Mississippi, and the New-England States, will, perhaps, be partial. That
I prefer the latter, in every point of view, will be readily accounted
for. It may appear strange, however, that my principal objection to the
former, is the productive capacity of its soil. Both in a moral and
political point of view, this is a serious evil. Industry is
indispensable to the health of the mental and physical nature of man;
and also to the preservation of his virtue. On the Mississippi, plenty
may be obtained by a very small degree of labour. An additional exertion
produces wealth; and indolence, luxury, and dissipation are, in this
{242} part of the United States, its general consequences. This is too,
in a measure, the case with all the western country. There are many
other objections; but they are too numerous to mention. The country on
the Mississippi is not a grazing country. The hills of New-England feed,
on the contrary, the finest cattle, furnish the most delightful
prospects, and produce the hardiest plants of freedom. New-England too,
is a peculiarly happy country with respect to religion, morals,
education, and health. Here industry gives a zest to the ordinary
enjoyments of life, strengthens the mind for the acquisition of
knowledge, prepares the heart for the defence of principle, and nerves
the physical man for the maintenance of national right.
I might now consider my _pedestrious_ tour as finished; but it may not
be amiss to continue my narrative to the time of my arrival in
New-Hampshire. As this, however, will be rather an unproductive field, I
must introduce, in my course, some brief reflections upon foreign
topics.
About the first of July I sailed from New-Orleans for Boston. The course
of a vessel from and to these places is circuitous, and nearly as long
as that of a voyage across the Atlantic. The distance is about 2,500
miles.
Having hauled off from the Levee into the current, we beat down the
river with a light breeze; at length took in our top-gallant-sails,
moved briskly about thirty miles, and moored along the bank for the
night. I had previously been below the city, about seven leagues, for
the purpose of visiting General Wilkinson. In the General’s library I
met with many rare and interesting works. During this excursion I viewed
the celebrated battle ground, five miles below New-Orleans.[201] The
Americans were fortified, having a marsh in front, the river on {243}
the right, an impervious wood on the left, and the resources of the city
in the rear:—an admirable position! The enemy displayed the most
desperate courage in attacking the Americans thus situated. British
glory never shone brighter than upon this occasion; and British troops
never experienced a greater overthrow.
Below New-Orleans snakes, lizards, and alligators are numerous; and the
bees and grasshoppers are very large. Here one almost supposes himself
in the West-Indies. Cotton does not flourish well so low down as General
Wilkinson’s plantation; but sugar cane is here remarkably productive.
The craw-fish, which naturalists say is a fresh water lobster, here
passes under the banks of the Mississippi to a considerable distance,
and comes up through the earth into the fields. This circumstance proves
that the land in this part of the country is afloat, and also that this
species of animated nature is amphibious. It is exceedingly interesting
to notice the economy of nature in her transitions from the vegetable to
the animal world; and in some measure, from the mere animal to human
existence. With respect to the former we may inquire whether the oyster
and sponge are animals or vegetables? The oyster is rooted to the earth
like a plant, and yet it feeds upon animals. The dexterity which it
displays in closing its shells upon those worms, which are so
unfortunate as to creep into them, is worthy of remark. There are two
amphibious plants as well as amphibious animals. The flag is considered
an aquatic; but it flourishes best between land and water. An amphibious
fish, such as the craw-fish appears to be, is a new link in the chain of
existences.
About eighteen miles below New-Orleans is the English Turn.[202] This is
a bend in the river, which {244} is thus called, because the English
ships, in their first attempt upon the city, were obliged to return.
Twenty-five miles below the Turn is Fort Plaquemine.[203] This fort is
on the left side of the river, and makes a very elegant appearance. Not
far from this place, the country immediately becomes very low; trees
soon disappear; and the river flows over both its banks, watering
immense marshes, covered with flags and high grass.
Two days after leaving New-Orleans for the eastward, we passed the above
mentioned fort, and towards evening, anchored near the shore. Here the
prospect from the top gallant-masts of the vessel was gloomy. In the
course of the evening, a black and ragged little schooner floated by us;
and she proved to be the vessel, from the fore-yard of which the Indian
Chief Hemattlemico, and the Indian Prophet Francis were hung, by order
of General Jackson.[204]—
“Oh! what doth that vessel of darkness bear!
