_Of the several wayes of Taxe, and first, of setting a part,
a proportion of the whole Territory for Publick uses, in the
nature of Crown Lands; and secondly, by way of Assessement, or
Land-taxe._
But supposing, that the several causes of Publick Charge are
lessened as much as may be, and that the people be well satisfied,
and contented to pay their just shares of what is needfull for
their Government and Protection, as also for the Honour of their
Prince and Countrey: It follows now to propose the several wayes,
and expedients, how the same may be most easily, speedily, and
insensibly collected. The which I shall do, by exposing the
conveniencies and inconveniences of some of the principal wayes
of Levyings, used of later years within the several States of
_Europe_: unto which others of smaller and more rare use may be
referred.
2. Imagine then, a number of people, planted in a Territory, who
had upon Computation concluded, that two Millions of pounds _per
annum_, is necessary to the publick charges. Or rather, who going
more wisely to work, had computed a twenty fifth part of the
proceed of all their Lands and Labours, were to be the _Excisum_,
or the part to be cut out, and laid aside for publick uses. Which
proportions perhaps are fit enough to the affairs of _England_, but
of that hereafter.
3. Now the question is, how the one or the other shall be raised.
The first way we propose, is, to Excize the very Land it self in
kinde; that is, to cut out of the whole twenty five Millions, which
are said to be in _England_ and _Wales_, as much Land _in specie_,
as whereof the Rack-rent would be two Millions, _viz._ about four
Millions of Acres, which is about a sixth part of the whole;
making the said four Millions to be Crown Lands, and as the four
Counties intended to be reserved in _Ireland_ upon the forfeitures
were. Or else to excize a sixth part of the rent of the whole,
which is about the proportion, that the Adventurers and Souldiers
in _Ireland_ retribute to the King, as Quit Rents. Of which two
wayes, the latter is manifestly the better, the King having more
security, and more obligees, provided the trouble and charge of
this universal Collection, exceed not that of the other advantage
considerably.
4. This way in a new State would be good, being agreed upon, as it
was in _Ireland_, before men had even the possession of any Land
at all; wherefore whosoever buyes Land in _Ireland_ hereafter, is
no more concerned with the Quit Rents wherewith they are charged,
then if the Acres were so much the fewer; or then men are, who
buy Land, out of which they know Tythes are to be paid. And truly
that Countrey is happy, in which by Original Accord, such a Rent
is reserved, as whereby the Publick charge may be born, without
contingent, sudden, superadditions, in which lies the very _Ratio_
of the burthen of all Contributions and Exactions. For in such
cases, as was said before, it is not onely the Landlord payes, but
every man who eats but an Egg, or an Onion of the growth of his
Lands; or who useth the help of any Artisan, which feedeth on the
same.
5. But if the same were propounded in _England_, _viz._ if an
aliquot part of every Landlords Rent were excinded or retrenched,
then those whose Rents were settled, and determined for long times
to come, would chiefly bear the burthen of such an Imposition,
and others have a benefit thereby. For suppose _A._ and _B._
have each of them a parcel of Land, of equal goodness and value;
suppose also that _A._ hath let his parcel for twenty one years at
twenty pound _per annum_, but that _B._ is free; now there comes
out a Taxe of a fifth part; hereupon _B._ will not let under 25_l._
that his remainder may be twenty, whereas _A._ must be contented
with sixteen neat; nevertheless the Tenants of _A._ will sell the
proceed of their bargain at the same rate, that the Tenants of _B._
shall do. The effect of all this is; First, that the Kings fifth
part of _B._ his Farm, shall be greater then before. Secondly, that
the Farmer to _B._ shall gain more then before the Taxe. Thirdly,
that the Tenant or Farmer of _A._ shall gain as much as the King
and Tenant to _B._ both. Fourthly, the Tax doth ultimately light
upon the Landlord _A._ and the Consumptioners. From whence it
follows, that a Land-taxe resolves into an irregular Excize upon
consumptions, that those bear it most, who least complain. And
lastly, that some Landlords may gain, and onely such whose Rents
are predetermined shall loose; and that doubly, _viz._ one way
by the raising of their revenues, and the other by enhansing the
prices of provisions upon them.
