5. Fifthly, Fewness of people, especially of Labourers and
Artificers.
6. Sixthly, Ignorance of the numbers, Wealth and Trade of the
people, causing a needless repetition of the charge and trouble of
new additional Levies, in order to amend mistakes.
7. As to particulars. The Causes of encreasing the Military Charge
are the same with those that encrease Wars, or fear of Wars, which
are Forreign or Civil.
8. An Offensive Forreign War is caused by many, and those very
various, secret, personal distastes coloured----with publick
pretences; of which we can say nothing, but that the common
encouragement unto them particularly here in _England_ is a
false opinion, that our Countrey is full peopled, or that if we
wanted more Territory, we could take it with less charge from our
neighbours, then purchase it from the _Americans_; and a mistake,
that the greatness and glory of a Prince lyeth rather in the extent
of his Territory, then in the number, art, and industry of his
people, well united and governed. And moreover, that it is more
glorious to take from others by fraud or rapine, then to gain ones
self out of the bowels of the Earth and Sea.
9. Now those States are free from Forreign Offensive Wars (arising
as abovesaid out of Personal and Private Causes) where the chief
Governours Revenue is but small, and not sufficient to carry on
such Wars, the which if they happen to be begun, and so far carryed
on, as to want general Contributions, then those who have the
power to impose them, do commonly enquire what private persons and
Ends occasioned the War, and so fall upon the Authors, rather then
contribute to the Effect; otherwise then to quench it.
10. Defensive Wars are caused from unpreparedness of the offended
State for War, as when defective Stores are served into the
Magazines by corrupt Officers at the rate of good; when Armies are
falsely Mustered; when Souldiers are either Tenants or Servants to
their Commanders, or else persons, who for their Crimes or Debts,
want protection from Justice; when the Officers are ignorant of
their business, and absent from their Commands; and withal afraid
to punish, because unwilling to pay. Wherefore to be alwayes in a
posture of War at home, is the cheapest way to keep off War from
abroad.
11. The causes of Civil Wars here in _Europe_ proceed very much
from Religion, _viz._ the punishing of Believers heterodox from the
Authorized way, in publike and open places, before great multitudes
of ignorant people, with loss of life, liberty, and limbs, rather
then by well proportioned tolerable pecuniary mulcts, such as every
conscientious Non-Conformist would gladly pay, and Hypocrites by
refusing, discover themselves to be such.
12. Civil Wars are likewise caused by peoples fansying, that
their own uneasie condition may be best remedied by an universal
confusion; although indeed upon the upshot of such disorders they
shall probably be in a worse, even although they survive and
succeed, but more probably perish in the contest.
13. Moreover, the peoples believing that Forms of Government shall
in a few years produce any considerable alteration as to the wealth
of the Subject that the Form which is most ancient and present
is not the best for the place; that any established family or
person is not better then any new pretender, or even then the best
Election that can be made; that Sovereignty is invisible, and that
it is not certainly annexed unto some certain person or persons.
14. Causes of Civil War are also, that the Wealth of the Nation
is in too few mens hands, and that no certain means are provided
to keep all men from a necessity either to beg, or steal, or be
Souldiers.
Moreover, the allowing Luxury in some, whilst others needlesly
starve.
The dispensing of benefits upon casual and uncertain Motives,
the giving vaste Emoluments to persons and parties of no certain
visible merit. These are the things which cause animosities among
the totter-headed multitude, who are the tinder that the sparks of
a few Designers may easily inflame.
15. One Cause of Publick Charge in matters of Religion, is the not
having changed the limits of Parishes and Cures with the Change of
Religion from Popery, and with the Changes in Plantation and Trade.
For now when the Ministers of the Gospel preach unto multitudes
assembled in one place, may not Parishes be bigger? that is, may
not Flocks be more numerous, then when every particular sheep was,
as heretofore, drest and shorn three or four times _per annum_
by Shrift. If there be in _England_ and _Wales_ but about five
millions of people, what needs more then 5000. Parishes? that is
1000. Sheep under every Shepheard. Whereas in the middling Parishes
of _London_ there are about 5000. souls in each. Upon which account
there needs be in _England_ and _Wales_ but a 1000. Parishes,
whereas there are near 10000.
