obligations to the United States, they would be as independent as any of
her citizens, and would let their services upon their own contracts, and
according to their own calculations.
Some may object to having so many free blacks in the United States; but
I think that no danger need be apprehended from them. I am not
particularly partial to blacks; but I have a good opinion of their
intelligence and disposition. Much of their bad conduct arises from
their being slaves. Were they free, they would be more industrious, more
honest, and would have no _extraordinary_ grounds for irritation and
crime. Besides, being free, they would be much less numerous in one
place. They would spread themselves over the country. Some would go to
the west and east, and become farmers and day labourers; some would
plough the ocean, and some would emigrate to Europe, and perhaps to
Africa. Surely, within a territory so vast as ours, we need not fear a
population so limited, even if it were a population hostile to the
country and to human nature. But the fact is otherwise. They would form
a highly valuable population. Under proper systems of instruction, they
would become as virtuous as any class of white people in the United
States. The free blacks in the West-Indies, are industrious and
peaceable. It is the case too, with those in this country; and, as to
the abstract question, it may be added, that the freed vassals of
Russia, Denmark, and Sweden are equally inoffensive.
This subject suggests many ideas in opposition to popular objections:
but my limits will not permit a particular investigation of them.
{216} Under the system proposed, the United States need not incur any
expense, or make any pecuniary advances. In most cases, those who should
sell their slaves would hire them of the government, and of course no
money need be advanced. The expense of transacting the business, and
also the interest upon any advance of cash, might be added to the amount
of the purchase. The price of the slaves in the United States would not,
probably, average more than 300 dollars each.
I know it to be the case, that the slave holders, generally, deprecate
the practice of buying and selling slaves, and they would, no doubt, aid
the government in its efforts to enfranchise them.
Should the government act upon the supposed plan, she would greatly
increase her reputation and security; relieve an unfortunate and
oppressed portion of the human race, and remove forever this dark stain
upon her glory. Should she make this uncostly effort, Freedom would call
us her own peculiar people, and in some future, trying day, might
remember and defend us.
Why do we boast of liberty, when, every day, we violate its most sacred
principles? As it is in our power to give freedom to the slaves within
our jurisdiction, we do, by delaying to take this step, sanction and
support their oppression. Should a slave endeavour to obtain his
freedom, which, no doubt, he has a right to do, the law of the land,—the
whole power of the Union, would enforce his obedience, and again rivet
his chains. Oh, cruel nation! Oh, detestable system! The slave holder
cannot, consistently with the law of the land, take the life of his
slave; but he may scourge him, overwhelm his heart with grief, and by a
lingering torture bring him to a premature grave. This is frequently the
case. Indeed, slaves are often killed {217} at once, and that with
impunity. How is the act to be known, when it is committed on a
plantation?
The oppressor is hateful to the eye of Heaven: and Heaven’s justice may
be preparing for us pestilence, famine, and subjugation. The wisdom of
the world, the policy of states, the pride of birth, the love of wealth,
the calculations of avarice, the luxuries of indolence, and the
thoughtlessness of inhumanity, may all prate about the inexpediency of
giving freedom to the slave; but there is an Almighty arm, and the cause
of the oppressed will not always be unavenged.
Whilst in Natches I met with a company of Indians, of the Choctaw tribe.
Most of them were intoxicated, and all highly painted. A few days before
my visit to this place, an Indian had, in a moment of passion, murdered
one of the company. The law of the tribe declared the act worthy of
death; and the criminal was immediately called upon to meet his fate.
With a fearless and composed aspect, he marched off, faced his
executioners, and opened his arms to receive their fire.—In a moment he
was a dead man. It is a singular fact, that Indians when condemned to
die for the violation of the laws of their tribe, never attempt to
escape.—The rules of education are more operative than those of
legislatures.
Before I left Natches, I witnessed an interesting race between two
Indians. Their speed was very great.
