
Mr. LATTIMORE presented a memorial from the Legislative Council and the
House of Representatives of the Mississippi Territory, stating sundry
grievances to which they were exposed by the act of Congress for the
government of the same. They complain that a man is not qualified to
vote unless he possess fifty acres of land, whereby those who hold
houses and town lots, as well as respectable citizens of considerable
personal estate, are disfranchised. The inequality of representation in
the several counties to the number of inhabitants in each; the necessity
of extending the powers and authorities of an additional judge lately
furnished the Territory; the inconveniencies arising from the prescribed
mode of the disposal of lands; the necessity of establishing a hospital
at the Natchez; and, lastly, an increase of the salaries of the judges.
On motion, the memorial was referred to a select committee of five
members.
TUESDAY, January 29.
Another member, to wit, OLIVER PHELPS, from New York, appeared, and took
his seat in the House.
_Georgia Claims._
The House again went into Committee of the Whole on the Georgia claims.
After reading over the report of the Committee of Claims, which concludes
with submitting the following resolution:
_Resolved_, That three Commissioners be authorized to receive
propositions of compromise and settlement, from the several
companies or persons having claims to public lands within the
present limits of the Mississippi Territory, and finally to
adjust and settle the same in such manner as in their opinion
will conduce to the interest of the United States: _Provided_,
That in such settlement the Commissioners shall not exceed the
limits prescribed by the convention with the State of Georgia.
Mr. DANA moved that the committee rise and report the resolution.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH wished, before the committee rose, that the gentleman
from Connecticut (Mr. DANA) would assign some reasons for the adoption of
the resolution. No two things could be more opposite than the prefatory
statement made by the Committee of Claims and the resolution which
terminated the report. As there were no reasons assigned, he suspected
the gentleman had kept them back with a view of surprising the House by
their novelty; but he hoped the committee would not agree to the motion,
unless some better cause was assigned for its adoption than had hitherto
been made known.
Mr. DANA said the Committee of Claims, in the report now before the
Committee of the Whole, had confined themselves to a statement of facts
derived from the documents referred to them. He conceived it to be the
business of the Committee of Claims to investigate the facts, and arrange
them in such a manner as to free the House from the labor of detail; they
had done this, and the report was a summary of all that passed in review
before them. It was left to gentlemen to reason on the case according to
their course of reflection. Whether the committee reasoned on the subject
well or ill, he did not know that gentlemen were bound to follow them in
their conclusion. Indeed, he apprehended that were the reasoning ever
so energetic, it would not go to satisfy every gentleman. On a question
like the present, he despaired of making it satisfactory to the gentleman
who had asked for reasons. He was persuaded that gentleman could not be
convinced by any argument the committee might have used, and it was idle
to call upon them to perform impossibilities.
The question on the committee’s rising and reporting their agreement to
the resolution was put, and carried--yeas 61, nays 50.
The SPEAKER having resumed the chair, Mr. VARNUM reported the foregoing
resolution as agreed to.
Mr. BRYAN called for the reading of that rule of the House which
restrains interested persons from voting.
The Clerk read the same, as follows:
“No member shall vote on any question in the event of which he
is immediately and particularly interested; or in any other
case where he was not present when the question was put.”
A motion was made to consider the report of the Committee of the Whole,
and carried--yeas 64, nays 51.
Mr. CLARK moved a proviso as an amendment, declaring that no part of the
five millions of acres reserved should go to compensate the claimants
under the act of Georgia, passed in 1795.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH called the yeas and nays on the amendment.
Mr. DANA observed that the report on the table had been made on the
application of persons claiming land under the act of 1795. The
amendment, said he, is nothing more nor less than a denial to comply with
the prayer of the petitioners, and whether it was not to all intents and
purposes a substitute for the resolutions agreed to in the Committee of
the Whole, he would leave to the Speaker. If it were decided to be a
substitute, it could not be received, conformably to the rules of the
House.
The SPEAKER said, the resolution reported from the Committee of the Whole
was a general one, including all claims; the amendment went to limit
and confine the resolution to a particular class, and, therefore, he
conceived it to be in order.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH.--It must be manifest to the House that this discussion
is forced upon those who are opposed to the report of the committee; that
we are not prepared at this time to meet it. I am among those who hoped
that some reasons would be assigned, if indeed reasons can be found,
to warrant the step about to be taken. I did hope that, instead of a
string of facts and statements which were already before the House, the
committee would have given us something new in the shape of argument,
justificatory of the resolution which they have recommended. But I have
been disappointed. Nothing is offered either in the report itself, or in
the debate, which throws a single gleam of light on the subject. I have
particular reasons to deprecate a discussion at this time. I shall not
trouble the House by detailing them, but briefly state that I feel myself
unequal to an immediate investigation of this question, as well from
personal indisposition as from the pressure of other important business,
which has left me but little leisure to attend to this. The few moments
which I have been able to devote to it, have convinced me that much new
and important matter remains to be brought to light. But no apology will
be received: we are driven to a vote by an inflexible majority.
