THE “CITY GUARD”
A HISTORY
OF
COMPANY “B”
FIRST REGIMENT INFANTRY, N. G. C.
DURING THE SACRAMENTO CAMPAIGN
JULY 3 TO 26, 1894
INCLUDING
A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE COMPANY SINCE ITS ORGANIZATION
MARCH 31, 1854, TO JULY 3, 1894
FILMER-ROLLINS ELECTROTYPE CO.
TYPOGRAPHERS, ELECTROTYPERS AND STEREOTYPERS
424 SANSOME ST., SAN FRANCISCO
Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1895,
By COMPANY B, “CITY GUARD,” 1st REG. N. G. C.,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
_To the members of the “City Guard,” past, present, and to
come, this, our Company’s maiden effort, is
respectfully dedicated._
CONTENTS.
THE STRIKE IN CALIFORNIA.
CHAPTER I. PAGE
The Cause, 9
CHAPTER II.
The National Guard Called Out, 15
CHAPTER III.
Fourth of July at Sacramento, 29
CHAPTER IV.
Camp on the Capitol Grounds, 42
CHAPTER V.
The Vigilantes at the Capitol Grounds, 68
CHAPTER VI.
General Effects of the Strike, 83
CHAPTER VII.
The Appearance of the Regulars and Its Effect Upon the Situation, 93
CHAPTER VIII.
The First Regiment at Ninth and D Streets, 128
CHAPTER IX.
The American River Bridge, 156
CHAPTER X.
Off for Truckee. 172
A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE COMPANY.
CHAPTER I.
“San Francisco City Guard,” 219
CHAPTER II.
“Independent City Guard,” 224
CHAPTER III.
“City Guard” from 1860 to 1870, 229
CHAPTER IV.
From 1870 to 1880, 237
CHAPTER V.
From 1880 to 1894, 244
CHAPTER VI.
Forty-one Years’ Target Practice, 252
PREFACE.
On September 1, 1894, shortly after the return of the company from its
campaign at Sacramento, a committee of four was appointed, to be known
as the history committee, to gather as much material concerning that
campaign as possible, and to put it in a readable and concise form.
The following were appointed: Lieutenant George Filmer, Corporal A.
McCulloch, Privates W. J. Hayes and Wm. D. O’Brien.
The committee began its work enthusiastically and at once, as they
believed that the most beneficial results could be attained by
“striking while the iron is hot.” Their progress was necessarily slow;
but when taken in connection with the circumstances, that the committee
were engaged in earning their livelihood during the day, and thus
limited in their work upon the history to their spare moments, and
further, that they also took great care to prevent inaccuracies from
creeping into their labors, the progress made, when viewed in this
light, cannot be said to be unusually slow.
The idea of publishing a history was not an original idea, but rather
it is the result of the gradual development of an incipient idea by a
process of evolution containing three distinct steps. First it was only
intended to have a short account written of the campaign and pasted in
the company’s scrapbook; then, with this as a basis, the idea developed
into the form of a printed pamphlet, and finally blossomed into the
shape in which it now appears.
It was the intention of the committee to have the entire book set up
by members of the company who were compositors by trade, and who had
kindly volunteered their services. But, on account of the limited time
that the volunteer compositors could bestow upon the work, it was found
necessary, after about one-half the book had been thus set up, to give
the work to an outside publishing house, in order to present to the
company a complete history of the campaign before the memory of this
memorable event would be beyond the “time of which the mind of man
doth not run.” And even though the members of the company were unable,
through no fault of their own, to set up the entire work, the committee
desires to acknowledge its appreciation of the kindness and the
valuable assistance given by these members, viz: George Claussenius, W.
L. Overstreet, Wm. McKaig, J. Brien, and R. E. Wilson.
The committee further desires to thank Lieutenant Hosmer, Adjutant
First Battalion, First Regiment Infantry, N. G. C., and Sergeant H.
