on, the establishment of the British forces remained virtually
unaugmented for the year 1745. The troops allotted for service in
Flanders were indeed raised to a strength of twenty-five thousand men,
but this was effected only by reducing the garrison of Great
Britain to fifteen thousand, which, as events were to prove before the
year’s end, created a situation of perilous weakness. Moreover, the
past campaign had revealed a failing in one of the confederated powers
which was hardly less serious than the impecuniosity and selfishness
of Austria. The Dutch army, which under Marlborough had done such
brilliant service, was become hopelessly inefficient. The competition
of rival demagogues for popular favour had reduced it to such weakness
in numbers, that it hardly sufficed to find efficient garrisons for the
fortified towns. Concurrently its discipline had suffered; and General
Ligonier had already complained that the Dutch troops which served
with the Allies in 1744 were intolerably insubordinate and disorderly,
setting a bad example to the whole army.[76] In February 1745 Ligonier
again brought the matter to the notice of the English Government. The
Dutch, he said, would probably keep all their men in garrison, and, if
the Allies were so weak that they could only find garrisons for the
fortresses on the frontier, the French would be free to go where they
pleased. It would be far better, therefore, to make a great effort,
collect a hundred thousand men, take the offensive, and end the war
in a single campaign. Ten thousand men would be required to guard the
line of the Bruges Canal, and the remainder should besiege Maubeuge
and Landrecies and enter France by the line of the Sambre, making the
Meuse the main line of communication, as open alike to the passage
of reinforcements from England, from Holland, and from Germany.[77]
Such counsel was not likely to find acceptance with the men who had
mismanaged the war so far. One important change, however, was made by
the appointment of the Duke of Cumberland to be Commander-in-Chief in
Flanders, and also in Great Britain.[78] The Duke at the time of this
promotion still wanted a month to complete his twenty-fifth year, but
he had from his boyhood been an enthusiastic soldier, he had studied
his profession, he had shown bravery at Dettingen, and, young though
he might be, he was older than Condé had been when he first gained
military fame. Finally, it was an immense advantage that a Prince of
a reigning family should preside over so motley an army as that of
the Allies, since there would be the less disposition to cavil at his
authority.
Cumberland entered upon his work energetically enough, crossed over to
Flanders early in April, made all his arrangements for concentration at
Brussels on the 2nd of May, and actually began his march southward on
the following day.[79] ◆April 22./May 3.◆ Even so, however, Marshal Saxe
had taken the field before him, assembling his troops in Hainault, as in
the previous year, so that it was impossible to divine which of the
fortresses of the barrier he might intend to attack. After a feint which
pointed to the siege of Mons, he marched rapidly upon Tournay and
invested it on the 30th of April, ◆Apr. 19/30.◆ screening his movements
so skilfully with his cavalry that not a word as to his operations
reached Cumberland until nearly a week later. Cumberland, after leaving
Soignies on the 3rd of May, moved slowly south-westward by Cambron,
Maulbay, and Leuse, and arrived on the evening of the 9th at Brissoel,
within sight of Saxe’s army. ◆April 28./May 9.◆ The ground immediately
in front of the Allies was broken by little copses, woods, and
enclosures, all of them crammed with mercenary irregular
troops—Pandours, Grassins, and the like—which, imitated first from the
Austrians, had by this time become a necessary part of the French as of
every army. Beyond this broken ground a wide plain swept in a gentle,
almost unbroken slope to the village of Fontenoy, which formed the
centre of Saxe’s position. The advanced parties of irregulars, together
with twelve squadrons drawn up on the slope before Fontenoy, forbade
Cumberland’s further advance for that day, and the Allies encamped for
the night. Headquarters were fixed at Maubray, a village in full sight
of Fontenoy, and a bare mile and a half to the south-eastward of the
French camp.
◆April 29./May 10.◆
On the next day the French advanced posts were pushed out of the
copses, and Cumberland, together with the Prince of Waldeck and
the Count of Königseck, who commanded the Dutch and the Austrians
respectively, went forward to reconnoitre the position. Saxe’s army
occupied the crest of the slope, lying astride of the two roads that
lead from Condé and from Leuse to Tournay. His right rested on the
village of Anthoin and on the Scheldt, the tower of Anthoin Castle
marking the western boundary of his position with clearness enough.