Having, in the course of my tour, seen hundreds of Indians, both of the
northern and southern tribes, I was able to form an opinion as to their
relative aspect. The northern Indians are more athletic than the
southern. They are also more grave, and as to manner resemble the
Germans. The southern {218} Indians are slender, volatile, cunning,
vindictive, and in their manners resemble the Italians.
In Natches there are a great many Turkey Buzzards; and their colour and
tameness remind one of Pliny’s crows. The Buzzard is nearly as large as
a small turkey. By day these birds fly about the city, occasionally
lighting upon the houses, and in the yards, like pigeons. Towards night
they all retire to the highest part of the precipice fronting the river,
and there remain until the morning. Seeing them thus assembled, suggests
the idea of Milton’s conclave in Pandemonium.
These birds are very useful in warm climates, as they devour animals
which die and remain upon the surface of the ground. In the southern
states they are numerous, and are protected by law.
During the last summer, business in Natches was dull. But the constant
arrival of boats from up and down the river, gave an active appearance
to the place. The profits attending the business of steam boats upon the
western rivers are almost beyond belief; but the competition arising
from this circumstance is daily lessening them. The steam boats move
with so much velocity, even up the river, that the expenses of a trip
are not great, whilst the freight of goods, and the price of passage are
very high.
I think there can be no doubt, that foreign goods will for the future,
be transported from New-Orleans to the settlements above, in steam
boats, instead of proceeding down the rivers from the east and south.
Although the western rivers present a dangerous navigation to steam
boats, yet they may be very profitably employed, even after paying a
reasonable premium for insurance, and reducing the price of freight
thirty per cent.
{219} After remaining at Natches two or three days, I progressed towards
New-Orleans. About sixty miles below the former are Loftus’ Heights, and
just below these, stands Fort Adams.[196] Not far from the fort, the
country becomes in some measure settled; and for about one hundred miles
above New-Orleans, both banks of the river are under a high state of
cultivation. The country continues thus cultivated for twenty miles
below the city. The plantations within these limits are superb beyond
description. Some of them resemble villages. The dwelling houses of the
planters are not inferior to any in the United States, either with
respect to size, architecture, or the manner in which they are
furnished. The gardens, and yards contiguous to them, are formed and
decorated with much taste. The cotton, sugar, and ware houses are very
large, and the buildings for the slaves are well finished. The latter
buildings are, in some cases, forty or fifty in number, and each of them
will accommodate ten or twelve persons. The plantations are very
extensive, and on some of them there are hundreds of negroes. The
planters here derive immense profits from the cultivation of their
estates. The yearly income from them is from 20,000 to 30,000 dollars.
Their produce is sent down to the New-Orleans market, at which place
prompt payment in specie is immediately realized. At Natches and
New-Orleans, gold and silver are as plenty in the market as any other
article. Some of the noted plantations above mentioned are those of
Balay, Arnold, Baronge, and Forteus.
The plantations on the Mississippi produce vast quantities of sugar and
cotton. The latter article grows in pods, upon a stalk; and the
appearance of the latter is not much unlike that of the bean. These
pods, when ripe, open; and the cotton is then {220} gathered from the
stalk, and separated from the seeds by a machine which will clean 1000
pounds in a day. An acre of land will yield about 800 pounds.
Cotton is sewed in drills about eight feet apart. The seed is thrown in
thick; and after they spring, the stalks are thinned so as to make them
eighteen inches apart. They are then weeded, and the earth taken from
the upper roots, so as to leave them bare. A few weeks after this
process, the earth is hoed up to the stalk, and the roots covered. Then
there is a third hoeing like the second. If the ground is well prepared,
and the growth favourable, the rows of cotton, when fully grown, will
nearly meet each other.
The sugar cane is a jointed stalk, not unlike that of corn; and it grows
from three to seven feet in length, and from one half inch to an inch in
diameter. It is pithy, like the corn stalk, and affords a copious supply
of juice. No sweet is less cloying, and no vegetable substance so
nutritious as the sugar cane.
