DEFEAT AND DISASTER: METHVEN AND KILDRUMMY
The new King buckled to his task with fiery energy. 'All the English'
had not, though many of them had, 'returned to their own land'; and
Bruce instantly issued a proclamation requiring those that remained
to follow those that had gone. According to the Meaux chronicler, he
proceeded to expel them; but the particular acts are not recorded. At
the same time he imperiously insisted on the submission of such Scots
as had not yet joined him. He threw the Perth bailies into prison, and
required them, on pain of death, to pay up £54 of the King's Whitsunday
rents. A detailed example of his procedure remains in the memorial
of exculpation addressed by Malise, Earl of Strathearn, to Edward.
The Earl alleges that, on Monday, the day after the coronation, Bruce
sent to him the Abbot of Inchaffray, requiring him to repair forthwith
to his presence to perform homage and fealty. On his refusal, Bruce,
with the Earl of Athol, entered Strathearn in force, occupied Foulis,
and despatched another summons, with a safe conduct, to the Earl,
who took counsel with his followers in the wood of Crieff. Bruce's
messenger seems to have been Sir Malcolm de Inverpeffry, who had been
Edward's sheriff of Clackmannan and Auchterarder, and had been one of
the first to go over to Bruce. Taking the advice of Sir Malcolm and
of his own friends, he went to Bruce, but still he refused to comply
with the peremptory demand of submission. Next day, he again met Bruce
by appointment at Muthill. In the course of the interview, Athol, who
had been stung by a sharp home thrust of Strathearn's, urged Bruce to
break his promise of safe conduct and give the Earl into custody, while
Athol's men should go and ravage his lands. Strathearn was taken to
Inchmalcolm, where he steadily maintained his refusal. Sir Robert de
Boyd thereupon advised Bruce to cut off his head and grant away his
lands, and to do the like to all others afflicted with such scruples.
Strathearn then gave way, and they let him go. The story may be
coloured to suit Strathearn's new difficulties, but it may at least be
taken as an indication of Bruce's resolute, yet prudent, action.
The memorial further shows that Strathearn was again at issue with
Bruce before the battle of Methven. Bruce sent him a letter, he says,
directing him to bring his power to Calder; but, instead of obeying
the order, he communicated the letter to Sir Aymer de Valence, then at
Perth, and prepared to follow with his men. Just as he was starting,
Bruce came upon him, laid siege to the place where he was, and ravaged
his country. At an interview, Strathearn flatly refused to join Bruce
in an attack on Valence; and Bruce had to let him go recalcitrant and
unpunished, for the sake of the hostages in the hands of Strathearn's
party.
The news of Bruce's revolt and the death of Comyn roused Edward into
full martial vigour. He at once despatched judicious instructions to
his officers in Scotland and on the Borders. In March he was directing
military supplies to be accumulated at Berwick; and in the beginning of
April he commanded the Irish authorities to divert supplies destined
for Ayr to Skinburness, and to send them 'with the utmost haste,'
giving 'orders to the seamen to keep the high seas and not to approach
the ports of Ayr or Galloway on any account.' On April 5 he issued
orders for the immediate muster of the forces of the northern counties
at the summons of Valence and Percy.
Having set his army in motion, Edward held a great feast at Westminster
at Whitsuntide. By proclamation he invited all such youths as had a
hereditary claim to knighthood, and such as had the means to campaign,
to come and receive knighthood along with the Prince of Wales. In the
middle of April he had despatched his clerks to St Botolph's Fair, with
orders to his sheriffs and other lieges of Southampton and Wilts to aid
them 'in purchasing 80 cloths of scarlet and other colours, 2000 ells
of linen cloth, 4000 ells of canvas, 30 pieces of wax, and 20 boillones
of almonds,' for the outfit and entertainment of the new knights.
The Royal Palace could not contain the visitors. The Prince and the
more noble of the candidates kept vigil in Westminster Abbey; the rest
made shift to keep vigil in the Temple. Next day the King knighted the
Prince, and made him Duke of Aquitaine. Thereupon the Prince went to
Westminster Abbey and conferred knighthood upon his companions. The
crush before the high altar was so severe that two knights died and
many fainted; and the Prince ordered in a ring of war-horses to fence
off his knights from the crowd. The number of new knights may be taken
roundly at three hundred.