6. Another way is an _Excisum_ out of the Rent of Houseing,
which is much more uncertain then that of Land. For an House is
of a double nature, _viz._ one, wherein it is a way and means of
expence; the other, as ’tis an Instrument and Tool of gain: for
a Shop in _London_ of less capacity and less charge in building
then a fair Dining-Room in the same House, unto which both do
belong, shall nevertheless be of the greater value; so also shall
a Dungeon, Sellar, then a pleasant Chamber; because the one is
expence, the other profit. Now the way of a Land-taxe rates
housing, as of the latter nature, but the Excize, as of the former.
7. We might adde hereunto, that housing is sometimes
disproportionally taxed to discourage Building, especially upon
new Foundations, thereby to prevent the growth of a City; suppose
_London_, such excessive and overgrown Cities being dangerous to
Monarchy, though the more secure when the Supremacy is in Citizens
of such places themselves, as in _Venice_.
8. But we say, that such checking of new Buildings signifies
nothing to this purpose; for as much as Buildings do not encrease,
until the People already have increased: but the remedy of the
abovementioned dangers is to be sought in the causes of the
encrease of People, the which if they can be nipt, the other work
will necessarily be done.
But what then is the true effect of forbidding to build upon new
foundations? I answer to keep and fasten the City to its old seat
and ground-plot, the which encouragement for new Buildings will
remove, as it comes to pass almost in all great Cities, though
insensibly, and not under many years progression.
9. The reason whereof is, because men are unwilling to build new
houses at the charge of pulling down their old, where both the old
house it self, and the ground it stands upon do make a much dearer
ground-plot for a new house, and yet far less free and convenient;
wherefore men build upon new free foundations, and cobble up old
houses, until they become fundamentally irreparable, at which time
they become either the dwelling of the Rascality, or in process of
time return to waste and Gardens again, examples whereof are many
even about _London_.
Now if great Cities are naturally apt to remove their Seats, I ask
which way? I say, in the case of _London_, it must be Westward,
because the Windes blowing near 3./4. of the year from the West,
the dwellings of the West end are so much the more free from the
fumes, steams, and stinks of the whole Easterly Pyle; which where
Seacoal is burnt is a great matter. Now if it follow from hence,
that the Pallaces of the greatest men will remove Westward, it will
also naturally follow, that the dwellings of others who depend upon
them will creep after them. This we see in _London_, where the
Noblemens ancient houses are now become Halls for Companies, or
turned Into Tenements, and All the Pallaces are Gotten Westward;
Insomuch, As I Do Not Doubt but That Five Hundred Years Hence,
The Kings Pallace will be near _Chelsey_, and the Old Building Of
_Whitehall_ converted to uses more answerable to their quality. For
to build a new Royal Pallace upon the same ground will be too great
a confinement, in respect of Gardens and other magnificencies,
and withall a disaccommodation in the time of the work; but it
rather seems to me, that the next Palace will be built from the
whole present contignation of houses at such a distance as the old
Pallace of _Westminster_ was from the City of _London_, when the
Archers began to bend their bowes just without _Ludgate_, and when
all the space between the _Thames_, _Fleet-street_, and _Holborn_
was as _Finsbury-Fields_ are now.
10. This digression I confess to be both impertinent to the
business of Taxes, and in it self almost needless; for why should
we trouble our selves what shall be five hundred years hence, not
knowing what a day may bring forth; and since ’tis not unlikely,
but that before that time we may be all transplanted from hence
into _America_, these Countreys being overrun with Turks, and made
waste, as the Seats of the famous Eastern Empires at this day are.