Sugar is cultivated by cuttings, set two inches from each other, in
drills eight feet apart. Each cutting possesses one joint; and one
setting answers for two years. In getting in the harvest the first year,
the stalks are cut within about eight inches of the ground. In the
production of sugar, the stalks are passed end ways through smooth brass
nuts, and the juice thus extracted is boiled down to a thick syrup. It
is then put into other vessels, and as it becomes cool, it forms into
small grains, and thus becomes sugar. Molasses is produced from the
drainings of the sugar; and after this process there is another by
distillation; and here rum is obtained. The sugar and molasses of
New-Orleans are celebrated for their excellence.
{221} Most of the planters on the lower parts of the Mississippi are
French; and there are in New-Orleans, and on other parts of the river
many French people, who have, since the restoration of the Bourbon
dynasty, emigrated thither from France. Many of them are very
interesting characters.
Before reaching Natches, I had travelled considerably in the state of
Louisiana, on the west side of the river; but there is nothing here to
distinguish it from the lower part of the Missouri Territory.
The old line of demarcation, between the United States and Florida, is
about sixty miles below Natches. At Point Coupe on the right side of the
river, there are many elegant dwelling houses, and they are superbly
furnished.[197] At the front and back of the houses, there are piazzas,
and the doors and windows extend to the floor. In summer the former are
removed, and their place supplied with duck, which excludes the sun,
and, by its motion, creates air. In the front yards are many ornamental
trees, and the yards back of the houses are filled with a great variety
of domestic fowls. Here one almost supposes himself in the West-Indies.
When I arrived at this village, the weather and prospects were
delightful. A tree in blossom there presented colours, the powers of
which seen at a distance, are indescribable. These colours wore an
astonishing combination of crimson and pink; and viewed through the
medium of the sun’s reflection, appeared celestial. How great and
various are the powers of the human eye, when aided by fancy! The
blossoms of Point Coupe spake of the bright colours of heaven, and the
livery of angels.
Opposite this settlement is Bayou Sara; and here there are a few
buildings.
Not far from these situations there is another settlement; but it is not
so large as Point Coupe. {222} When I passed through it the weather was
mild, and the sun about setting. Large herds of cattle were feeding
luxuriantly upon the banks of the river; the negroes had finished their
work, and some of them were wrestling on the green, some fishing near
the shore, some swimming in the stream, and some running their horses.
The scene was interesting.
Above Point Coupe, and near a little village, called Tunica, is Red
River. This river enters the Mississippi from the west, and is navigable
to a great distance. About one hundred and fifty miles from its mouth,
is Nachitoches. Black river enters the Red river about fifty miles from
the junction of the latter with the Mississippi. Red river is becoming
of considerable note, and will, in time, furnish much produce for the
New-Orleans market. A little below this river, is the Bayou Chafalia.
On the east of the Mississippi, and not far below the old line of
demarcation, is Baton Rouge. About the same distance above this line is
Clarkeville. Baton Rouge is a very considerable place. The plantations
near this situation are superb indeed. The buildings upon them evince
great wealth, and refinement in modes of living. Ships of 500 tons
sometimes ascend the river to the vicinity of Baton Rouge, and receive
from the plantations, cargoes of sugar and cotton.[198] The enclosed
fields of the planters are very spacious, and highly cultivated. The
negroes upon these plantations are numerous; and vast herds of cattle
feed upon the banks of the river. The cattle are large and beautiful.
The horses are fleet, and well calculated for labour; but they are
small, and far from being handsome.
The river below Baton Rouge is very spacious. Here, towards evening, the
piazzas and porticos of the dwelling houses are filled with ladies.
Their {223} appearance, together with the expansive and serene aspect of
the river, the mild azure of the heavens, the silver moon, rising in the
majesty of meekness, and the almost celestial music, which proceeds from
the gently gliding boats, remind one of primeval innocence, and point
the heart to that Being, in whose smile is everlasting life.