The silent calm of the grave is there:—
Save now,——and again, a death knell rung;
And the flap of her sails, with night fog hung.”
The late conduct of General Jackson has excited much interest, both in
Europe and America. Some advocate his proceedings, and like himself,
seem determined to brave the tempest which is ready to overwhelm him.
That is a dear and glorious cause, which involves moral strength and
physical weakness; and I should rejoice in enlisting under the banners
of a virtuous man, when unjustly assailed by popular prejudice, and
popular indignation. But General Jackson has violated the principles of
humanity, and tarnished the glory of the nation. Whatever may be the
services of our public men they must be taught that they are the
servants of the {245} people, and at all times officially accountable to
them. No one is disposed to deny that General Jackson has done much for
the United States; but this is only one side of the subject: Julius
Cesar was a celebrated general, and achieved great victories for Rome;
but Julius Cesar became a tyrant.
I do not pretend to know what were the motives of General Jackson in
putting to death the above mentioned Indians, who, it appears, had been
decoyed into the custody of his officers, and were prisoners of war; but
we have reason to believe that they were bad motives. Conscious of his
high military reputation, the native ferocity of his disposition,
cloaking itself under the garb of energy, burst upon these poor,
ignorant savages, who, being prisoners of war, were perfectly harmless.
And why was this? because they refused to answer a question which he put
for the purpose of entrapping them.—_The very essence of tyranny!_
Neither General Jackson, nor the government had any more right to take
the lives of these Indians, than the British, _even setting aside the
idea of rebellion_, would have had to execute General Washington, had
he, during the Revolutionary war, been taken prisoner. The Indians,
engaged in the Seminole war, were at issue with the United States. The
parties were equally independent,—their rights were equal. The law of
nature is the original source of all national right, and Indian tribes
are in a state of nature.
General Jackson’s conduct upon this occasion is a disgrace to the
country. The act was as unmanly as it was inhuman. It may be said by
ignorance, affectation, and prejudice, that Indians sometimes destroy
our men when taken prisoners. What! shall we abandon the precepts of
religion, the principles of humanity, and the polish of civilization, to
{246} learn manners and customs in the ferocious schools of savage life?
The displeasure of the American people alone can remove from themselves
the disgrace, with which such conduct on the part of a public servant
naturally clothes them.
As to the course which General Jackson took, relative to the execution
of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, it was entirely inconsistent with that
dispassionate investigation which ought ever to characterize the
American Government.[205] Admitting, for the sake of argument, that this
course is sanctioned by the law of nations, is this law our _only_
guide? And is this law perfect?—It is the work of man,—the work of those
civilians, whose dust has long since been scattered by the winds! It is,
too, the common law of independent communities. But what are they?
Precisely what their courts are made of:—tyranny, intrigue, and
dissipation. Oh! there is a higher rule of action than the law of
nations. Our conduct should be regulated by those great and pure
principles, which will stand the test of reason and conscience, both on
earth and in heaven.
Why is General Jackson so fond of blood? Why so disposed to crush every
forsaken individual, whom the fortune of war places in his hands? Is
this _moral_ energy?—or is it a barbarous animal impulse? With the
modesty of a _true_ soldier, General Jackson should have transferred to
the Government his prisoners and his trophies. Time might have thrown
some light upon the subject of the persons executed; and they might, at
some future period, have had a fairer trial. There is reason to believe,
that both General Jackson and the Court Martial were prejudiced against
the prisoners. As these persons were supposed to have been the
instigators of the war—a war which was, at first, so lamely {247}
maintained on our part—a war which resulted in the death of some of our
people, it was natural for General Jackson, and the persons composing
the Court Martial, to entertain hostile feelings towards the accused.
And shall prejudice and hostility be the triors in a case of life and
death? This transaction too, is a disgrace to the country; and although,
as Mr. Secretary Adams says, General Jackson will not, in relation to
it, incur the censure of the Government, those of the people who wish to
see their country exemplary in every thing, will endeavour, by
condemning the act, to shield that country from reproach.