Then followed a remarkable ceremony. As the King and the knights sat
at table, there entered a splendid procession, attended by a train of
minstrels, in the midst of which were borne two swans in golden nets
amid gilt reeds, 'a lovely spectacle to the beholders.' On seeing them,
the King chivalrously vowed a vow to God and to the swans--emblems of
purity and faith--that he would go to Scotland, and, alive or dead,
avenge the outrage to Holy Church, the death of Comyn, and the broken
faith of the Scots. Turning to the Prince and the nobles, he adjured
them by their fealty that, if he should die before accomplishing his
vow, they should carry his body with them in the war, and not bury it
'till the Lord gave victory and triumph' over the perfidious Bruce
and the perjured Scots. One and all, they engaged their faith by the
same vow. Trevet adds that Edward further vowed that, when the war in
Scotland was successfully ended, he would never more bear arms against
Christian men, but would direct his steps to the Holy Land and never
return thence. 'Never in Britain, since God was born,' says Langtoft,
'was there such nobleness in towns or in cities, except Caerleon in
ancient times, when Sir Arthur the King was crowned there.'
The brilliant ceremony over, the Prince set out for Carlisle, where his
army was ordered to be in readiness on July 8. He was accompanied by a
large number of his new-made knights. The King was to follow by slow
stages.
Amidst the pomp of the gallant ceremonial, Edward's mind was keenly
bent upon the business of the expedition. Writing to Valence on May
24, he desires 'that some good exploit be done, if possible, before
his arrival.' Two days later (May 26), he is delighted to hear that
Valence, then at Berwick, is ready to operate against the enemy, and
urges him to strike at them as often as possible, and in concert
with the forces at Carlisle. As regards 'the request by some for a
safe-conduct for the Bishop of St Andrews,' Valence, he orders, 'will
neither give, nor allow any of his people to give such.' The Bishop, if
he pleases, may come to the King's faith, and receive his deserts. Let
Valence take the utmost pains to secure the Bishop's person, and also
the person of the Bishop of Glasgow; and let him send frequent news of
his doings.
Valence had a stroke of luck. On June 8, Edward 'is very much pleased'
to learn from him 'that the Bishop of Glasgow is taken, and will soon
be sent to him.' The Bishop had been taken in arms on the recapture of
Cupar Castle by the English. A week later (June 16), Edward informs
Valence that 'he is almost as much pleased as if it had been the Earl
of Carrick,' and directs him to send the Bishop 'well guarded' to
Berwick, 'having no regard to his estate of prelate or clerk.' The
order was executed without any undue tenderness to the Bishop. The
Bishop of St Andrews, however, was still at large. 'I understand from
many,' wrote Edward to Valence in the letter of June 8, 'that the
Bishop of St Andrews has done me all the mischief in his power, for,
though chief of the Guardians of Scotland appointed by me, he has
joined my enemies.'
As yet the edge of Edward's appetite was but whetted. On June 12, he
'is well pleased to hear that Valence has burned Sir Simon Fraser's
lands in Selkirk Forest,' and commands him 'to do the same to all
enemies on his march, including those who turned against him in this
war of the Earl of Carrick, and have since come to his peace as enemies
and not yet guaranteed; and to burn, destroy, and waste their houses,
lands, and goods in such wise that Sir Simon and others may have no
refuge with them as heretofore.' At the same time, Valence is to spare
and honour the loyal, and in particular to compliment the foresters
of Selkirk on their loyal and painful service. In successive letters
he reiterates the caution to beware of surprise and treason, and his
anxiety for constant news.
Still more vindictive is his tone on June 19. He commands Valence
to burn, destroy, and strip the lands and gardens of Sir Michael de
Wemyss's manors, 'as he has found nor good speech nor good service in
him,' and this for an example to others. Likewise, to do the same, or
worse, if possible, to the lands and possessions of Sir Gilbert de la
Haye, to whom the King did great courtesy when he was last in London,
but now finds he is a traitor': the King will make up the loss to the
persons to whom he has granted his lands!