In this part of the country there are many Bayous, which I have not
mentioned. The principal of them are Manchac, Plaquemine, and De la
Fourche. There are here also many churches, some of which are Contrelle,
Bona Cara, and Red Church. In the morning and evening, cavalcades of
gentlemen and ladies, may frequently be seen going thither, to attend
marriage and other ceremonies.
About seventy miles below Baton Rouge, the country is wonderfully fine.
No description of mine can do justice to the appearance of its principal
establishments. There are here the most superb dwelling houses. They are
second to none in size, architecture, or decorations. The gardens
attached to them are spacious, and elegantly ornamented with orange and
fig trees. At a little distance from them are vast buildings, occupied
for sugar mills and cotton presses, and for the storage of the immense
productions of the plantations. Near these, are from fifty to one
hundred neat buildings, for the negroes, beyond them are spacious and
elegant oblong fields, constituting one hundred acres, and under the
highest state of cultivation.
In many places, along the banks of the river are large orange groves,
and here almost all kinds of fruits are raised for the New-Orleans
market. My journal says, this is, indeed, a fascinating country! Here
are all the splendours of wealth, and the blandishments {224} of beauty:
but to the rocky land of my birth, my heart will ever be supremely
attached.
Upon the banks of the Mississippi, there is a luxuriant growth of white
clover, which feeds thousands of cattle. These cattle drink from the
river. Some of the planters yearly mark thousands of calves, and send
them into the prairies to feed. Here their maintenance costs nothing.
The cattle of this part of the country are not often fat. This
circumstance is, probably, owing to many causes; some of which are,
their being much troubled by flies, not being salted, and the food which
they eat being of rapid growth, and of course unsubstantial. The latter
does not possess the consistency of the New-England grass. The flies and
musquetoes on the Mississippi are so numerous and voracious, that
nothing is more common here than to see horses tied in the fields to
feed, and a small fire by them for the purpose of keeping at a distance
these troublesome assailants.
The cattle in this part of the country are not worth, in the market,
more than one fourth of the price of New-England cattle. The cows seldom
calve more than once in two years, and they give very little milk. The
milk of a Yankee cow will make more butter than that of ten of them.
In progressing towards the tropics, appearances peculiar to the various
degrees of climate were continually presenting themselves. Many kinds of
trees, flowers, and grasses, and many species of birds and quadrupeds,
entirely new to me, made their appearance. The rains, winds, thunder and
lightning too, of the country, towards the equator, are peculiar. The
latter are here more sudden, loud, and vivid than those of the north.
The rains near the Mississippi resemble, in a measure, those of the
West-Indies. Here it frequently rains violently at a little {225}
distance, whilst where one stands there is a clear sunshine. These
showers sound quite loud, and present an interesting appearance.
I have repeatedly spoken of the slaves in the south and west. Some of
them are treated kindly; but some suffer all the evils incident to this
wretched condition. All the pride, all the ill-nature, all the petulance
of man are frequently wreaked upon these friendless beings. I speak from
experience. For a venial fault, I have witnessed cruel inflictions.
Whilst passing a plantation on the lower part of the Mississippi, my
ears were assailed by sounds novel and distressing. The shriek of
anguish, and the sound of the hateful lash quickly brought me to the
theatre of suffering. There I witnessed a madning sight. A poor negro,
fastened to the ground, in vain implored for mercy; whilst an
iron-hearted overseer, enraged by his own cruelty, was inflicting
unlimited vengeance. I believe my presence unbound the victim.—Shame
frequently achieves what conscience cannot accomplish. I could mention
cruelties inflicted upon slaves, which would excite the tears of
humanity, the blush of virtue, and the indignation of freedom. On the
Mississippi there are large oak frames for whipping slaves,—without law,
and without any rule, excepting that of self-will and uncontrolled
power.
Man, when uncontrolled, is a tyrant; and no human being should, for a
moment, be without the protection of natural, or municipal law.
