THE CORONATION OF BRUCE
Stirling surrendered and Wallace a fugitive, Edward went home and
meditated measures for the government of the conquered country.
While yielding no point of substance, he recognised the policy of
conciliation in form. He took counsel with the Bishop of Glasgow,
the Earl of Carrick, and Sir John de Mowbray; and, ostensibly guided
by their suggestions, he appointed a meeting of ten Scots and twenty
English representatives to be held in London in the middle of July.
The meeting was subsequently postponed to September. On September
23, all the representatives were 'sworn on our Lord's body, the holy
relics, and holy Evangels, each severally.' The joint commission
settled ten points, which were embodied in an Ordinance--'not a
logical or methodical document,' but 'mixing up the broadest projects
of legislation and administration with mere personal interests and
arrangements.' First, the official establishment was set forth: Sir
John de Bretagne, junior, Edward's nephew, being appointed King's
Lieutenant and Warden, Sir William de Bevercotes Chancellor, and
Sir John de Sandale Chamberlain. Next, Justiciars were appointed, a
pair for each of the four divisions of the country. Then a score of
Sheriffs were named, nearly all Englishmen, though Scots were eligible.
Thereafter, the law was taken in hand: 'the custom of the Scots and
Brets' was abolished; and the King's Lieutenant, with English and
Scots advisers, was 'to amend such of the laws and usages which are
plainly against God and reason,' referring difficulties to the King.
For the rest, the articles were mainly particular. One of them applied
specifically to Bruce: 'The Earl of Carrick to place Kildrummy Castle
in the keeping of one for whom he shall answer.' The King confirmed the
Ordinance at Sheen. At the same time (October 26), apparently, the
King's Council for Scotland--twenty members, including the Bishop of St
Andrews, the Earls of Carrick, Buchan, and Athol, Sir John Comyn, and
Sir Alexander of Argyll--was sworn in. Bretagne was unable to proceed
to Scotland till Lent (and then till Easter), and meantime a commission
of four was appointed to act for him, the first commissioner being the
Bishop of St Andrews.
The King rejoiced at the sure prospect of peace in Scotland. The
country was outwardly quiet. Edward had put on the velvet glove. He
had restored submissive barons, knights, and lairds to their lands;
he had that very day at Sheen doubled the periods within which they
might pay their several fines; and he had displayed a general friendly
consideration in his Ordinance. A fortnight before (October 14), he
had instructed all the English sheriffs that he desired honourable and
courteous treatment to be shown to all Scots passing through their
jurisdictions. In a short time, he was contemplating a more complete
assimilation of the two countries, to be arranged in a Union convention
at Carlisle. But, in February next, the whole face of affairs was
suddenly transformed by the report that Sir Robert de Brus, Earl of
Carrick, had done sacrilegious murder on Sir John Comyn at Dumfries.
* * * * *
The accounts of the train of events leading to the death of Comyn,
though agreeing in essentials, vary considerably in details. The Scots
story may be told first. Fordun, like his compatriots, colours his
narrative deeply with the fanciful glow of Bruce's patriotism. He
tells how Bruce 'faithfully laid before Comyn the unworthy thraldom of
the country, the cruel and endless torment of the people, and his own
kindly project for bringing them relief.' Bruce, he says, 'setting the
public advantage before his own,' proposed to Comyn two alternatives:
either take you the crown and give me your lands, or else take my
lands and support my claim to the crown. Comyn chose the latter
alternative; and the agreement was guaranteed by oaths and embodied in
indentures duly sealed. Eventually, however, Comyn betrayed Bruce's
confidence, 'accusing him again and again before the King of England,
by envoys and by private letters, and wickedly revealing his secrets.'