Meantime the Pope made his voice heard. On May 6, he had written to
Edward, promising to send a nuncio to deal with the Bishop of Glasgow
and others; and on May 11, he had strongly denounced to the Archbishop
of York the assumption of the Bishop, desiring him to order the culprit
peremptorily to come to his Holiness at Bordeaux. The Archbishop
replied that the Bishop had been captured in arms, and that the King
thought it inexpedient to serve the citation on his prisoner, but would
send envoys with explanations. On June 18, the Pope addressed a bull
to the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of Carlisle directing them to
excommunicate Bruce and his adherents, and to lay their lands, castles,
and towns under ecclesiastical interdict till they should purge their
offence. Already, on June 5, according to the London Annalist, the
Archdeacons of Middlesex and Colchester had formally excommunicated
Bruce and three other knights at St Paul's for the death of Comyn.
However the sacrilegious deed at Dumfries may have affected the
attitude of Scotsmen generally to Bruce, it did not produce revulsion
in the minds of the more ardent patriots, any more than in the minds
of Bruce's personal friends. Yet not only the powerful Comyn interest,
but also a very large section of the rest of the population, adhered,
formally at least, to the English cause. The particular movements
of Bruce are not on record; but it appears that his adherents were
pressing Sir Alexander de Abernethy in Forfar Castle, and that Irish
as well as Scots allies were active in Fife and Gowrie. The foresters
of Selkirk, as we have seen, had stood by Edward, and apparently had
suffered not a little for their fidelity. Hemingburgh says Bruce 'did
great wonders': undoubtedly the impression is that he must have been
fighting a strenuous uphill battle. The great mass of the nation,
however, was waiting for more definite developments.
In June, Sir Aymer de Valence had advanced from Berwick to Perth. In
his company were several prominent Scots--Sir John de Mowbray, Sir
Ingram de Umfraville, Sir Alexander de Abernethy, Sir Adam de Gordon,
Sir David de Brechin, and others that leant to Comyn. He had received
to the peace some complaisant Scots whose lands or dwellings lay on his
northward route. Bruce probably kept him under observation, retiring
before him beyond the Forth, and not attempting to bar his progress to
Perth.
On June 25, Bruce, no doubt reinforced, appeared before the walls of
Perth, and challenged Sir Aymer to come out and fight him, or else to
surrender. Hemingburgh assigns to Valence only 300 men-at-arms and
some foot, a smaller force, he says, than Bruce had; but it is most
unlikely that Valence was not the stronger, though possibly not by 1500
men, as Barbour alleges. Valence seems to have been ready to accept
Bruce's challenge, but to have been dissuaded by his Scots friends.
Umfraville, says Barbour, advised him to promise battle on the morrow,
but to attack that night when the Scots were off guard in reliance on
his promise. Bruce--'too credulous,' says Hemingburgh--accepted the
promise. He was not in a position to establish a siege, and he retired
to Methven Wood. His main body set about preparing food, and disposed
themselves at ease, while parties went out to forage. In the dusk of
the evening, Valence issued from Perth and took Bruce by surprise. It
is not to be supposed, as the chroniclers narrate, that Bruce was so
inexperienced as to allow his men to lie in careless unreadiness: no
doubt many of them would have laid aside their arms; but the very fact
that his knights at least fought with loose linen tunics over their
armour to hide their distinctive arms would seem to show that they
at any rate were prepared. Still they did not expect attack. They
promptly rallied, however, and met with vigour the sudden and furious
onset. Bruce, keenly realising the importance of the issue, bore
himself with splendid valour. Before his fierce charge, the enemy gave
way; and, Langtoft says, he killed Valence's charger. Thrice was he
unhorsed himself, and thrice remounted by Sir Simon Fraser. According
to Sir Thomas Gray, he was taken prisoner by John de Haliburton, who
let him go the moment he recognised him. Barbour tells how he was hard
beset by Sir Philip de Mowbray, and was rescued by Sir Christopher de
Seton. But the day was going against him, and it was in vain that he
made a supreme effort to rally his men. He was compelled to retreat.