From thence his line extended due east along the crest of the height
for about a mile to the village of Fontenoy. A few hundred yards
before Fontenoy stands the hamlet of Bourgeon, but this was now
veiled in smoke and flame, having been fired by the Pandours as they
retired. From Anthoin to Fontenoy Saxe’s front faced due south, but
eastward from Fontenoy it turned back almost at right angles to the
forest of Barry and the village of Ramecroix, fronting considerably
to eastward of south. The village of Vezon, however, which lies in
the same straight line with Fontenoy, due east of Anthoin, was also
occupied by the French as an advanced post. This was quickly cleared
by Cumberland’s troops, and the Allied Generals completed their
reconnaissance. Saxe’s position was undoubtedly strong by nature and
had been strengthened still further by art. Beyond Anthoin the French
right flank was secured by a battery erected on the western bank of
the Scheldt, while the village itself was entrenched, and held by
two brigades. Between Anthoin and Fontenoy three redoubts had been
constructed, and the space was defended by three brigades of infantry
backed by eight squadrons of horse. Fontenoy itself had been fortified
with works and cannon, and made as strong as possible; and from
Fontenoy to the forest of Barry ran a double line of entrenchments,
the first line held by nine and the second by eleven battalions of
infantry. At the edge of the forest of Barry were two more redoubts,
the foremost of them called the Redoubt d’Eu, both armed with cannon to
sweep the open space between the forest and Fontenoy; in rear of the
forest were posted nine more battalions, and in rear of all two strong
lines of cavalry. The flower of the French army, both horse and foot,
was stationed in this space on Saxe’s left, for the English had the
right of the line in the Allied Army, and Saxe knew the reputation of
the red-coats.
The Allied Generals decided to attack on the following day. Königseck,
it is said, was for harassing Saxe’s communications and compelling
him to raise the siege of Tournay; but, finding himself overruled
by Cumberland and by Waldeck, he gave way. Cumberland’s force was
decidedly inferior in numbers, being less than fifty thousand against
fifty-six thousand men, but he was young and impetuous, and had
been strongly impressed by the disastrous inaction of the preceding
campaign. It was agreed that the Dutch and Austrians should assail the
French centre and right, the Dutch in particular being responsible
for Fontenoy, while the British attacked the French left between that
village and the forest of Barry.
[Illustration:
FONTENOY
April 30th/May 11th 1745
_Stanford’s Geogl. Estabt., London._
]
◆April 30./May 11.◆
At two o’clock on the following morning the British began to move out
of their camp upon Vezon, the cavalry leading. The advance took much
time, for there were many narrow lanes to be traversed before the force
could debouch upon the slope, and, when the slope was passed, it was
still necessary to defile through the village of Vezon. Cumberland’s
order of attack was simple. Brigadier Ingoldsby, with the Twelfth and
Thirteenth Foot, the Forty-second Highlanders, a Hanoverian battalion,
and three six-pounder cannon, was to assault the Redoubt d’Eu on the
right flank of the line of the British advance, and to carry it with
the bayonet. The remainder of the infantry was simply to march up
across the thousand yards of open ground between it and Fontenoy and
sweep the enemy out of their entrenchments.
Before five o’clock the advanced squadrons of the British horse,
fifteen in all, under General Campbell, had passed through Vezon and
deployed in the plain beyond, to cover the formation of the infantry
for the attack. The French batteries in Fontenoy and the redoubt at
once opened fire on them, but the cavalry endured the fire for an
hour unmoved, until at length a shot carried away General Campbell’s
leg. The gallant veteran, who had fought at Malplaquet and was now
seventy-eight years of age, was carried dying from the field, full of
lamentation that he could take no further part in the action. No one
but himself seems to have known for what purpose his squadrons had been
brought forward, and accordingly after his fall they were withdrawn.
The infantry then moved up to the front, where General Ligonier
proceeded to form them in two lines, without further interruption,
to use his own simple words, than a lively and murderous cannonade
from the French. Cumberland meanwhile ordered up seven six-pounders
to the right of the British front, which quickly came into action.
Conspicuous before the French front rode an officer on a white horse,
and the English gunners at once began to lay wagers who should kill
him. The second or third shot brought the white charger to the ground,
and his rider was carried, shattered and dying, to the rear. He was
Count Grammont, the gallant but thoughtless officer who had spoiled
the combinations of Noailles at Dettingen. Then, turning to their more
legitimate work, the gunners quickly made their presence felt among
the French field-batteries; but the round shot never ceased to plough
into the scarlet ranks of the British from Fontenoy and from the
Redoubt d’Eu. Ligonier’s two lines of infantry were soon formed, with
the cavalry in two more lines in their rear; and the General presently
sent word to Cumberland that he was ready to advance as soon as Waldeck
should lead his Dutch against Fontenoy. The name of the aide-de-camp
who carried this message should not be omitted, for he was Captain
Jeffery Amherst of the First Guards.