Edward acted with restraint: he sounded Bruce; he even showed him his
adversary's letters; he feigned acceptance of his explanations. One
evening, however, 'when the wine glittered in the bowl,' he expressed
his definite determination to put Bruce to death on the morrow. On
hearing this, the Earl of Gloucester at once sent Bruce a broad hint in
the form of twelve pence and a pair of spurs. Bruce promptly mounted
his horse, and rode day and night to his castle of Lochmaben. As he
was nearing the Border, he met a messenger of Comyn's bearing to
Edward the very bond he had made with Comyn. He struck off the man's
head and hurried on his way. By appointment, he presently met Comyn in
the church of the Friars Minorites at Dumfries. He charged Comyn with
treachery. 'You lie!' replied Comyn. Whereupon Bruce stabbed him on
the spot. The friars stretched Comyn on the floor behind the altar.
'Is your wound mortal?' he was asked. 'I think not,' he replied. The
hopeful answer sealed his fate. 'His foes, hearing this, gave him
another wound, and thus, on February 10,[1] was he taken away from the
world.'
According to Barbour, the alternative proposal proceeded, not from
Bruce, but from Comyn, which is far from likely; and it was made 'as
they came riding from Stirling,' presumably--Blind Harry, indeed,
expressly says so--when Edward and his barons were going home from the
siege. Barbour goes beyond Fordun in stating that Comyn actually rode
to Edward and placed in his hands the indenture with Bruce's seal.
Thereupon, he says, the King 'was angry out of measure and swore that
he would take vengeance on Bruce' for his presumption, summoned a
council, produced the bond, and demanded of Bruce whether the seal was
his; but Bruce obtained respite till next day in order to get his seal
and compare it with the bond, and fled the same night with the document
in his pocket. The embellishments of later writers--the conversion of
Gloucester's twelve pence into other coins, the reversal of Bruce's
horses' shoes because of the new-fallen snow, and so forth--need not
be considered. Barbour makes no mention of an appointment: Bruce rode
over to Dumfries, where Comyn was staying, and the tragedy was enacted.
Barbour has the same outline of the interview as Fordun, but he remarks
that other accounts were current in his time.
A picturesque tradition tells how Bruce, on striking the blow, hurried
out of the church to his friends, whereupon Roger de Kirkpatrick and
James de Lindsay, seeing his excitement, anxiously inquired how it was
with him. 'Ill!' replied Bruce; 'I doubt I have slain the Red Comyn.'
'You doubt!' cried Kirkpatrick; 'I'll mak' siccar' (make sure). And
they rushed into the church and buried their daggers in Comyn's body.
But if the Justiciars were then sitting, and Roger de Kirkpatrick
was still one of them--for he and Walter de Burghdon were appointed
Justiciars for Galloway on October 25--there may be some difficulty in
accepting the tradition.
The English story commences in Scotland, and it introduces a very
important element wholly absent from the principal Scottish versions.
The English authorities expressly allege a deliberate purpose on
Bruce's part to rid himself of his rival. Both Hemingburgh and the
Lanercost Chronicler state that Bruce sent two of his brothers, with
guileful intent, to invite Comyn to an interview; Hemingburgh names
Thomas and Nigel. The fullest account is given by Sir Thomas Gray,
who wrote in 1355--just half a century later, but still twenty and
thirty years earlier than Barbour and Fordun. Gray records that
Bruce dispatched his brothers, Thomas and Nigel, from Lochmaben to
Dalswinton, where Comyn was staying, to invite him to meet Robert in
the church at Dumfries; and, moreover, that he instructed them to fall
upon Comyn on the way and kill him--a purpose thwarted by the softening
effect of Comyn's kindly reception of the youths. 'Hm!' said Bruce,
on hearing their report, 'milk-sops you are, and no mistake; let me
meet him.' So he advanced to Comyn, and led him up to the high altar.
He then opened the question of the condition of Scotland, and invited
Comyn's co-operation in an attempt at freedom on the terms already
mentioned as contained in the alleged bond between them. 'For now is
the time,' he said, 'in the old age of the King.' Comyn firmly refused.