B. Sullivan, “of ours,” for the kind assistance they rendered the
committee in making negatives of each tent crowd of the company.
It may be well here to mention the fact that at the request of the
committee, Captain I. B. Cook consented to write the brief history of
the Company. For this work and the thoroughness with which it is done,
the committee extend to him its sincere thanks.
The committee do not pretend to uphold the book as a work of any great
literary merit; and, while they do not propose to offer any excuses for
the book, still they hope at least that it is free from any obvious
signs of crudity or provincialism: it stands upon its own merits.
The work is largely of a personal nature, and, as such, has made the
introduction of personalities unavoidable; but while this is so, the
committee have tried to eliminate every thing of such a character
which, in their judgment, would offend the most sensitive nature.
In case, however, their judgment has erred at times, and things do
appear which wound the feelings of some, the committee trust that the
attempted witticism, for it is nothing more, will be received in the
same spirit that it is offered, namely “peace, goodwill to all.”
In judging the results of their labor the committee beg that those
judging will say, in the words of Miss Muloch:
“Not that they did ill or well,
But only that they did their best.”
[Illustration: B COMPANY IN HEAVY MARCHING ORDER, SACRAMENTO, JULY,
1894.]
[Illustration: THE CAUSE (?)]
CHAPTER I.
THE STRIKE AND ITS EFFECT.
As the tiny stream that wends its course down the mountain slope on
the way to the sea grows gradually larger and deeper by the successive
uniting with it of similar streams until at last it becomes the mighty
river in which its identity is completely lost, so a small labor
movement springing up in a little town named Pullman in the vicinity of
Chicago, and spreading out westward and southward, became larger and
greater at each successive juncture with it of the employees of the
railroad until at last, when its progress was stopped by the cool waves
of the Pacific, it had grown to be a movement of gigantic proportions,
stupendous in its effects, in which the primal cause of the movement
was lost. California was particularly affected. Never before in the
history of the State had she experienced such a movement as this.
Traffic was completely stopped. Business was paralyzed. Goods could
neither be received nor sent away. Merchants were laying off their
employees and getting ready to close up their houses. Not a wheel of
the Southern Pacific Company was turning in the State.
This movement had its source in a disagreement between the managers
and the employees of the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company. By
successive reductions the wages of the employees had become greatly
reduced, far below that which the existing condition of affairs would
seem to justify. This, considered with certain other circumstances,
caused a great deal of dissatisfaction among the men of the works.
The accompanying circumstances, which served to intensify the
dissatisfaction, were of a nature peculiar to the town of Pullman
itself. A fair estimate would place the inhabitants of this town at
about four thousand, all of whom are directly or indirectly dependent
for subsistence upon the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company. Not only
are they connected with the company by bond of employer and employee,
but also are they related as landlord and tenant, and as creditor and
debtor. Pullman has been nicknamed “the model town.” But there is more
than one way of looking at this model town, just as there is more
than one way of looking at a model jail. To a man like Carlyle, who
had no sympathy for transgressors of the law, a jail like the famous
Cherry Hill prison of Pennsylvania would be a model jail; for here
a prisoner is confined in a single cell for the entire term of his
confinement, with no other occupation than that of picking jute. But
to the prisoner himself who is incarcerated there, it is a model jail,
where he “who once enters leaves all hope behind.” So with the town of
Pullman. To the stockholders of the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company,
who see in its organization innumerable opportunities for enriching
themselves at the expense of the workman, it is a model town. But to
the poor employees, who encounter at every turn the grasping hand of
the monopoly, it is a model town symbolical of all that characterizes
slavery. In the hands of the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company resides
the entire property of the town. They not only own the water and gas
works, and the houses, but also sell to their employees the very
necessities of life. All the inhabitants of the town are tenants;
none are freeholders. From this it is easy to imagine the situation
when a large cut was made in the wages. The corporation, you may be
sure, never thought of making a corresponding reduction in the rent of
the houses, or in the water and gas rates, or in the price of food.