Mr. Adams’ letter to our Minister at the Court of Spain, relative to
this subject, does the nation injustice; and it is surprising that it
should be so much eulogized.[206] I am disposed to entertain a high
opinion of the talents and patriotism of Mr. Adams; but his
communication is undignified. It evinces spirit, but it is the ephemeral
spirit of political paragraphists. Why does this great man condescend to
flourish about “M’Gregor’s mock-patriots, and Nicholls’ negroes?” To say
nothing respecting the _ostentatious threats_, which the communication
contains, its pinks and posies but illy become the silvered brow of a
diplomatic veteran. To threaten is the peculiar privilege of little
minds. To warn with gravity, and to act with decision, become the United
States in her negociations with Spain.
Admitting, as I have said, that the proceeding, relative to Arbuthnot
and Ambrister, is warranted by the law of nations, yet as this law, as
far as it respects the present question, is unjust and unreasonable; and
as it also is grounded upon principles which, relative to expatriation,
we have ever contested, both duty and policy dictate our decided
opposition to it. It is a rule which originated in the {248} despotic
courts of Europe; and one which Freedom detests. May not an individual
expatriate himself? And if so, may he not become a citizen or subject in
a foreign country? He may become a member of a savage as well as of a
civilized community. And by acquiring the right of citizenship under a
foreign government, an individual may attain to the distinction of a
leader. By being a citizen he becomes interested in the destinies of the
state, and is bound to defend its rights.
If Arbuthnot and Ambrister expatriated themselves, and united their
fortunes with those of the Indians, they were, upon every view of the
subject, mere prisoners of war; and as such should have been treated. By
taking it for granted that they had not expatriated themselves, we act
upon the ground that there can be no such principle as expatriation, and
thereby do injustice to the cause of liberty, and expose our own
citizens to terrible inflictions from those tyrannical governments, who
advocate this side of the question.
As to General Jackson entering the territory of Spain, and taking
possession of Spanish posts, it was illegal, because unnecessary; and
highly improper, because not authorized by the government. The Indians
were dispersed; and an immediate renewal of the war on their part was
not apprehended. So far this proceeding was without a legitimate object.
And if the Spanish government were to blame in relation to this war, the
United States, and not General Jackson, _who was a mere servant of the
people, acting under limited orders_, were to decide as to the course to
be pursued.
The day after leaving Fort Plaquemine we arrived at the Balize.[207]
There are here the remains of an old Spanish fort, and three or four
miserable dwelling houses. The latter are occupied by pilots. The {249}
place presents a most wretched aspect, being scarcely above the water,
and covered with flags and reptiles. About three miles below this
situation are the principal passes into the Gulf of Mexico. The water of
the Mississippi, when the river is high, rushes with such force through
these passes, that fresh water may be obtained several miles from the
land. Old passes are frequently filled, and new ones made, by the rapid
descent of the water of the river during the seasons of its rise. The
coast, viewed from the Balize, presents, as far as the eye can reach, a
broken and desolate aspect, reminding one of the destruction of the
Antedeluvian world.
After waiting one or two days for a wind, we received a pilot, sailed
through the north-east pass, and with a light breeze nearly ahead, moved
slowly in a south-south-east course. We left quite a fleet of vessels at
the pilot-ground, and there were, at this time, several large ships
beating into the Balize. The north-east pass is not more than eight rods
wide; and on both sides of it are low banks of mud. There are several
other passes, which are taken by the pilots according to the wind and
the draught of the vessel.
For many days we experienced light winds on our larboard bow; our
progress, of course, was inconsiderable. For many days too, previous to
our making the islands of Tortugas, and even after reaching the island
of Cuba, our progress was completely retarded by calms and light head
winds. Being in the calm latitudes at this season of the year is very
unpleasant. An almost vertical sun pours his rays upon the deck, and
produces an insufferable heat.