There are prejudices against the race of blacks, and I pronounce them
vulgar! Some even pretend that negroes are not human beings; but history
and daily observation prove the contrary. Oh! how detestable are the
prejudices of avarice and inhumanity. Our vanity teaches us to think
better of our own colour than of theirs. They entertain the {226} same
opinion of white, which we do of black. On the coast of Africa the Evil
Spirit, which we call Devil, is there imagined under the hideous
semblance of a white man.
Many too, speak against the disposition of Negroes. They no doubt
possess strong passions; but their passions may all be enlisted on the
side of virtue. The quickness and strength of their feelings, connected
with their intelligence, prove their greatness. It is evident that
negroes are capable of being rendered great philosophers, divines,
physicians, legislators and warriors. They are likewise capable of
being, in their principles and conduct, real gentlemen; and as to
fidelity and affection, they are second to no people on the face of the
earth. Some will sneer at these ideas; but I rejoice in defending this
despised and oppressed race of men; and, would to heaven that my power
was equal to my regard for them! In the course of the last war there was
as much courage and patriotism evinced by a negro, as by any individual
in the nation. During a naval engagement he was dreadfully mangled by a
cannon ball; and just as his soul was departing, he exclaimed, “_no haul
a colour down!_”
The slaves are accused of committing crimes; but are not white men
sometimes criminal? and, I would ask, are they not as frequently so?
Besides, what can be expected of slaves? Why do we not give them their
liberty, and admit them to the privileges of citizenship? We are men of
like passions; yet does God grind down and oppress us?—No, but has
enabled us to preserve our liberty, and sends his Holy Spirit to
regenerate and redeem us. Oh! what a requital of his goodness do we
display in the thraldom of our brethren. Among slaves, nature, in her
own defence sometimes lifts the arm of death. Can she bear every thing?
Oppressed, and scourged, and {227} without refuge, self protection is
her only law; and God, under such circumstances, justifies homicide. The
brethren of Moses were enslaved; and seeing an Egyptian smite a Hebrew,
he slew him. Has a slave a right to his liberty? Certainly. Then no one
has a right to deprive him of it; and in attempting to do so, the
assailant must abide by the consequences. Will the laws of this country
condemn the slave to die in this case? If so my country sanctions murder
as well as robbery. What should we think of a christian system which
should warrant slavery, or even be silent respecting it? Stand forth ye
ministers of our holy religion, ye vicegerents of a righteous God, and
speak the truth in behalf of the slave. Why should our pulpits be silent
upon this great subject? Why do not our Christian preachers constantly
pray as David did, “break thou the arm of the oppressor.” Why do they
not inquire with the voice of authority, and in the Almighty’s name,
“what mean ye, that ye beat my people to pieces, saith the Lord God of
Hosts.”
I am disposed to offer a few ideas upon the origin of the race of
blacks. Their colour is generally supposed to arise from climate; but
the idea is not well supported. Some too, imagine that their colour is a
peculiar mark which the Creator put upon them for some special purpose;
but these suggestions are chimerical. The speculations upon this topic
have ever been very numerous: for my own part, however, I think there is
no difficulty involved in the subject. Where an effect cannot be
satisfactorily accounted for but upon one principle; and this principle
is conclusive in point of analogy, we need not look any further.
Now, certain it is that Nature, in all her works, evinces a great
fondness for variety, both in relation to colour and form. Man, _as to
his physical nature_, {228} is an animal; and black and white in men,
are as easily accounted for as black and white among beasts and birds,
or any other part of animated nature. There is no species of animal,
among which a greater variety of form and of simple colours exist, than
among men. Here we see every shade of complexion, from jet black to the
clearest white; here too, we find every variety of feature. Why should
there not be the same variety among men as among mere animals? We see
this variety in every particular, and yet as to black we doubt the
universality of the principle. Why do we not inquire as to the cause of
the colour of the black horse? Why do we not ask, whether his remote
ancestors were not born in the Torrid Zone? Besides, the variety of
which I speak exists in the vegetable world; and in order to remove the
principle upon which the argument is predicated, the most conspicuous
attribute of nature must be disproved.