Barbour asserts that the English were too wearied to pursue, and
retired within the walls of Perth with their prisoners, keeping there
in fear of the approach of Bruce; but it seems far more likely, as
Langtoft relates, that they kept up the pursuit 'for many hours.' The
statement of Hemingburgh and others that the English pursued Bruce to
Cantyre, and besieged and took a castle there, mistakenly supposing him
to be in it, is evidently a misconception, and a confusion of Dunaverty
with Kildrummy.
Bruce lost comparatively few men in the battle--the 7000 of the
Meaux chronicle need not be considered--but a number of his ablest
supporters were taken prisoners, notably Thomas Randolph, his nephew,
Sir Alexander Fraser, Sir David Barclay, Sir Hugh de la Haye, Sir David
de Inchmartin, and Sir John de Somerville. The Bishop of St Andrews
had surrendered to Valence before the battle, but had taken care to
send his household to fight for Bruce. His calculation is said to have
been 'that if the Scots beat the English they would rescue him as a
man taken by force for lack of protection, whereas, if the English won
the day, they would mercifully regard him as having been abandoned by
his household, as not consenting to their acts.' But this looks like a
speculation of the chronicler's. Valence displayed humane consideration
for his prisoners, all the more honourable as he had not yet received
Edward's letter of June 28, modifying his previous bloodthirsty orders.
After the defeat, Bruce's party broke up into several groups.
Sir Simon Fraser was captured at Kirkincliffe, near Stirling. Sir
Christopher de Seton was taken at Lochore Castle in Fife. The Earl
of Lennox made for his own fastnesses. Bruce himself proceeded
northwards to Aberdeen. Barbour says he had about 500 followers, the
most prominent of whom were his brother Sir Edward, the Earls of Athol
and Errol, Sir William Barondoun, James of Douglas, and Sir Nigel
Campbell. He kept to the high ground, not venturing to the plains, for
the population had outwardly passed to the English peace again. Barbour
tells pitifully how the fugitives' clothes and shoon were riven and
rent before they reached Aberdeen. Here they were met by Nigel Bruce,
the Queen, and other ladies; and here Bruce rested his company 'a good
while.'
The English, however, followed up, and Bruce was unable to show fight.
The whole party, therefore, took to the hills again. The exact date is
not recorded; but we know that Valence was at Aberdeen on August 3.
The very next day (August 4) a painful scene was enacted at Newcastle.
Fifteen Scots, all prisoners from Methven, including Sir David de
Inchmartin, Sir John de Cambhou, Sir John de Somerville, Sir Ralph
de Heriz, and Sir Alexander Scrymgeour, were arraigned before nine
justices, whose instructions directed that 'judgment be pronounced as
ordained, and none of them be allowed to answer.' They were all hanged.
At the same time, John de Seton, who had been taken in Tibbers Castle,
which he was holding for Bruce, and who had been present with Bruce at
the death of Comyn, and at the capture of Dumfries Castle, of which
Sir Richard Siward of Tibbers was constable, was condemned, drawn, and
hanged. It appears to have been due to the earnest intervention of
Sir Adam de Gordon that Randolph--as we shall henceforth call Thomas
Randolph (_Thomas Ranulphi_) Bruce's nephew, later Earl of Moray--was
spared.
Bruce and his followers suffered serious privations in the hill
country. Barbour engagingly tells how Douglas especially exerted
himself in hunting and fishing, and, as became a chivalrous youth
hardly out of his teens, served indefatigably the ladies as well as
his lord. The party pushed south-westwards by 'the head of the Tay.'
Eventually, they found themselves face to face with the Lord of Lorn,
Alexander MacDougal, a 'deadly enemy to the King,' says Barbour,
'for the sake of his uncle John Comyn.' Alexander was really Lord of
Argyll, and had married Comyn's third daughter; it was his son, John
of Lorn, whose uncle Comyn was, and Barbour may mean John. Alexander
is said to have had over 1000 men, with the chiefs of Argyll as his
lieutenants. Bruce was in no case for battle, but he was encouraged, in
his necessity, by the nature of the ground, and put on a bold front.