The objection taken by the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. DANA,)
and the doubt which he raised on that point of order, respecting the
amendment offered by my worthy colleague, (Mr. CLARK,) discloses his
drift, and that of the Committee of Claims, whilst it proves the
necessity of some such amendment to save citizens of the United States
and their property from spoliation and plunder. The gentleman has stated
truly that his object was to further the claim of the New England
Mississippi Land Company. As I fear I shall have full occasion to exert
my voice, I must beg that the memorial of the agents of that company may
be read by the Clerk.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH then called for the reading of the act of Georgia of
February, 1796, generally called the rescinding act; and he hoped they
would have silence whilst the act was reading, as it was a very important
one, and ought to influence the decision on the present subject.
The act was read in compliance with the request.
After it was finished, Mr. CLARK moved to adjourn.
On the division, there were 52 yeas, and 55 nays. So the motion was lost.
Mr. CLARK requested that the act of 1795, under which they derived their
pretended titles, might be read.
Whilst the SPEAKER was reading the same, Mr. DANA rose and inquired
whether it was necessary to read the whole of the law, or whether
gentlemen would not be satisfied with the reading of such part of it as
bore upon the present question.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH called the gentleman to order for interrupting the
Speaker in his reading.
Mr. SPEAKER.--The objection ought to have been made (if at all) when the
reading of the law was first called for.
The reading was continued to the end of the act--when,
Mr. J. CLAY moved that the House adjourn.
On a division, there were 53 yeas, and 60 nays. Motion lost.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH.--Perhaps it may be supposed, from the course which this
business has taken, that the adversaries of the present measure indulge
the expectation of being able to come forward, at a future day--not
to this House, for that hope is desperate, but to the public, with a
more matured opposition than it is in their power now to make. But past
experience has shown them that this is one of those subjects which
pollution has sanctified; that the hallowed mysteries of corruption are
not to be profaned by the eye of public curiosity. No, sir, the orgies
of Yazoo speculation are not to be laid open to the vulgar gaze. None
but the initiated are permitted to behold the monstrous sacrifice of
the best interests of the nation on the altars of corruption. When this
abomination is to be practised we go into conclave. Do we apply to the
press--that potent engine, the dread of tyrants and of villains, but the
shield of freedom and of worth? No, sir, the press is gagged. On this
subject we have a virtual sedition law--not with a specious title, but
irresistible in its operation, which, in the language of a gentleman
from Connecticut, (Mr. GRISWOLD,) goes directly to its object. The demon
of speculation, at one sweep, has wrested from the nation their best,
their only defence, and closed every avenue of information. But a day of
retribution may yet come. If their rights are to be bartered away and
their property squandered, the people must not, they shall not be kept in
ignorance by whom, or for whom it is done.
We have often heard of party spirit--of caucuses as they are termed--to
settle legislative questions, but never have I seen that spirit so
visible as at this time. The out-of-door intrigue is too palpable to be
disguised. When it was proposed to abolish a judiciary system reared in
the last moments of an expiring Administration, the detested offspring of
a midnight hour--when the question of repeal was before this House, it
could not be taken up until midnight, in the third or fourth week of the
discussion. When the great and good man who now fills, and who (whatever
may be the wishes of our opponents) I hope and trust will long fill the
Executive chair, not less to his own honor than to the happiness of his
fellow-citizens; when he, sir, recommended the repeal of the internal
taxes, delay succeeded delay, and discussion was followed by discussion,
until patience itself was worn threadbare. But now, when public plunder
is the order of the day, how are we treated? Driven into the Committee of
the Whole, and out again in a breath, by an inflexible majority, exulting
and stubborn in their strength, a decision must be had instanter. The
advocates for the proposed measure feel that it will not bear a scrutiny.
Hence this precipitancy. They wince from the touch of examination, and
are willing to hurry through a painful and disgraceful discussion. But,
it may be asked, why this tenacious adherence of certain gentlemen to
each other on every other point connected with this subject? As if
animated by one spirit, they perform all their evolutions with the most
exact discipline, and march in a firm phalanx directly up to their
object. Is it that men combined to effect some evil purpose, acting on
previous pledge to each other, are ever more in unison than those who,
seeking only to discover truth, obey the impulse of that conscience which
God has placed in their bosoms? Such men do not stand compromitted. They
will not stifle the suggestions of their own minds, and sacrifice their
private opinions to the attainment of some common, perhaps some nefarious
object.