16. Now the saving of half the Parishes, would (reckoning the
benefices one with another, but at 100_l._ _per Annum_ a piece) save
500000_l._ Besides, when the number of Parochial Parsons were halved,
then there would need but half the present number of Byshops, Deans
and Chapters, Colledges and Cathedralls, which perhaps would amount
to two or three hundred thousand pounds more: And yet the Church
of God would be more regularly served then now, and that without
prejudice to that sacred, ancient Order of Episcopacy, and the way
of their Maintenance by Tythes; and all this in a method of greater
Reformation and suitableness thereunto.
18. But suppose it be said, that in some wild Countreys, a thousand
people do not live in a less scope of ground then of eight miles
square. To which I answer, that there are few or no such places,
the largest Parishes I know, being not more capacious then of three
or four miles square, in which is no difficulty, for the people to
meet once a week at some central place within that scope.
19. Moreover I say, that a Curate of small Learning, if of good
life, and duly Ordained, may officiate in four Chappels of Ease
every Sunday; and the Preacher, who indeed should be a person of
Learning and Eloquence, may preach every other Sunday in every
of the said Chappels, by preaching in two of them one day, and
in the other two, the other day: And this with Catechizing, and
Extra-Lectures upon the Week-dayes, would perform as much as now is
performed, and as much as by the blessing of God is necessary to
salvation; for the yoak of Christ is easie, and his burthen light.
20. But to put an end to this doubt; I affirm, that if England and
Wales were cut out in parcels of three miles square, there would be
found few above four thousand such, of which to make Parishes.
21. Now if it be said, that the Alienation of these Tythes is
Sacriledge; I answer, that if the same be employed to defend the
Church of God against the Turke and Pope, and the Nations who
adhere to them, it is not at all; or less, then to give 3./4. of
the same to the Wives and Children of the Priests which were not in
being when those allowances were set forth?
21. If I had not an abhorrence from propounding the lessening of
the Church Means, I could say, that the retrenching part of each
remaining Parsons Tythes and Emoluments, and leaving them for part,
to the free Contributions of their Flocks, were a way to promote
the Gospel, and to give less offence to such as think that their
whole maintenance should be made in that manner.
22. I might also say, that forasmuch as there be more Males then
Females in _England_, (the said disproportion _pro tanto_ hindering
procreation) that it were good for the Ministers to return to
their Cælibat; or that none should be Ministers, whilst they were
married, it being easie among five millions of people to finde out
5000. that could and would live single, that is, one in a thousand:
And then our unmarried Parson might live as well with half, as now
with the whole of his Benefice.
23. Alwayes provided, that though the number of Parishes, and the
measure of Benefices were lessened, yet that the same ought to be
done without dammage to the present Incumbents.
24. As for lessening the Charge of Offices relating to the
Government and the Law, the same will consist in abolishing the
superfluous, supernumerary, and antiquated; and withall, in
retrenching the Fees of others, to what the labour, art, and trust
of their respective employments do require. For there be many
Offices wholly executed by Deputies for small wages, whereas the
Masters of them have ten times as much, although they know nothing
either of what is done, or ought to be done in the business.
25. Now such Surplusages as these should be either restored unto
the people who gave them unto the King, at a time when those Fees
made up but a just reward for the Officer; or else the King keeping
them still might take them for so much toward the Publick Charge,
but not give them away to stop the importunate suits of any
particular person, in whom and in all his dependants, such benefits
do but cause a laziness as to the true original gain of the Nation,
and themselves in particular, together with a total negligence and
ignorance of the publick good.
26. Many are the particulars that might be instanced of this
kinde; but my aim not being to prejudice any man in particular, I
descend no lower, wishing onely that there might be an universal
Reformation of what length of time hath warped awry, in which case
no particular men are to be troubled; for if all suffer, none
suffers, and all men would be no poorer then now they are if they
should lose half their Estates; nor would they be a whit the richer
if the same were doubled, the _Ratio formalis_ of Riches lying
rather in proportion then quantity.
27. To lessen the charge of Universities, unto which I adde the
Inns of Court, which is not much, were to lessen the number of the
Students in Divinity, Law and Medicine, by lessening the use of
those Professions.