'No?' cried Bruce, 'I had other hopes in you, by promise of your own
and of your friends. You discovered me to the King by your letters.
Since while you live I cannot fulfil my purpose, you shall have your
guerdon!' On the word, he struck Comyn with his dagger, and some of his
companions completed the crime with their swords before the altar.
Hemingburgh works up artistically the pacific bearing of Comyn in the
face of Bruce's accusations; and this would be likely enough if it be
true that Comyn was unarmed and attended by but a small escort. The
writer of the Merton MS. of the _Flores Historiarum_, who says Comyn
was unarmed, states that he endeavoured to wrest Bruce's weapon from
his hand; that Bruce's men rushed up and freed their leader; that
Comyn got away to the altar; and that Bruce pursued him, and on his
persistent refusal to assent, slew him on the spot.
A distinct English variation occurs in at least five of the records.
The Meaux Chronicle states that Bruce, on returning to Scotland
after the settlement of the Ordinance, summoned the Scots earls and
barons to Scone to consider the affairs of the realm, and put forward
his hereditary claim. He received unanimous support, except that
Comyn stood by his oath of fealty to Edward, rejected Bruce's claim
with scorn, and at once left the council. The council was adjourned
to a future day at Dumfries. Meantime Bruce sent Comyn a friendly
invitation. Comyn appeared at Dumfries and was cordially received
by Bruce, but still he maintained his objections, and again he left
the council. Bruce drew his sword and followed him, and ran him
through the body in the Church of the Friars Minorites. The Cambridge
Trinity College MS., it may be noted, states that Bruce sent his two
brothers to invite Comyn to meet him at the 'Cordelers' of Dumfries;
and Geoffrey le Baker makes Bruce kill Comyn in the midst of the
magnates. But these councils may safely be set aside as grounded on
misconceptions.
The English allegation of Bruce's purpose of murder seems to invest
with a special interest Blind Harry's casual story, with its
coincidences and discrepancies. Bruce, says Harry, charged his brother
Edward, whom he found at Lochmaben on his arrival, to proceed next day
with an armed escort to Dalswinton, and to put Comyn to death, if they
found him; but they did not find him.
On the fall of Comyn, his followers pressed forward and blows were
hotly exchanged. Comyn's uncle, Sir Robert, assailed Bruce himself,
but failed to pierce his armour (which, the Meaux Chronicler says, he
wore under his clothes), and was cut down by Sir Christopher de Seton,
probably in the cloister, not in the church. Barbour adds that 'many
others of mickle main' were killed in the mêlée; and the statement is
amply confirmed.
While this scene was enacting, the English Justiciars were in session
in the Castle. Thither Bruce and his friends, having overpowered
Comyn's adherents, at once proceeded. The Justiciars had prudently
barricaded the doors, but, when Bruce called for fire, they instantly
surrendered. Bruce spared their lives, and allowed them to pass over
the Border without molestation. According to Hemingburgh, it was only
after Bruce had got possession of the Castle that he learned that
Comyn was still alive after his first wound; whereupon, by order of
Bruce, the wounded man was dragged from the vestibule, where the friars
were tending him, and slain on the steps of the high altar, which was
bespattered with his blood.
Comyn was slain (according to the usually accepted date) on February
10. Less than two months later (April 5), Edward affirmed that he had
placed complete confidence (_plenam fiduciam_) in Bruce. The profession
may be accepted as sincere, for it is on record, under date February
8 (the order would have been made some days earlier), that Edward
remitted scutage due by Bruce on succession to his father's estates.