Thereupon the Dutch and Austrians, in the centre and left, advanced
against Fontenoy and Anthoin, but flinching from the fire in front,
and above all from that in their flank from the battery on the other
side of the Scheldt, soon shrank back under cover and could not be
induced to move forward again.[80] Worst of all, the Dutch cavalry was
smitten with panic, galloped back on to the top of some of the British
squadrons, and fled away wildly to Hal crying out that all was lost.
Things therefore went ill on the Allied left; and meanwhile on the
right there was enacted a blunder still more fatal. For Ingoldsby,
misconceiving his instructions, hesitated to make his attack on the
Redoubt d’Eu, and despite repeated orders from Cumberland never
delivered it at all. Cumberland, however, was impatient. Without
further delay he placed himself at the head of the British, who were
standing as Ligonier had arrayed them, in most beautiful order. In the
first line, counting from right to left, stood a battalion of the First
Guards, another of the Scots Guards, and another of the Coldstream,
the First, Twenty-first, Thirty-first, Eighth, Twenty-fifth,
Thirty-third, and Nineteenth; in the second line the Buffs occupied the
post of honour on the right, and next to them came in succession the
Twenty-third, Thirty-second, Eleventh, Twenty-eighth, Thirty-fourth,
and Twentieth. Certain Hanoverian battalions joined them on the extreme
left. The drums beat, the men shouldered arms, and the detachments
harnessed themselves to the two light field-guns that accompanied
each battalion. Ingoldsby saw what was going forward and aligned his
battalions with them on the right. Then the word was given to advance,
and the two lines moved off with the slow and measured step for which
they were famous in Europe.
Forward tramped the ranks of scarlet, silent and stately as if
on parade. Full half a mile of ground was to be traversed before
they could close with the invisible enemy that awaited them in the
entrenchments over the crest of the slope, and the way was marked
clearly by the red flashes and puffs of white smoke that leaped from
Fontenoy and the Redoubt d’Eu on either flank. The shot plunged
fiercely and more fiercely into the serried lines as they advanced into
that murderous cross-fire, but the gaping ranks were quietly closed,
the perfect order was never lost, the stately step was never hurried.
Only the Hanoverians in the second line, finding that they were cramped
for space, dropped back quietly and decorously, and marched on in third
line behind the British. Silent and inexorable the scarlet lines strode
on. They came abreast of village and redoubt, and the shot which had
hitherto swept away files now swept away ranks. Then the first line
passed beyond redoubt and village, and the French cannon took it in
reverse. The gaps grew wider and more frequent, the front grew narrower
as the men closed up, but still the proud battalions advanced, strewing
the sward behind them with scarlet, like some mass of red blossom that
floats down a lazy stream and sheds its petals as it goes.
At last the crest of the ridge was gained and the ranks of the French
battalions came suddenly into view little more than a hundred yards
distant, their coats alone visible behind the breastwork. Next to the
forest of Barry, and exposed to the extreme right of the British, a
line of red showed the presence of the Swiss Guards; next to them stood
a line of blue, the four battalions of the French Guards, and next to
the Guards a line of white, the regiments of Courtin, Aubeterre, and of
the King, the choicest battalions of the French Army. Closer and closer
came the British, still with arms shouldered, always silent, always
with the same slow, measured tread, till they had advanced to within
fifty yards of the French. Then at length Lord Charles Hay of the First
Guards stepped forward with flask in hand, and doffing his hat drank
politely to his enemies. “I hope, gentlemen,” he shouted, “that you are
going to wait for us to-day and not swim the Scheldt as you swam the
Main at Dettingen. Men of the King’s company,” he continued, turning
round to his own people, “these are the French Guards, and I hope you
are going to beat them to-day”; and the English Guards answered with a
cheer. The French officers hurried to the front, for the appearance of
the British was a surprise to them, and called for a cheer in reply.