A stern combat ensued at Dalry--the 'Kings Field'--in Strathfillan,
near Tyndrum. Fordun gives the date August 11; and, if this be correct,
Barbour has misplaced the episode. The men of Lorn, wielding their
great pole-axes on foot, did serious execution upon Bruce's horses; and
they wounded badly some of his men, including Douglas and Sir Gilbert
de la Haye. Bruce satisfied himself by a determined charge that further
contest would cost him too many men, and, forming close, he retreated
steadily, protecting his rear in person so vigilantly and boldly that
none of the Lorns durst advance from the main body.
The wrath of Lorn incited two brothers named MacIndrosser--that is,
sons of Durward (the Doorkeeper) as Barbour explains--to perform an
oath they had sworn to slay Bruce. This oath may possibly be connected
with the fact that Alan Durward, the celebrated Justiciar of Scotland,
had vainly endeavoured to get his family claims to the throne forwarded
by the legitimation of his daughters, his wife being an illegitimate
daughter of Alexander II. Joined by a third man--possibly the MacKeoch
of the Lorn tradition--they rushed on Bruce in a narrow pass--perhaps
between Loch Dochart and Ben More--where the hill rose so sheer from
the water that he had barely room to turn his horse. One caught his
bridle, but Bruce instantly shore off his arm. Another had seized his
leg and stirrup; but Bruce rose in his stirrups and spurred his horse,
throwing down his adversary, who still grimly maintained his grip. The
third meanwhile had scrambled up the incline and jumped on Bruce's
horse behind him; but Bruce at once dragged him forward and clove his
head. He then struck down the man at his stirrup. This exploit cowed
the Lorns. Barbour glorifies Bruce by citing the admiring comment of
MacNaughton, a Baron of Cowal. 'You seem to enjoy our discomfiture,'
said Lorn angrily. 'No,' replied MacNaughton; 'but never did I hear
tell of such a feat, and one should honour chivalry whether in friend
or in foe.' Bruce rode after his men, and Lorn retired in chagrin.
Barbour, it will be observed, makes no mention of a personal encounter
between Bruce and Lorn, or of the capture of the famous Brooch of Lorn,
'Wrought and chased with fair device,
Studded fair with gems of price.'
Bruce, according to Barbour, now applied himself to comfort his party,
though probably he was less versed than the devoted Archdeacon in
historical examples of courage in despair. There was need for comfort;
things were going rapidly from bad to worse. The ladies began to fail.
And not only the ladies, but some of the harder sex: the Earl of Athol,
Barbour says, could hold out no longer on any terms. A council of war
was called, with the result that Bruce himself, with some 200 of the
tougher men, took to the higher hills, and Sir Nigel Bruce, taking
all the horses, even the King's, essayed to conduct the Queen and the
other ladies, as well as the more exhausted of the men, back to the
Aberdeenshire stronghold of Kildrummy.
Sir Nigel reached Kildrummy in safety. The castle was well provisioned,
and was deemed impregnable. It had not been taken by Valence in early
August, when he 'well settled affairs beyond the Mounth, and appointed
warders there.' Sir Nigel was soon besieged, probably by the Prince of
Wales. A vigorous attack was met by a spirited defence, the besieged
frequently sallying and fighting at the outworks. There was hardly
time for the besiegers to despair of success, as Barbour says they
did, when a traitor set fire to the store of corn heaped up in the
castle hall, involving the place in flames, and driving the garrison
to the battlements. The English seized their opportunity and attacked
as closely as the fire permitted, but they were gallantly repelled.
The entrance gate, though burnt, is said to have been so hot that
they could not enter. They accordingly waited till the morrow. The
defenders, with great exertion, managed to block up the gate overnight.
At daybreak, the attack was renewed, with all the energy of certain
hope. The besieged, however, having neither food nor fuel, recognised
that further defence was impossible, and surrendered at discretion.
The precise date is not clear. A calendered letter, anonymous, dated
September 13, states that 'Kildrummy was lately taken by the Prince';
but, if this date be correct, it seems strange that Edward, writing
on September 22, should not say more than that 'all is going well at
Kildrummy Castle.'