11. Onely I think ’tis certain, that while ever there are people
in _England_, the greatest cohabitation of them will be about the
place which is now _London_, the _Thames_ being the most commodious
River of this Island, and the seat of _London_ the most commodious
part of the _Thames_; so much doth the means of facilitating
Carriage greaten a City, which may put us in minde of employing our
idle hands about mending the High-wayes, making Bridges, Cawseys,
and Rivers navigable: Which considerations brings me back round
into my way of Taxes, from whence I digrest.
12. But before we talk too much of Rents in order to Taxes, we
should endeavour to explain the mysterious nature of them, with
reference as well to Money, the rent of which we call usury; as to
that of Lands and Houses, aforementioned.
13. Suppose a man could with his own hands plant a certain scope of
Land with Corn, that is, could Digg, or Plough, Harrow, Weed, Reap,
Carry home, Thresh, and Winnow so much as the Husbandry of this
Land requires; and had withal Seed wherewith to sowe the same. I
say, that when this man hath subducted his seed out of the proceed
of his Harvest, and also, what himself hath both eaten and given to
others in exchange for Clothes, and other Natural necessaries; that
the remainder of Corn, is the natural and true Rent of the Land for
that year; and the _medium_ of seven years, or rather of so many
years as makes up the Cycle, within which Dearths and Plenties
make their revolution, doth give the ordinary Rent of the Land in
Corn.
14. But a further, though collaterall question may be, how much
English money this Corn or Rent is worth? I answer, so much as
the money, which another single man can save, within the same
time, over and above his expence, if he imployed himself wholly
to produce and make it; _viz._ Let another man go travel into a
Countrey where is Silver, there Dig it, Refine it, bring it to the
same place where the other man planted his Corn; Coyne it, &c. the
same person, all the while of his working for Silver, gathering
also food for his necessary livelihood, and procuring himself
covering, &c. I say, the Silver of the one, must be esteemed of
equal value with the Corn of the other; the one being perhaps
twenty Ounces, and the other twenty Bushels. From whence it
follows, that the price of a Bushel of this Corn to be an Ounce of
Silver.
15. And forasmuch as possibly there may be more Art and Hazzard
in working about the Silver, then about the Corn, yet all comes
to the same pass; for let a hundred men work ten years upon Corn,
and the same number of men, the same time, upon Silver; I say,
that the neat proceed of the Silver is the price of the whole neat
proceed of the Corn, and like parts of the one, the price of like
parts of the other. Although not so many of those who wrought in
Silver, learned the Art of refining and coining, or out-lived the
dangers and diseases of working in the Mines. And this also is the
way of pitching the true proportion, between the values of Gold and
Silver, which many times is set but by popular errour, sometimes
more, sometimes less, diffused in the world; which errour (by the
way) is the cause of our having been pestred with too much Gold
heretofore, and wanting it now.
16. This, I say, to be the foundation of equallizing and ballancing
of values; yet in the superstructures and practices hereupon, I
confess there is much variety, and intricacy; of which hereafter.
17. The world measures things by Gold and Silver, but principally
the latter; for there may not be two measures, and consequently
the better of many must be the onely of all; that is, by fine
silver of a certain weight; but now if it be hard to measure the
weight and fineness of silver, as by the different reports of the
ablest Saymasters I have known it to be; and if silver granted to
be of the same fineness and weight, rise and fall in its price,
and be more worth at one place then another, not onely for being
farther from the Mines, but for other accidents, and may be more
worth at present, then a moneth or other small time hence; and if
it differ in its proportion unto the several things valued by it,
in several ages upon the increase and diminution thereof, we shall
endeavour to examine some other natural Standards and Measures,
without derogating from the excellent use of these.