We may, therefore, put aside the English part of the Fordun and
Barbour story and refuse to believe that Edward dallied with Comyn's
allegations, or was such a simpleton as to let Bruce keep possession
of the incriminating bond. But was there a bond at all? It is generally
accepted that Edward did hold in his hands a bond of Bruce's; but
this bond is usually taken to have been the Lamberton indenture,
which is supposed to have come into Edward's possession through the
instrumentality of Comyn. Still, there is nothing to show that this
indenture was yet in Edward's hands. It may also be gravely doubted
whether Comyn would ever have entered into any bond with Bruce. There
is much significance in the silence of the English records. Nor is
there more than a very slight English indication of any communication
about Bruce from Comyn to Edward. It is likely enough, however, that
Comyn informed Edward of Bruce's private pushing of his claims; and it
may be that the details of the story of a bond were evolved on mere
suppositions arising out of the Bruce-Lamberton compact.
The allegation that Bruce deliberately murdered Comyn is the most
serious matter. But the English writers do not satisfy one that they
had the means of seeing into Bruce's mind; and the allegation may be
reasonably regarded as inference, not fact. There can scarcely be
any doubt that Bruce resumed the active furtherance of his claims
on observation of the declining health of Edward, but without any
immediate intention of a rupture. He could hardly have found support
enough to counterbalance the far-reaching power of Comyn, to say
nothing of the power of Edward. Clearly it was of the very first
importance that he should, if possible, gain over Comyn. He may have
offered Comyn broad lands and high honours. But to expect the practical
heir of the Balliol claims to support him was, on the face of it,
all but hopeless; and to speak of patriotism to Comyn would have
been nothing less than open insult. Comyn, of course, would stanchly
reject Bruce's overtures. Despite all his prudence, Bruce had a hot
and imperious temper; and Comyn's obstinacy--it may be Comyn's frank
speech--most probably broke down his self-command. If it had been
Bruce's deliberate purpose to kill his rival, he would scarcely have
chosen a church for the scene, or have left the deed to be afterwards
completed either by others or by himself. The mere fact that he was
totally unprepared for a struggle with Edward tells almost conclusively
against the theory of premeditation--unless there was a very clearly
compromising bond with Comyn, which is wholly improbable. The bond with
Lamberton--the only bond that certainly existed--was capable of easy
explanation, and was a wholly insufficient reason to urge him to murder
a rival, whose adherents would make up in bitterness what they lost in
leadership.
Nor is there any reason to believe that Lamberton was implicated.
True, he was charged, on his own bond, with complicity in the deed.
There still exist letters patent, dated Scotland's Well, June 9, 1306,
in which Lamberton declares to Sir Aymer de Valence, then Edward's
lieutenant in Scotland, his anxious desire 'to defend himself in
any way the King or Council may devise against the charge of having
incurred any kind of guilt in the death of Sir John Comyn or of Sir
Robert his uncle, or in relation to the war then begun'; and on August
9, at Newcastle, he acknowledged the Cambuskenneth indenture. But there
is no necessary connection between the compact and the crime; and it
is in the last degree improbable that Lamberton had any anticipation
whatever of the Dumfries tragedy. His sympathy with Bruce's rising is
quite a different consideration.
* * * * *
Having garrisoned Dumfries Castle, Bruce sent out his messengers to
raise adherents. The Galwegians having refused to join him, he ravaged
their lands; and he took the castles of Tibbers, Durisdeer, and Ayr.
But he was not strong enough to keep the castles for more than a very
short period. After the first surprise, Comyn's men asserted their
superior force; and aid arrived from Carlisle. The Lanercost chronicler
records that Bruce pursued a Galwegian noble and besieged him in a
lake, but that the Carlisle contingent raised the siege, compelling
Bruce to burn his machines and 'ships,' and take to flight. Probably
Carlaverock is meant.
Leaving the local struggle to lieutenants, Bruce hastened to Bishop
Wishart in Glasgow. At Arickstone, in the upper end of Annandale,
Barbour says, he was joined by James of Douglas, who had been staying
with the Bishop of St. Andrews--a young man destined to play a
great part in the history of Bruce. Bishop Wishart joyously received
his visitor, cheerfully broke his sixth oath of fealty to Edward,
pronounced absolution of Bruce for the murder of Comyn, and produced
coronation robes and a royal banner. There was nothing half-hearted
about the flexible prelate. Already the country was in eager
expectation, and Bruce and the Bishop proceeded boldly to Scone.
