CHAPTER XI

AFTERWARDS

So far as consecutive dated documents go, Mary's history comes to an end

with her open marriage, for this last chapter is largely made up of odds

and ends of information, undated letters, dated scraps, as tantalizing

in their laconic information as the fuller undated letters in their

vagueness. When possible from internal evidence, the letters have been

dated, but generally this is not so, and they are chiefly valuable as

accentuating that pleasant trait in Mary's character, already noticed in

her history, her readiness to use her influence to help her dependents.

The letters are with few exceptions addressed to Wolsey, and they show

in their language, which one cannot help but believe to be the

expression of genuine feeling, that she never forgot his help in her

time of trouble. With one exception, the question of the divorce of

Katharine, we have absolutely no data to show what was her attitude

towards the circling events of the ensuing eighteen years, and this

chapter is found to bear the same relation to the foregoing ones as the

stick does to the rocket.

Suffolk and Wolsey were busy for months over the marriage question, but

one of the first things the Duke found time to do was to retrieve his

daughter Anne from the care of Lady Margaret of Savoy.[458] He wrote to

her on May 30, 1515, thanking her for her care of the child, whom he had

intended to have left permanently in her charge, but as the French Queen

desired her presence, he was sending Sir Edward Guildford to bring her

home.

[458] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 529. Add. MS. 14,840.

So far as the jewels and plate were concerned,[459] Sir Wm. Sidney had

no success in his mission to Francis. Neither jewels nor plate were

forthcoming, so Sir Richard Wingfield,[460] who knew all the intricacies

of the affair, was commissioned to go to the French King. Sir Richard

was very unwilling to undertake the journey to Lyons, where was Francis;

"nevertheless, if my voyage shall proceed, I trust it is not the King's

highness mind that I should jeopard my life with him, for if I had one

hundred lives I lever jeopard them with my prince than one with any

other prince." Henry desired no jeoparding of his life, and his

instructions were to thank the French King for his consolation of the

King's sister; and then, other matters relating to the continuation of

the amity having been presented, he was to show to Francis the right of

the Queen-dowager of France to the jewels and plate of gold of her late

husband, and so on through the whole argument again, dwelling on the

fact that the Mirror of Naples is but a small thing, and her own by

right, and using all wisdom, policy, and sober persuasions that he can

to this effect. It was all to no purpose; gold plate and jewels Mary

never saw again, and her income from her dowry was uncertain, and caused

anxiety and weariness all her life. During this year and the next,

while the matter was still fresh in the mind of Henry, he did not cease

to urge the restitution of the jewels, always as a matter of right.

[459] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 828.

[460] _Ibid._, ii. 665.

Mary and her husband had been forgiven and were in favour again, and at

Court became quite naturally the centre of all those French influences

and ideas which have always had such a vivid attraction to Englishmen.

Wolsey's policy, however, was giving way to pressure, and was swinging

back to the traditional one of enmity to France, so that the Suffolks

watched events with some anxiety. They were in communication with the

Duke of Albany,[461] the head of the French party in Scotland: Mary to

ask his protection for her sister, Queen Margaret, and her nephews,

while Albany[462] wrote in October to Suffolk to ask for his good

offices with Henry for him. If Suffolk could only have kept out of the

French circle it would have been safer for him, but he was nervous about

the fulfilment of his marriage contract as it regarded the King, and

desired to continue on friendly terms with Francis and Louise, so that

his very fear of Henry's anger drove him into constant danger of

incurring it. Thus, in 1515,[463] when Bapaume, the French Ambassador,

had been rudely received by Henry, who was annoyed by Francis' brilliant

successes in Italy and by his help to the Scots, what must Suffolk do

but go and smooth matters over. He was as civil as Henry had been the

reverse, and rejoiced at the fitness of the French, and said no one was

more obliged to their King than he was, and that, after Henry, he would

serve him all his life. He reassured Bapaume, whose fears had been

excited by the christening by the French Queen of the new galley, "The

Virgin Mary," and said the ship had only been built to please Katharine

and his wife. A copy of the ambassador's letter to Louise de Savoie,

containing a circumstantial account of this interview with the Duke, and

of one more cordial still with Wolsey, came into the hands of the

Council, and was communicated to Henry (no doubt by Wolsey, for some

reason unknown to us), for in January 1516 Suffolk's matters with the

King were not in good order. The political evil was further tangled by

the financial one, and by the beginning of the year his liabilities to

Henry amounted to £12,000, and they were in the hands of Henry's bankers

and debtors, the Italian merchants, the Frescobaldi, and the Cavalcanti,

to whom the King very often deputed the task of collecting his debts.