Having given vent to that effusion of indignation which I feel, and which
I trust I shall never fail to feel and to express on this detestable
subject, permit me now to offer some crude and hasty remarks on the
point in dispute. They will be directed chiefly to the claim of the New
England Mississippi Land Company, whom we propose to debar (with all
the other claimants under the act of 1795) from any benefit of the five
millions of acres, reserved by our compact with Georgia, to satisfy such
claims not specially provided for in that compact, as we might find
worthy of recompense. I shall direct my observations more particularly to
this claim, because it has been more insisted upon, and more zealously
defended than any other. It is alleged by the memorialists, who style
themselves the agents of that company, that they, and those whom they
represent, were innocent purchasers; in other words, ignorant of the
corruption and fraud by which the act from which their pretended title
was derived, was passed. I am well aware that this fact is not material
to the question of any legal or equitable title which they may set up;
but as it has been made a pretext for exciting the compassion of the
Legislature, I wish to examine into the ground upon which this allegation
rests. Sir, when that act of stupendous villany was passed in 1795,
attempting under the forms and semblance of law to rob unborn millions of
their birthright and inheritance, and to convey to a band of unprincipled
and flagitious men a territory more extensive, and beyond comparison more
fertile than any State of this Union, it caused a sensation scarcely
less violent than that produced by the passage of the stamp act, or the
shutting up of the port at Boston, with this difference: when the port
bill of Boston passed, her Southern brethren did not take advantage of
the forms of law, by which a corrupt Legislature attempted to defraud
her of the bounty of nature; they did not speculate on the necessities
and wrongs of their abused and insulted countrymen. I repeat that this
infamous act was succeeded by a general burst of indignation throughout
the continent. This is matter of public notoriety, and those--I speak
of men of education and intelligence, purchasers, too, of the very
country in question--those who affect to have been ignorant of any
such circumstance, I shall consider as guilty of gross and wilful
prevarication. They offer indeed to virtue the only homage which she is
ever likely to receive at their hands--the homage of their hypocrisy.
They could not make an assertion within the limits of possibility less
entitled to credit.
The agents of the New England Land Company are unfortunate in two points.
They set out with a formal endeavor to prove that they are entitled to
their proportion of fifty millions of acres of land, under the law of
1795, and this they make their plea to be admitted to a proportional
share of five. If they really believed what they say, would they be
willing to commute a good legal, or equitable claim, for one tenth of
its value? Their memorial contains, moreover, a suggestion of falsehood.
They aver that the reservation of five millions for satisfying claims
not otherwise provided for, in our compact with Georgia, was especially
intended for the benefit of the claimants under the act of 1795, and
that we were pledged to satisfy them out of that reservation. Now, sir,
turn to the sixth volume of your laws, and what is the fact? In the
first place, so much of the reserved five millions as may be necessary,
is appropriated specifically for satisfying claims derived from British
grants not regranted by Spain; and as much of the residue as may be
necessary is appropriated for compensating other claims, not recognized
in our compact with Georgia. An appropriation for certain British grants
specially, and for other claims generally, is falsely suggested to have
been made for the especial benefit of the claimants of 1795; and the
reservation of a power in the United States to quiet such claims as they
should deem worthy of compensation, is perverted into an obligation to
compensate a particular class of claims; into an acknowledgment that
such claims are worthy of compensation. Can this House be inveigled by
such barefaced effrontery? Sir, the act containing this appropriation
clause was not brought to a third reading till the first of March.
Our powers expired on the fourth: it was at the second session of the
seventh Congress. It was in the power of those opposed to the corrupt
claims of 1795 to have defeated the bill by a discussion. But, sir, they
abstained on this ground. If the appropriation of the five millions had
not been made at that session, the year within which, by our agreement
with Georgia, it was to be made, if at all, would have expired before
the meeting of the next Congress; and it was urged, by the friends of
the bill, that there were several descriptions of claims to which no
imputation of fraud could attach; that by making a general appropriation
we secured to ourselves the power of recompensing such claims as, on
examination, might be found worthy of it, whilst we pledged ourselves
to no class of claimants whatever. But that if we should suffer the
term specified, in our compact with Georgia, to elapse without making
any appropriation, we should preclude ourselves from the ability to
compensate any claims, not specially provided for, however just and
reasonable we might find them, on investigation, to be. Under these
circumstances, and I appeal to my excellent friend from Maryland, who
brought it in, for the correctness of my statement, the opponents of the
bill gave it no other opposition than a silent vote. And now, sir, we are
told that we stand pledged, and that an appropriation for British grants
not regranted by Spain, specially, and for such other claims against the
State of Georgia, generally, as Congress should find quite worthy, was
made for the especial benefit of a particular description of claimants,
branded, too, with the deepest odium; who dare to talk to us of public
faith, and appeal to the national honor!