On March 27, 1306, in the Chapel Royal of Scone, the immemorial scene
of the inauguration of the Kings of the Scots, Robert Bruce was crowned
King. The ceremony inevitably lacked certain of the traditional
accessories that strangely influenced the popular mind. The venerable
Stone of Destiny had been carried off by Edward ten years before. The
crown--if crown there had been--was also gone; and the ancient royal
robes--if such there had been--were no longer available. The prescient
Bishop, however, had provided fresh robes, and a circlet of gold was
made to do duty for a crown. Still, there was lacking an important
functionary--the person whose office and privilege it was to place the
crown on the head of the King. The proper official was the chief of the
clan MacDuff; but Duncan, Earl of Fife, was in wardship in England, and
again, as on the coronation of Balliol, arose the difficulty of finding
an efficacious substitute. No substitute was forthcoming, and the
coronation had to pass with maimed rites.
Two days later, however, this difficulty was dramatically solved.
Isabella, Countess of Buchan, and sister of the Earl of Fife, had
hastened south with an imposing retinue, and appeared to claim the
honour and privilege of her house. A second coronation--not mentioned
by the Scottish writers--was held on March 29. The wife of a Comyn,
nearly related to the murdered Sir John, the Countess yet performed
the mystic function. It would be an exceedingly interesting thing if
one could now disentangle the extraordinary complication of ideas and
influences involved in this remarkable ceremonial. The subsequent
punishment of the Countess by Edward continued the romance of the
occasion; and it may be added here that, on March 20, 1306-7, Edward,
at the instance of his queen, pardoned one Geoffrey de Conyers for
concealing the coronet of gold with which King Robert was crowned.
The coronation might have been expected to strike the imagination
of the Scots, and to rally the spirit that cherished the memory of
Wallace. Fordun asserts that Bruce's friends in Scotland, as compared
with his collective foes, were but 'as a single drop compared with
the waves of the sea, or as a single grain of seed compared with
the multitudinous sand.' The hyperbole has a considerable basis of
fact. Bruce, indeed, was supported at his coronation by the two chief
prelates of Scotland, the Bishops of St Andrews and Glasgow, and by
the Abbot of Scone; by strong-handed relatives--his four brothers,
Edward, Thomas, Alexander, and Nigel; his nephew, Thomas Randolph of
Strathdon (better known afterwards as Randolph, Earl of Moray), and
his brother-in-law, Sir Christopher de Seton (husband of his sister
Christian); by the Earls of Lennox, Athol, and Errol; and by such
valorous men as James de Douglas, Hugh de la Haye (brother of Errol),
David Barclay of Cairns, Alexander, brother of Sir Simon Fraser, Walter
de Somerville of Carnwath, David de Inchmartin, Robert Boyd, and Robert
Fleming. Apart from the episcopal influence, however, the array is
not very imposing. Yet how vastly superior to the meagre beginnings
of Wallace! Bruce, indeed, lacked one vital source of strength that
his great predecessor had--intimate association and sympathy with the
common folk; but, on the other hand, he was admitted, except by the
Comyn interest, to be the legitimate sovereign, and 'is not the King's
name twenty thousand names?' And so it would have been but for his
inglorious record. It is only the servile adulation of later writers
that has pictured Bruce as animated by patriotism. He was simply a
great Anglo-Norman baron in quest of aggrandizement; and it took many
years to satisfy the people generally that their interests were safe
in his keeping. But he was a man with deep reserves of strength, freed
at last from the paralysis of worldly prudence by a sudden shock,
and compelled to defend his crown and his life with his back to the
wall. Happily, if only incidentally, such self-defence involved the
championship of the independence of Scotland.