During this state of things, I may look back, for a moment, to
New-Orleans. No place in the world furnishes a greater field for
speculation upon physiognomy, and for reflection upon national
characteristics, {250} than this city. The former is a science too much
neglected. A knowledge of human nature is of consequence to all; and
particularly so to the philosopher, and man of business. The human
countenance is the index of the human heart. But little dependance,
however, can be placed upon those rules, which relate _altogether_ to
the lines of the human face. In relation to this subject men of
penetration, who have acquired a habit of forming an opinion upon every
stranger who presents himself, experiences, upon these occasions, a kind
of inspiration, which seldom errs. This effect is not surprising,
because the human countenance always expresses, both morally and
physically, the ruling passions of the heart; and practice, in all
sciences and arts, produces wonderful proficiency.
With respect to national characteristics, I fear that I cannot be
impartial without giving offence. But the truth is as much against
myself as any other person. I speak only of _national_ characteristics;
of course the opinion is general, and there may be _individual_
exceptions. Besides, as to individuals, transplanting sometimes improves
the original stock. This, I apprehend, is particularly the case with the
English in America. My partiality, perhaps, begins to display itself.
How natural is it for one to think well of his own country! Yet truth
should be more dear to a man than his native land. The Americans are a
mixed people; but the institutions of the country direct their
affections to one common centre. They are, therefore, one people; and
their principles and feelings comport with our noble systems of polity.
All nations have their faults; but I think the Americans possess the
greatest virtues and the fewest imperfections. I need not occupy much
ground upon this subject. The most prominent nations are the best tests
of national characteristics. {251} Small communities are almost
innumerable; and they, generally, partake, more or less, of the
dispositions of long established, and mighty sovereignties. I confine my
views to the English, Irish, French, and American nations. The Irish are
intelligent, hospitable, and courageous; but they are credulous,
resentful, and violent in all their affections:—great virtues, and great
vices characterize them. The English are sensible, generous, and brave;
but they are supercilious, overbearing, and vain glorious. The French
are perspicacious, enthusiastic, and intrepid; but they are fickle,
vain, and, in prosperity, impertinent. The Americans seem to be a people
distinct from every other.—They possess all the good qualities of the
English, and they are real gentlemen in the bargain.
I now return again to the Gulf of Mexico. Here we frequently experienced
heavy squalls, accompanied by severe thunder and lightning. In one
instance several of our men were stricken by the latter. The squalls
generally commenced at day break. Such a scene as they produce is truly
sublime. Here man feels, that however small may be his merit, his nature
is noble. In the midst of an apparently shoreless ocean, his little
bark, tossed by the winds and waves, he is sensible of the grandeur of
his temerity, and prides himself in the efficacy of his skill. It is not
surprising that sailors are generous. A little mind could not exist upon
the deep. Its mighty influences will either enlarge or petrify the
heart:—raise the noble soul, or drive the narrow spirit into the
cockboats, and creeks of the interior. The rough manners too, of the
children of the sea are perfectly natural:—they have long conversed with
winds and waves.
Whilst in the Gulf of Mexico, we caught a great many dolphins; and
sharks frequently came around {252} our vessel. Several times, about a
dozen of these voracious creatures presented themselves. Our mate caught
one of them, and it measured ten feet in length. The pilotfish, which
attends the shark, is only a few inches long; and like the jackall,
accompanying the lion, seems to cater for prey, and to partake of the
spoil. The suckerfish, frequently found on the shark, is worthy of
notice. It is very small, and its colour is black. Its gills are on the
top of the head, instead of being in the usual place; and the sucker
itself is under the head, and has the appearance of the bars of a
gridiron. Its capacity to adhere to any thing, by suction, is great.
Nature seems so fond of variety, and her modes of existence appear to be
so infinite, that there is much reason to deny the existence of a
vacuum. The flying-fish is remarkable, for its uniting the aspect of the
fish with the principal capacity of the bird. The dolphin is the
implacable enemy of this fish; nature has, therefore, given it the power
to fly. Whilst at sea, I witnessed an interesting chase between these
two species of fish. When the dolphin, the speed of which is very great,
overtakes the flying-fish, the latter rises out of the water, and
descends at a considerable distance; but the dolphin, swimming on the
surface, often sees its prey alight, and speedily overtakes it. The
dolphin furnishes an excellent model for ship building.