The prisoners included Sir Nigel Bruce, Sir Robert de Boyd, Sir
Alexander de Lindsay, 'and other traitors, and many knights and
others.' Hemingburgh mentions the Queen; but Barbour and Fordun relate
that she and the Princess Marjory, in order to escape the siege, had
been escorted to the sanctuary of St Duthac at Tain, where they were
taken by the Earl of Ross, who delivered them to Edward. It may be
incidentally noted that some two years afterwards (October 31, 1308),
the Earl of Ross did fealty and homage to King Robert at Auldearn, and
was reinstated in his lands.
The fate of the more important prisoners demands particular notice.
Most of the captives were interned in English castles; but
'Some they ransomed, some they slew,
And some they hanged, and some they drew.'
The Queen was sent to stay at the manor of Burstwick, in Holderness,
Yorkshire. Edward certainly meant to treat her handsomely. His
directions were that she should have 'a waiting-woman and a
maid-servant, advanced in life, sedate, and of good conversation; a
butler, two man-servants, and a foot-boy for her chamber, sober and
not riotous, to make her bed; three greyhounds, when she inclined to
hunt; venison, fish, and the "fairest house in the manor."' Hemingburgh
gives two reasons. First, her father, the Red Earl of Ulster, had
proved faithful to him. Second, he was pleased with a reported saying
of hers on the coronation of her husband. 'Rejoice now, my consort,'
Bruce said, 'for you have been made a Queen, and I a King.' 'I fear,
Sir,' she replied, 'we have been made King and Queen after the fashion
of children in summer games.' Other chroniclers give the story with
slight variation. In a letter, without date, but apparently belonging
to next year, she complains to Edward 'that, though he had commanded
his bailiffs of Holderness to see herself and her attendants honourably
sustained, yet they neither furnish attire for her person or her
head, nor a bed, nor furniture of her chambers, saving only a robe
of three "garmentz" yearly, and for her servants one robe each for
everything'; and she prays him 'to order amendment of her condition,
and that her servants be paid for their labour, that she may not be
neglected, or that she may have a yearly sum allowed by the King for
her maintenance.' In autumn 1310, she was at Bistelesham; in 1311-12,
at Windsor Castle; in autumn 1312, at Shaftesbury; in 1313, at Barking
Abbey; in 1313-14, at Rochester Castle; in October 1314, at Carlisle
Castle, on her way back to Scotland, in consequence of Bannockburn.
Marjory, Bruce's daughter, had first been destined to a 'cage' in the
Tower of London, but was placed by Sir Henry de Percy in the Priory of
Watton in Yorkshire. She returned to Scotland with the Queen.
Mary Bruce, sister of the King, and wife of Sir Nigel Campbell, was
kept first in Roxburgh Castle, in a 'cage,' and then at Newcastle till
June 25, 1312, when she was probably exchanged.
Christian Bruce, another sister of the King, and widow of Sir
Christopher de Seton, was relegated to the Priory of Sixhill, in
Lincolnshire, whence she was released on July 18, 1314, and returned
with the Queen.
The Countess of Buchan was put in a 'cage' in Berwick Castle. The
Earl, it is said, wanted to kill her, but Edward delivered judgment
thus: 'As she did not strike with the sword, she shall not perish by
the sword; but, because of the unlawful coronation she performed, let
her be closely confined in a stone-and-iron chamber, fashioned in the
form of a crown, and suspended at Berwick in the open air outside
the castle, so that she may be presented, alive and dead, a spectacle
to passers-by and an everlasting reproach.' In fact, she was placed
in a room--or rather an erection of three storeys or rooms--of stout
lattice-work in a turret of the castle. She was to be kept so strictly
that 'she shall speak to no one, and that neither man nor woman of the
nation of Scotland, nor other, shall approach her,' except her keeper
and her immediate attendants. The 'cage' was simply an arrangement for
'straiter custody,' though but rarely judged necessary in the case of
ladies. About a year later, the ex-Constable of Bristol Castle was
reimbursed certain expenditure, part of which was for 'making a wooden
cage bound with iron in the said house for the straiter custody of
Owen, son of David ap Griffith, a prisoner, shut therein at night.'
A harder fate awaited the foremost knightly defenders of Kildrummy.
Sir Nigel Bruce and several others were drawn, hanged, and beheaded at
Berwick. The handsome person and gallant bearing of the youthful knight
excited general sympathy and regret.