Now having spoken already of Divinity, I come next to the Law, and
say; that if Registers were kept of all mens Estates in Lands, and
of all the Conveyances of, and Engagements upon them; and withal
if publick Loan-Banks, Lombards, or Banks of Credit upon deposited
money, Plate, Jewels, Cloth, Wooll, Silke, Leather, Linnen,
Mettals, and other durable Commodities, were erected, I cannot
apprehend how there could be above one tenth part of the Law-suits
and Writings, as now there are.
28. And moreover, if by accompt of the people, of their Land and
other wealth, the number of Lawyers and Scriveners were adjusted,
I cannot conceive how their should remain above one hundredth part
of what now are; forasmuch as I have heard some affirm, that there
be now ten times as many as are even now necessary; and that there
are now ten times as many Law-suits, as upon the abovementioned
Reformation, there would be. It follows therefore, that upon the
whole there would not need one in a hundred of the present number
of Retainers to the Law, and Offices of Justice; the occasions as
well of crimes as injuries being so much retrenched.
29. As for Physicians, it is not hard by the help of the
observations which have been lately made upon the Bills of
Mortality, to know how many are sick in _London_ by the number
of them that dye, and by the proportions of the City to finde
out the same of the Countrey; and by both, by the advice of the
learned Colledge of that Faculty to calculate how many Physicians
were requisite for the whole Nation, and consequently, how many
Students in that art to permit and encourage; and lastly, having
calculated these numbers, to adoptate a proportion of Chyrurgeons,
Apothecaries, and Nurses to them, and so by the whole to cut off
and extinguish that infinite swarm of vain pretenders unto, and
abusers of that God-like Faculty, which of all Secular Employments
our Saviour himself after he began to preach engaged himself upon.
30. Moreover, if it were agreed, what number of Divines,
Physicians, and Civilians (that is, of men bred in Universities)
were requisite to the publick service? As suppose 13000. in
the present way, and perhaps not above 6000. in that way of
Retrenchment which we propound; then supposing that but one in
forty dyes _per annum_, it follows that less then 350. might
suffice to be sent yearly out of the Universities: Where supposing
they stay five years one with another, it followeth also that
about 1800. is the number of Students fit to be allowed in the
Universities at a time; I mean, of such as intend to make Learning
their Trade and way of Livelihood.
31. I might intimate, that if 1800. Students were enough, and that
if there were 40000. Parish Children and Foundlings in _England_,
it were probable that one in twenty of them might be of excellent
wit and towardness.
Now since the Publick may dispose of these Children as they please,
and since there is Maintenance in both Universities for above 1800.
what if our Professors of Art were in this manner selected and
educated? But of this but _in transitu_.
32. Hereunto may be added, that by reason of Loan Banks
aforementioned, whereby the Credits and Estates of all Dealers may
be known, and all the mysterious dangers of money prevented, and
that by good Accompts of our growth, Manufacture, Consumption,
and Importation, it might be known how many Merchants were able
to mannage the Exchange of our superfluous Commodities with the
same of other Countreys: And also how many Retailers are needful
to make the subdistributions into every Village of this Nation,
and to receive back their superfluities. Upon these grounds I
presume a large proportion of these also might be retrenched, who
properly and originally earn nothing from the Publick, being onely
a kinde of Gamesters, that play with one another for the labours
of the poor; yielding of themselves no fruit at all, otherwise
then as veins and arteries, to distribute forth and back the blood
and nutritive juyces of the Body Politick, namely the product of
Husbandry and Manufacture.
33. Now if the numerous Offices and Fees relating to the
Government, Law, and Church, and if the number of Divines, Lawyers,
Physicians, Merchants, and Retailers were also lessened, all which
do receive great wages for little work done to the Publick, with
how much greater ease would common expences be defrayed? and with
how much more equality would the same be assessed?
34. We enumerated six Branches of the Publick Charge, and have
slightly spoken how four of them might be lessened; we come next
to the other two Branches, whereof we shall rather recommend the
augmentation.
The first of these two Branches I call, generally speaking, Care of
the Poor, consisting of Receptacles for the aged, blinde, lame, &c.
in health; Hospitals for noysome, chronical, curable and uncurable,
inward and outward Diseases. With others for acute and contagious.