Sixteen days after leaving the Balize we discovered land from the
top-gallant-mast-head; and it proved to be the principal island of
Tortugas. After running up within three leagues of it, we bore away, and
made the island of Cuba. This is the largest of the West-India islands.
Its length is about seven hundred miles; and the face of the country is
mountainous. In coasting along this island we came within a league of
the Moro Castle, which, together {253} with several Forts, protect the
city of Havana. On all the works are mounted about one thousand cannon.
The Havana is a great commercial place. It is the usual station of the
principal maritime force of Spanish America, and the place of rendezvous
for the vessels from the Colonies, on their homeward voyage. It is too,
a place of immense wealth, and its population amounts, probably, to
80,000.
Whilst coasting along the Island of Cuba, and particularly during the
evening of our arrival off the Havana, we experienced high winds. In one
instance the aspect of every thing around us was black, windy, and wild;
and we found it necessary to lower our topsails, and take two reefs in
our mainsail. At this time there were several ships in sight; and each
laboured, in darkness, her boisterous course.
The next day a land bird, of the heron species, having been driven from
the coast by the late gale, sought an asylum on board of our vessel. For
hours, she wandered, like the Antedeluvian dove, and found no rest for
her feet. It was interestingly painful to see the exhausted bird winging
her tedious way along the surface of the deep; and it spake of the
hopeless spirit,—a wanderer over the fields of its own desolation.
After passing Port Matansas, we doubled Cape Florida, entered the Gulf
of this name, and came in sight of the Keys, and of the principal island
of Bahama. Here the Gulf stream quickened our progress about three knots
per hour. The waters of this stream, influenced by the trade winds and
other causes, flow through the Caribbean islands, and enter the Mexican
Gulf between Cuba and the Promontory of Yucatan. Compressed by the
surrounding coasts, it pursues its course between East-Florida and the
Bahama Islands, and runs along the coast of North America to the Banks
of Newfoundland. From thence, it passes through the Azores {254} to the
south, and gradually mingles its waters with those of the ocean. Some
suppose, that this impetus is preserved until the water strikes that
part of the Equator from whence it commenced its course. It is probable
that the trade winds operate, at first, with great violence; because,
owing to the centrifugal force of the water, occasioned by the diurnal
motion of the earth around its axis, the sea is elevated at the Equator,
much more than at the poles.
The nearest distance of the Gulf Stream from the United States is about
seventy-five miles; and its breadth is about forty miles. Such is the
rapidity of this stream, that it retains a considerable degree of its
tropical heat, even after reaching its most easterly point of
destination. The colour of the water of the Gulf is dark, and its depth
very great. This latter circumstance is, probably, occasioned by the
force of the current at the bottom, and by its curvilineal form on the
surface. It may be presumed, that in the _vicinity_ of the Gulf the
progress of vessels, bound to the north is retarded. Some portion of the
Gulf water will, by being propelled faster than that which precedes it,
fly from the centre, and rebound so as to produce a counter current.
When opposite Cape Canaveral, in latitude 49, we experienced a high wind
on our larboard quarter. Here we lowered our topsail, and took two reefs
in our fore and mainsail. At this time there was a large English ship
under our starboard bow. The next day the weather again became variable,
and we experienced another squall.
As nothing worthy of remark occurred for a day or two from this period,
I again suppose myself in New-Orleans, for the purpose of noticing some
of the languages spoken there.
The French is the principal language spoken in this city; and it is of
consequence for an American to become acquainted with it, not only
because it {255} introduces him to many valuable French authors, whose
genius is peculiar and interesting, but because it is the language most
generally spoken throughout Europe.
The Spanish language is also much spoken in New-Orleans. This language
resembles the Latin; but is inferior to it. The Emperor Charles the
fifth, however, entertained a different opinion. He observed, that he
would speak to his horse in German; converse in French; make love in
Italian; and pray in Spanish. His partiality was very natural. He
thought the latter most precise and comprehensive. The Portuguese
language also is often heard in New-Orleans; and it is very much like
the Spanish.