The Earl of Athol had escaped from Kildrummy and taken to sea, but was
driven back by contrary winds and took refuge in a church, where he
was captured--'the news whereof eased the King's pain.' In the end of
October he was taken to London, and tried and condemned. When friends
interceded for him, and urged his royal blood, 'The higher the rank,'
said Edward, 'the worse the fall; hang him higher than the rest.' In
virtue of his royal blood he was not drawn, but he was hanged fifty
feet high (twenty feet higher than others), taken down half-dead,
beheaded and burnt, and his head was set on London Bridge, again higher
than the rest.
Sir Christopher de Seton had been taken at Lochore (Hemingburgh,
Trevet)--if not at Kildrummy (Gray)--betrayed, says Barbour, by MacNab,
'a man of his own household,' 'a disciple of Judas.' 'In hell condemnèd
mot he be!' prays the good Archdeacon. He was taken to Dumfries, in
consideration of the part he played at the death of Comyn, and there
(not, as Barbour says, at London) he was drawn, hanged, and beheaded.
He was only twenty-eight years of age.
Sir Simon Fraser had been captured about August 24, by Sir David de
Brechin, near Stirling, and conducted to London on September 6. He was
tried and condemned, drawn, hanged, and beheaded; his body, having been
rehung on the gallows for twenty days, was burnt; and his head was
carried, with the music of horns, to London Bridge, and placed near
the head of Wallace. Fraser, since turning patriot, had extorted the
admiration of foes and friends alike. 'In him,' says Langtoft, 'through
his falseness, perished much worth.' 'The imprisoned Scots nobles,'
says another English chronicler, 'declared he could be neither beaten
nor taken, and thought the Scots could not be conquered while he was
alive. So much did they believe in him that Sir Herbert de Morham,
handsomest and tallest of Scotsmen, a prisoner in the Tower, offered
his head to the King to be cut off the day Simon was captured.' Sir
Herbert's squire, Thomas du Bois, joined in his master's confident
wager. Both of them were beheaded on September 7, the day after Sir
Simon's arrival at the Tower.
But Edward dared not imbrue his hands in the blood of great churchmen.
The Bishops of St Andrews and Glasgow and the Abbot of Scone were
conducted to Newcastle-on-Tyne in the warlike guise in which they are
said to have been taken. From Newcastle (August 10) they were led by
stages, still traceable, to their separate places of confinement--the
castles of Winchester, Porchester, and Mere. On the way they were not
allowed to communicate with each other, or with anyone else, 'excepting
their keepers only'; and, on arrival at their several destinations,
they were loaded with irons. Edward was keenly anxious to get hold
of the Bishop of Moray also, whom he believed--no doubt wrongly--to
have been a party to the murder of Comyn, but who certainly adhered to
Bruce. The Bishop, however, had fled to Orkney, and for a twelvemonth
left Edward to negotiate with the King of Norway for his surrender.
The Bishop of St Andrews had sagaciously surrendered to Valence four
or five days before Methven. He had already (June 9) warmly repudiated
the charge of complicity in the death of Comyn. On August 9, he was
severely examined at Newcastle. Why had he concealed his bond with
Bruce when he was admitted of the Council at Sheen? He had 'entirely
forgotten' it--which is not quite improbable, for, on the face of
it at all events, and possibly in fact, it related to the immediate
contingencies of eighteen months back. Why did he hasten to Bruce's
coronation? He went to see him 'on account of grievous threats against
his person and substance, and for no other reason'--but he was not so
stiff as the Earl of Strathearn. Neither these nor his further answers
are satisfactory. Already he was declaring himself 'heartily sorry.' On
June 1, 1308, on an order dated May 23, he was released from Winchester
Castle, where he had lain from August 24, 1306, but he was taken
bound to remain within the county of Northampton. At Northampton, on
August 11, he swore fealty to Edward in abject terms, and made oath to
remain within the bounds of the bishopric of Durham. He was creeping
northwards. The Pope sent a strong remonstrance in his favour, but
Edward II. had anticipated it by the Bishop's release. On February
16, 1309-10, the Bishop figures at the head of a commission of seven,
invested, on the urgency of the Pope, with full powers to treat with
Bruce for a cessation of hostilities. On July 24, 1311, he was back in
Scotland, and Edward writes to the Pope excusing his absence from a
General Council holden at Vienna, on the ground that 'he is much needed
to give right direction to the minds of Scotsmen, and in these days no
one's exhortations are more readily acquiesced in.' Indeed, 'we have
laid upon him various arduous tasks touching the state of the country,
and especially its tranquillity.' Besides, 'his absence would be a
danger to souls.' In a second letter of excuse, on December 4, Edward
testifies emphatically to his continued fidelity. About two years
later, November 30, 1313, the Bishop was still so much in favour that
Edward dispatched him on an embassy to the King of France. On September
25, 1314, he 'is going abroad on business of his own, by our leave';
which implies his final release as a consequence of Bannockburn.