Others for Orphans, sound and exposed Children; of which latter
sort none should be refused, let the number be never so great,
provided their names, families, and relations were well concealed:
The choice of which Children being made at their being about eight
or ten years old, might afford the King the fittest Instruments
for all kinde of his Affairs, and be as firmly obliged to be his
faithful servants as his own natural Children.
35. This is no new nor rare thing, onely the neglect of it in
these Countreys, is rather to be esteemed a rare and new project:
Nor is it unknown what excellent fruits there have been of this
Institution, of which we shall say much more, upon another occasion
hereafter.
36. When all helpless and impotent Persons were thus provided for,
and the lazy and thievish restrained and punished by the Minister
of Justice, it follows now, that we finde out certain constant
Employments for all other indigent people, who labouring according
to the Rules upon them, may require a sufficiency of food and
raiment. Their Children also, (if small and impotent) as aforesaid,
being provided for elsewhere.
37. But what shall these Employments be? I answer, such as were
reckoned as the sixth Branch of the Publick Expence, _viz._ making
all High-wayes so broad, firm, and eaven, as whereby the charge
and tedium of travelling and Carriages may be greatly lessened.
The cutting and scowring of Rivers into Navigable; the planting of
usefull Trees for timber, delight, and fruit in convenient places.
The making of Bridges and Cawseys.
The working in Mines, Quarries, and Colleries.
The Manufactures of Iron, &c.
38. I pitch upon all these particulars, first, as works wanting in
this Nation; secondly, as works of much labour, and little art; and
thirdly, as introductive of new Trades into _England_, to supply
that of Cloth, which we have almost totally lost.
In the next place it will be asked, who shall pay these men? I
answer, every body; for if there be 1000. men in a Territory, and
if 100. of these can raise necessary food and raiment for the whole
1000. If 200. more, make as much commodities, as other Nations
will give either their commodities or money for, and if 400. more
be employed in the ornaments, pleasure, and magnificence of the
whole; if there be 200. Governours, Divines, Lawyers, Physicians,
Merchants, and Retailers, making in all 900. the question is,
since there is food enough for this supernumerary 100. also, how
they should come by it? whether by begging, or by stealing; or
whether they shall suffer themselves to starve, finding no fruit
of their begging, or being taken in their stealing be put to death
another way? Or whether they shall be given away to another Nation
that will take them? I think ’tis plain, they ought neither to
be starved, nor hanged, nor given away; now if they beg, they
may pine for hunger to day, and be gorged and glutted to morrow,
which will occasion Diseases and evil habits, the same may be said
of stealing; moreover, perhaps they may get either by begging or
stealing more then will suffice them, which will for ever after
indispose them to labour, even upon the greatest occasion which may
suddenly and unexpectedly happen.
39. For all these Reasons, it will be certainly the safer way to
afford them the superfluity which would otherwise be lost and
wasted, or wantonly spent: Or in case there be no overplus, then
’tis fit to retrench a little from the delicacy of others feeding
in quantity or quality; few men spending less then double of what
might suffice them as to the bare necessities of nature.
40. Now as to the work of these supernumeraries, let it be without
expence of Foreign Commodities, and then ’tis no matter if it be
employed to build a useless Pyramid upon _Salisbury Plain_, bring
the Stones at _Stonehenge_ to _Tower-Hill_, or the like; for at
worst this would keep their mindes to discipline and obedience, and
their bodies to a patience of more profitable labours when need
shall require it.
41. In the next place, as an instance of the usefulness of what
hath been propounded, I ask what benefit will the mending of
High-wayes, the building of Bridges and Cawseys, with making of
Rivers navigable produce, besides the pleasure and beauty of them?
To which I also answer, as an instance of the premises, that the
same, together with the numerous millions of Cattle and Sheep
out of _Ireland_, shall produce a vaste superfluity of English
Horses, the which because they have the many excellent qualities of
beauty, strength, courage, swiftness, and patience concentrated in
them, beyond the Horses of other places, would be a very vendible
Commodity all over _Europe_; and such as depending upon the
intrinsick nature of the English Soyle could not be counterfeited,
nor taken away by others. Moreover, an Horse is such a Commodity as
will carry both himself and his Merchant to the Market, be the same
never so distant.