18. Our Silver and Gold we call by severall names, as in _England_
by pounds, shillings, and pence, all which may be called and
understood by either of the three. But that which I would say upon
this matter is, that all things ought to be valued by two natural
Denominations, which is Land and Labour; that is, we ought to
say, a Ship or garment is worth such a measure of Land, with such
another measure of Labour; forasmuch as both Ships and Garments
were the creatures of Lands and mens Labours thereupon: This being
true, we should be glad to finde out a natural Par between Land and
Labour, so as we might express the value by either of them alone
as well or better then by both, and reduce one into the other as
easily and certainly as we reduce pence into pounds. Wherefore we
would be glad to finde the natural values of the Fee simple of
Land, though but no better then we have done that of the _usus
fructus_ abovementioned, which we attempt as followeth.
19. Having found the Rent or value of the _usus fructus per annum_,
the question is, how many years purchase (as we usually say) is
the Fee simple naturally worth? If we say an infinite number, then
an Acre of Land would be equal in value to a thousand Acres of the
same Land; which is absurd, an infinity of unities being equal to
an infinity of thousands. Wherefore we must pitch upon some limited
number, and that I apprehend to be the number of years, which I
conceive one man of fifty years old, another of twenty eight, and
another of seven years old, all being alive together may be thought
to live; that is to say, of a Grandfather, Father, and Childe;
few men having reason to take care of more remote Posterity: for
if a man be a great Grandfather, he himself is so much the nearer
his end, so as there are but three in a continual line of descent
usually co-existing together; and as some are Grandfathers at forty
years, yet as many are not till above sixty, and _sic de cæteris_.
20. Wherefore I pitch the number of years purchase, that any
Land is naturally worth, to be the ordinary extent of three such
persons their lives. Now in _England_ we esteem three lives equal
to one and twenty years, and consequently the value of Land, to be
about the same number of years purchase. Possibly if they thought
themselves mistaken in the one, (as the observator on the Bills of
Mortality thinks they are) they would alter in the other, unless
the confederation of the force of popular errour and dependance of
things already concatenated, did hinder them.
21. This I esteem to be the number of years purchase where Titles
are good, and where there is a moral certainty of enjoying the
purchase. But in other Countreys Lands are worth nearer thirty
years purchase, by reason of the better Titles, more people, and
perhaps truer opinion of the value and duration of three lives.
22. And in some places, Lands are worth yet more years purchase
by reason of some special honour, pleasures, priviledge or
jurisdiction annexed unto them.
23. On the other hand, Lands are worth fewer years purchase (as in
_Ireland_) for the following reasons, which I have here set down,
as unto the like whereof the cause of the like cheapness in any
other place may be imputed.
First, In _Ireland_ by reason of the frequent Rebellions, (in
which if you are conquered, all is lost; or if you conquer, yet
you are subject to swarms of thieves and robbers) and the envy
which precedent missions of English have against the subsequent,
perpetuity it self is but forty years long, as within which time
some ugly disturbance hath hitherto happened almost ever since the
first coming of the English thither.
24. 2. The Claims upon Claims which each hath to the others
Estates, and the facility of making good any pretence whatsoever
by the favour of some one or other of the many Governours and
Ministers which within forty years shall be in power there; as also
by the frequency of false testimonies, and abuse of solemn Oaths.
25. 3. The paucity of Inhabitants, there being not above the
1./5.^{th.} part so many as the Territory would maintain, and of
those but a small part do work at all, and yet a smaller work so
much as in other Countreys.
26. 4. That a great part of the Estates both real and personal
in _Ireland_ are owned by Absentees, and such as draw over the
profits raised out of _Ireland_ refunding nothing; so as _Ireland_
exporting more then it imports doth yet grow poorer to a paradox.
27. 5. The difficulty of executing justice, so many of those in
power being themselves protected by Offices, and protecting others.
Moreover, the number of criminous and indebted persons being
great, they favour their like in Juries, Offices, and wheresoever
they can: Besides the Countrey is seldom rich enough to give
due encouragement to profound Judges and Lawyers, which makes
judgements very casual; ignorant men being more apt to be bold and
arbitrary, then such as understand the dangers of it. But all this
a little care in due season might remedy, so as to bring _Ireland_
in a few years to the same level of values with other places; but
of this also elsewhere more at large, for in the next place we
shall come to Usury.