The Bishop of Glasgow was more strictly dealt with. Apparently about
the date of his internment in Porchester Castle (say August 25,
1306), he prayed the King, 'for God and for charity and the salvation
of his soul, to allow him to remain in England within certain bounds
at the King's will, on such surety as the King may demand, till the
rising of the Scots be entirely put down.' On December 1, 1308, Edward
II. delivered him to Arnaud, Bishop of Poitiers, to be taken to the
Pope; but three days later he wrote to his Holiness, and to a number
of cardinals, that the Bishop's crimes forbade any hope that he could
be allowed to return to Scotland. He set forth at large the supreme
wickedness of the Bishop, 'the sower of universal discord,' the
traitor, the sixfold perjurer, the ecclesiastic taken in arms; 'not a
pacific overseer, but a belligerent; not a Levite of the altar, but a
horsed warrior, taking to himself a shield for a diocese, a sword for
a stole, a corslet for an alb, a helmet for a mitre, a spear for a
pastoral staff.' Begging the Pope on no account to permit the return of
the Bishop to Scotland, or even 'elsewhere within the King's power,'
he recommends the appointment of Master Stephen de Segrave, Professor
of Canon Law and Dean of Glasgow, to the western bishopric. To the
Pope the Bishop went; and with the Pope he apparently remained for
two years, for in January 1310-11, Edward wrote from Berwick to his
Chancellor informing him that he had heard that the Bishop was 'busy
suing his deliverance at the Court of Rome,' and commanding him, 'in
concert with the Earl of Lincoln, the Lieutenant and Guardian, and
the Treasurer of Scotland, to issue letters under the Great Seal to
the Pope, and to the Cardinals named in the enclosed list, urgently
opposing the Bishop's restoration either to his office or to his
country, and pointing out his evil bearing (_mavoys port_), and his
repeated violation of his oath, and anything else likely to induce
the Pope to refuse him leave even to return to Scotland.' These
representations appear to have stayed the Pope's hand; and again,
on April 23, Edward repeated with especial urgency his request for
the supersession of the Bishop by Master Stephen de Segrave. Late in
1313, the Bishop was sent back to Edward 'to be detained by the King
at pleasure till Scotland was recovered'; and Edward, on November 20,
committed him to the charge of the Prior of Ely, 'to remain at the
Priory at his own expenses, and not to go forth except for the purpose
of taking the air, under sufficient escort.' On July 18, 1314, Edward
ordered him to be brought to York, where he joined Bruce's Queen and
other Scots prisoners, with whom he was sent to Carlisle on October 2,
and thence to Scotland. Physically, however, he was worn out; he had
become totally blind. He survived his restoration but two years, dying
in 1317. It stands to the credit of Bruce that he always retained a
strong feeling of gratitude and sympathy for the patriotic, flexible,
gallant, and much enduring Bishop.
The campaign of the east was over. On October 4, Edward conferred
on Sir Aymer de Valence lands and official honours in the shires of
Peebles and Selkirk; and, on October 7, he made him keeper of the
castle and forest of Jedburgh. On October 23, Edward received the
homage and fealty of James, Steward of Scotland, and restored to him
his lands. Of course the English lands and possessions of Bruce and all
his adherents were distributed as rewards to the deserving officers and
the favourites of the conqueror. The active opposition to the English
in Scotland was smothered in blood, except in the parts of Galloway and
Carrick.