But only a half-hearted murmur came from the French ranks, which
quickly died away and gave place to a few sharp words of command;
for the British were now within thirty yards. “For what we are about
to receive may the Lord make us truly thankful,” murmured an English
Guardsman as he looked down the barrels of the French muskets, but
before his comrades round him had done laughing the French Guards had
fired; and the turn of the British had come at last.[81]
For despite of that deadly march through the cross-fire of the French
batteries to the muzzles of the French muskets, the scarlet ranks still
glared unbroken through the smoke; and now the British muskets, so
long shouldered, were levelled, and with crash upon crash the volleys
rang out from end to end of the line, first the First Guards, then the
Coldstreams, then the Scots, and so through brigade after brigade,
two battalions loading while the third fired, a ceaseless, rolling,
infernal fire. Down dropped the whole of the French front rank, blue
coats, red coats and white, before the storm. Nineteen officers and six
hundred men of the French and Swiss Guards fell at the first discharge;
regiment Courtin was crushed out of existence; regiment Aubeterre,
striving hard to stem the tide, was swept aside by a single imperious
volley which laid half of its men on the ground. The British infantry
were perfectly in hand; their officers could be seen coolly tapping
the muskets of the men with their canes so that every discharge might
be low and deadly; while the battalion-guns also poured in round after
round of grape with terrible effect. The first French line was utterly
shattered and broken. Even while the British were advancing, Saxe had
brought up additional troops to meet them and had posted regiments
Couronne and Soissonois in rear of the King’s regiment, and the Brigade
Royal in rear of the French Guards; but all alike went down before the
irresistible volleys. The red-coats continued their triumphant advance
for full three hundred yards into the heart of the French camp, and old
Ligonier’s heart leaped within him, for he thought that the battle was
won.
Saxe for his part thought little differently from Ligonier; but
though half dead with dropsy, reduced to suck a bullet to assuage his
intolerable thirst, so weak that he could not ride but was carried
about the field in a wicker litter, the gallant German never for a
moment lost his head. Sending a message to the French King, who with
the Dauphin was watching the action from a windmill in the rear,
to retire across the Scheldt without delay, he strove to gain time
to rally his infantry. On the first repulse of the French Guards
Cumberland had detached two battalions to help the Dutch by a flanking
attack on Fontenoy. Seeing that this movement must be checked at
all hazards, Saxe headed these troops back by a charge of cavalry;
whereupon one of the battalions extended itself along the left flank
of the British. Partly in this way, partly owing to the incessant
play of the French artillery on both flanks, the two British lines
assumed the form of two huge oblong columns which gradually became
welded into one. The change was not untimely, for now the first line
of the French cavalry, which had been posted in rear of the forest of
Barry, came down upon the British at full gallop, only to reel back
shivered to fragments by the same terrible fire. Then the second line
tried its fortune, but met with no better fate. Finally, the Household
Cavalry, the famous Maison du Roi, burning with all the ardour of
Dettingen unavenged, was launched against the scarlet columns, and
like its predecessors, came flying back, a mob of riderless horses
and uncontrollable men, decimated, shattered and repulsed by the
never-ending fire. “It was like charging two flaming fortresses rather
than two columns of infantry.”[82]
Nevertheless some time was hereby gained for the broken French infantry
to re-form. The British, once arrived within the French camp, came to
a halt, and looked at last to see how the Dutch were faring on their
left. As has already been told, Waldeck’s attack had been a total
failure, and the British, unsupported and always under a cross-fire of
artillery, fell back to the crest of the ridge and were re-formed for a
second attack. Waldeck undertook to make another attempt on Fontenoy,
and Cumberland, in reliance upon his help, again advanced at the head
of the British. But meanwhile Saxe had brought forward his reserves
from Ramecroix, and among them the Irish brigade, to meet him, while
artillery had also been brought up from the French right to play upon
the British front. The French Guards and the rest of the troops of the
French first line had also been rallied, and the task of the British
was well-nigh desperate. The Irish brigade, which consisted of six
battalions, was made up not of Irish only but of Scots and English
also, desperate characters who went into action with a rope round
their necks, and would fight like devils. Yet, even in this second
attack the British carried their advance as far as in the first, the
perfection of their fire-discipline enabling them to beat back even the
Irish brigade for a time. But their losses had been frightfully heavy;
the Dutch would not move one foot to the attack of Fontenoy, and the
cannonade in front added to that in the flanks became unendurable. The
French infantry likewise closed round on them in superior numbers on
both flanks, and it became apparent that there was nothing for it but a
retreat.
Ligonier sent back two battalions to secure the roads leading through
Vezon, and the retreat then began in perfectly good order. The French
Household Cavalry made a furious charge upon the rear of the column
as it faced about, but found to its cost that the infernal fire was
not yet quenched. The three battalions of Guards and a battalion of
Hanoverians turned sternly about to meet them, and gave them a few
parting volleys, which wholly extinguished one regiment and brought
down every officer of another. A few British squadrons, the Blues
conspicuous among them, pushed forward, in spite of heavy losses,
through the cross-fire to lend what help they could, and the remnant
of the heroic battalions retired, facing about in succession at every
hundred yards, as steadily and proudly as they had advanced.