The conclusion of the memorial is amusing enough. After having played
over the farce, which was acted by the Yazoo Squad at the last session,
affecting to believe that an appropriation has been made by the act
of March 1803, for their especial benefit, they pray that Congress
will be pleased to give them--what? that to which they assert they are
entitled?--by no means--an eighth or tenth part of it--which said eighth
or tenth part, if we may credit them, has been already appropriated to
their use by law. From a knowledge of the memorialists, and those whom
they represent, can you believe for a moment that, if they had the least
faith in the volume of argument (I am sorry to profane the word) which
they presented to the House to prove the goodness of their title, can you
believe that under such impression they would accept a paltry compromise
of two shillings in the pound--much less that, to obtain it, they would
descend so low! Sir, when these men talk about public faith and national
honor, they remind me of the appeals of the unprincipled gamester and
veteran usurer to the honor of the thoughtless spendthrift, whilst in
reality they are addressing themselves to his vices and his folly.
The first year that I had the honor of a seat in this House, an act was
passed of a nature not altogether unlike the one now proposed. I allude
to the case of the Connecticut Reserve, by which the nation were swindled
out of some three or four millions of acres of land, which, like other
bad titles, had fallen into the hands of innocent purchasers. When I
advert to the applicants by whom we were then beset, I find that among
them was one of the very persons who style themselves agents of the New
England Mississippi Land Company, who seems to have an unfortunate knack
at buying bad titles. His gigantic grasp embraces with one hand the
shores of Lake Erie, and stretches with the other to the Bay of Mobile.
Millions of acres are easily digested by such stomachs. Goaded by
avarice, they buy only to sell, and sell only to buy. The retail trade of
fraud and imposture yields too small and slow a profit to gratify their
cupidity. They buy and sell corruption in the gross, and a few millions,
more or less, is hardly felt in the account. The deeper the play, the
greater their zest for the game, and the stake which is set upon their
throw is nothing less than the patrimony of the people. Mr. Speaker, when
I see the agency that has been employed on this occasion, I must own that
it fills me with apprehension and alarm. This same agent is at the head
of an executive department of our Government, subordinate indeed in rank
and dignity, and in the ability required for its superintendence, but
inferior to none in the influence attached to it. This officer, possessed
of how many snug appointments and fat contracts, let the voluminous
records on your table of the mere names and dates and sums declare;
having an influence which is confined to no quarter of the country, but
pervading every part of the Union; with offices in his gift amongst the
most lucrative, and at the same time the least laborious, or responsible,
under the Government, so tempting as to draw a member of the other House
from his seat, and place him as a deputy at the feet of your applicant;
this officer presents himself at your bar, at once a party and an
advocate. Sir, when I see this tremendous patronage brought to bear upon
us, I do confess that it strikes me with consternation and dismay. Is it
come to this? Are heads of executive departments of the Government to be
brought into this House, with all the influence and patronage attached
to them, to extort from us now, what was refused at the last session of
Congress? I hope not, sir. But if they are, and if the abominable villany
practised upon, and by the Legislature of Georgia, in 1795, is now to be
glossed over, I for one will ask what security they, by whom it shall
be done, can offer for their reputations, better than can be given for
the character of that Legislature? I will pin myself upon this text, and
preach upon it as long as I have life. If no other reason can be adduced
but a regard for our own fame, if it were only to rescue ourselves from
this foul imputation, this weak and dishonorable compromise ought to
receive a prompt and decisive rejection. Is the voice of patriotism
lulled to rest, that we no longer hear the cry against an overbearing
majority, determined to put down the constitution, and deaf to every
proposition of compromise? Such were the dire forebodings to which we
have been heretofore compelled to listen. But if the enmity of such
men be formidable, their friendship is deadly destruction, their touch
pollution.
Such men, I repeat it, are formidable as enemies, but their friendship
is fraught with irresistible death. I fear indeed the “_Danaos et dona
ferentes_.” But, after the law in question shall have passed, what
security have you that the claimants will accede to your terms of
compromise? that this is not a trap, to obtain from Congress something
like a recognition of their title, to be hereafter used against us? Sir,
with all our wisdom, I seriously doubt our ability to contend with the
arts and designs of these claimants, if they can once entangle us in the
net of our own legislation. Let the act of March, 1801, of which already
they have made so dexterous a use, be remembered. They themselves have
pointed out the course which we ought to pursue. They have told us, that
so long as we refrain from legislating on this subject, their case is
hopeless. Let us then persevere in a “wise and masterly inactivity.”[23]
The committee rose, and had leave to sit again, and the House adjourned.
WEDNESDAY, January 30.