With greatly reduced wages, reduced to considerably less than what
the artisans engaged in similar crafts were getting in the adjacent
municipality of Chicago, and with rents and water, and gas rates
correspondingly higher, the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company expected
its employees to adjust themselves to the new condition of affairs. The
chasm, however, was altogether too wide to be bridged. The men were
compelled by the force of necessity to resist the reduction.
About the beginning of May, 1894, a committee of thirty-nine,
representing every department in the works, waited upon Mr. Pullman,
president of the company, and laid the case before him. They asked
that the old rates, which were one-third higher than the present
rates, be re-established. In spite of the fact, that at about the time
the committee waited upon Mr. Pullman the company was paying large
dividends, and had an enormous reserve fund, and further still, in
spite of the fact, that Mr. Pullman had enough of spare cash to donate
one hundred thousand dollars to a church, the petition was denied. The
plea given was, that the state of business would not stand the increase
of wages. The matter did not stop here. The car company was very
indignant at the apparent intrusion of the workmen into the affairs
of their business. How dare employees suggest to them how they shall
conduct their business. The outcome of it was, that the men who formed
the committee were individually discharged from their service. This
was the straw that broke the camel’s back. The entire body of workmen
struck. This was the direct strike.
A new element now enters into the strike. The employees of the
Pullman Car Manufacturing Company, as a body, were affiliated with an
organization known as the American Railway Union. The constitution
of this latter organization was of such an elastic character as to
be capable of being stretched so far as to include not only those
who worked for the railroad proper, but also all who were employed
upon any kind of railroad work whatsoever. The strike was referred
by the workmen of Pullman to this higher body for settlement. The
American Railway Union investigated the grievances of the men,
and concluded that the strike was a just one; one worthy of their
support. On June 23d, after having tried for a period of six weeks to
adjust the difficulties between the men and their employers without
success, the Executive Board of the Union gave notice to the Pullman
Car Manufacturing Company, that, unless they agreed to the terms of
settlement by the 27th of June, a boycott would be placed upon all
Pullman cars. In other words the members of the union would refuse
to handle any trains to which were attached Pullman cars. The 27th
of June coming around with no signs of compliance on the part of the
Pullman Company the threat of the union was put into execution. The
entire Santa Fé System, comprising about seventeen different lines
and operating throughout that part of the country southward of Chicago
to the Gulf and westward to the Pacific, was affected. This new phase
of the strike, known as the sympathetic strike, was destined to be the
greatest labor movement that America had ever experienced.
This is the method by which the American Railway Union undertook to
bring the Pullman corporation to terms. In their letter to the public
they stated that it was not their intention to tie up the railroads.
They were willing to handle trains, provided Pullman cars were left
off. This was, they said, the only means they had of striking the
Pullman Car Manufacturing Company. In case a quarrel arose between
them and the railroad companies it would be a quarrel that was forced
upon them, and not one of their choosing. The railroad companies,
on the other hand, were unable to separate their interests from the
interests of the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company, so they took the
quarrel upon their own shoulders. They were determined to send trains
out with Pullman cars attached, or else they would not send any at all.
On the 27th of June, the day that the boycott was placed upon Pullman
cars, traffic over the entire Santa Fé system came to a standstill.
The railroad employees, that is, those employees who were engaged in
the strike--the firemen, switchtenders and switchmen--refused to move
trains with Pullman cars attached, and the railroad companies refused
to send out trains without them. And so began the sympathetic strike.
Every State, in which the lines of the above-mentioned system operated,
was severely affected. In the East the unique position held by Chicago
with regard to the different lines of railroads made it the hotbed of
the strike. Seventeen different lines meet in Chicago. These being tied
up, Chicago became the congregating point for many thousand strikers,
some of whom were exceedingly desperate characters. Chicago, in the
course of the strike, was the scene of many aggressive operations,
and numerous were the conflicts between the troops and strikers, of
which some resulted in fatalities. In the West the strike presented
some features which were not manifested in the East. No State suffered
more severely from the strike than did California. That the effect
was so severe on California was due probably to its isolation; to its
entire dependence upon railroad transportation, and to the fact that
a great part of its produce consisted of fruit, which has to find
a ready market in the East. These facts, coupled with the fact that
the tie-up came at that time in the year when the fruit was ripe and
ready for shipping, and thus dependant upon rapid transportation for
its value, are evidence enough of the injurious effects of the strike
upon California. And yet, in spite of the ruinous consequences, it is
strange to say that the sympathy of the people was almost unanimously
with the strikers. The press of California has been severely criticised
by the Eastern press for the manner in which it espoused the cause of
the strikers. Yet the California press was only reflecting the opinions
of the people.
The first scene of act one of the strike in California took place on
the 27th of June. The overland trains, which are the only trains that
carry Pullman cars with the exception of the Yosemite, did not leave
the Oakland mole that day as usual. Throughout the 27th and part of the
28th all other trains ran as usual. But on the 28th President Debs of
the American Railway Union telegraphed from Chicago to the heads of the
local unions to tie up the entire Southern Pacific Company. The strike
now began to operate in California with full force.
In such railroad centers of California as Los Angeles, Oakland, and
Sacramento the strike assumed threatening aspects. In Sacramento the
aspect was particularly alarming. Los Angeles and Sacramento are
the two controlling centers for all lines that leave the State. The
strike in neither Los Angeles nor Oakland reached the importance or
received the attention that it did in Sacramento. This was due to
the fact that in Los Angeles it was brought under control before it
gained much headway. While in Oakland, though Oakland was invested by
a large number of strikers who managed to do a good deal of mischief
and damage, such as cutting the air-brakes on freight trains, and even
going so far as to stop the entire local system, thus compelling the
residents of the bay towns to resort to a provisional ferry; yet even
while they did all this, it made little practical difference to the
outcome of the strike whether the strikers reigned there or not as long
as Sacramento or Los Angeles remained under their control. Sacramento
and Los Angeles therefore were the backbone of the strike in California.
As the time wore on a peaceful settlement of the strike seemed to
grow less. The railroad company, on the one hand, was determined not
to yield. The strikers, on the other hand, were getting impatient
and angry at the rigidness of the railroad officials, and with this,
growing more conscious of their power, seemed ready to set aside all
legal restraints and resort to violent deeds to force an acquiescence
to their will. Sacramento, where the strikers held forth in full sway,
was the point toward which the attention of the people was directed.
Speculation became rife as to what would be the outcome. That things
could not continue in such a state much longer was universally
conceded. The seriousness of the affair, however, kept rolling on.
Complaints of people tied up at the different places in the State
were increasing every day. Baggage and freight was accumulating with
wondrous rapidity. Delayed mail--and here is where the strikers came
in conflict with Uncle Sam--was piling up on every hand. It was only a
question of time when the dam would break.
It was on June 29th that the first rumors were heard about calling out
the State troops. A situation like this cannot fail to be other than
closely related to the life of the National Guard. While California had
been hitherto practically free from movements of this kind the Eastern
States had not been so fortunate. It seems next to an impossibility for
a railroad strike of any size to occur without its being accompanied
by violence and crime. Time after time had the Eastern National Guard
been called out to suppress strikers, who had finally deteriorated into
rioters. The one seemed to follow the other as effect follows cause.
As soon as a strike was inaugurated the people of the East looked for
the effect, namely the calling out of the National Guard. This mode of
thinking influenced the thought of California. The people now began
to look to the State troops. The members of the National Guard were
especially interested in the situation, for when they joined they
little thought that they would be called upon to face any real danger.
A sham battle at camp was about as near as they ever expected to get
to an actual engagement. But as things began to look serious, their
interest in affairs grew in intensity. “Great Heavens! we might be
called out.” So they anxiously awaited further developments.
[Illustration]