There was no prospect of money from France.[464] Francis had taken no

notice of an invitation sent by Suffolk to be godfather at the

christening of the child which Katharine was expecting, and the union

between the English and the Prince of Castile was affirmed by the

looseness of that between Henry and Francis. Thus Suffolk, for the

moment, had lost his master's favour, and his wife her income. Mary sent

"certain jewels and other things" to Henry, to the amount of £1000, and

that tided them over the first payment, but Suffolk begged Henry to have

pity on them both.[465]

[461] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 1025; Calig. B. ii. 367.

[462] _Ibid._, ii. 1026.

[463] _Ibid._, ii. 1113.

[464] Giustinian's Despatches, i. 176; L. and P. H. VIII., ii.

1505.

[465] L. and P. H. VIII, ii. 1604.

Mary, however, at this moment had other things to think of, for on

Tuesday, March 11, 1516, "between 10 and 11 o'clock in the night, was

born at Bath Place (Wolsey's house) the son of Mary Queen of France and

Charles Duke of Suffolk, whose christening was deferred unto the

Thursday next following," so he was probably a weakly infant. Typical

state was held at the christening, for, save the little Princess Mary,

who had been born a month before to Katharine, he was the heir to the

throne, and Queen Mary was not one to forget that.[466] "From the

nursery to the hall door was well gravelled, and above all well rushed

of a meetly thickness, and railed round about from the nursery to the

hall door, whereat was a goodly porch of timber work substantially

builded, which porch was hanged without with cloth of arras, and within

hanged with cloth of gold. And also the hall richly hanged with arras."

Red and white roses were everywhere on cushions and hangings. The font

had lukewarm water, and was in the charge of two esquires with aprons,

and two more were there to see that the fire in the recess where the

young lord was to be unarrayed did not smoke. Torches lined the way from

the nursery to the hall, and there were twenty-four in the hall itself.

Down the burning alleyway came the basin, the taper, the salt and the

chrysom, all borne by members of the household; then Lady Anne Grey,

with the young lord in her arms, supported by Lord Dacres, chamberlain

to the French Queen, at the head, and Lord Edward Grey at the foot. The

train was borne by Sir Humphrey Bannister, chamberlain to the Duke of

Suffolk, and four torches were borne about the young lord by four

esquires. The King, the Cardinal, and the old Lady Katharine, Countess

of Devon, Mary's aunt, were sponsors at the font, while the Bishop of

Durham was godfather at the bishoping [confirmation]. The Bishop of

Rochester christened the child, and the King gave the name. Gifts were

presented by the sponsors, the Lady Katharine's being two plain pots of

silver and gilt, the King's a salt of gold and a cup of gold. Then the

company went back to the nursery, where Mary was awaiting them, and

presented the young lord to his mother. The baby's behaviour all through

seems to have equalled that of his little cousin the Princess Mary, who,

according to her father's boast, never cried. Henry's presence at the

christening was probably due to his genuine affection for his sister,

for he had by no means restored Suffolk to favour, and ordered him into

the country till it was his pleasure to see him. The truth was, no

doubt, that Wolsey, who was now "marvellous great"[467] with Sir William

Compton of the Norfolk party, was deep in the negotiations for the

league between England and Flanders, to which Suffolk was naturally

opposed, and his presence in opposition at Court was simply not to be

tolerated. Suffolk spent nearly a whole year in exile from the Court,

though in September, when Henry made a progress through Suffolk and came

to the Duke's own house at Donyngton, he allowed Suffolk to come to him.

Mary, who felt the exile more than her husband, wrote to her brother

thanking him for his condescension.

[466] Wood MS. No. 8495, F. 33, f. 45, Ashmolean Library, quoted

in Green's Lives of the Princesses of England.

[467] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 1959.

My most dearest right entirely beloved lord and brother,[468]--In my

most humble wise I recommend me unto your Grace, showing unto your

Grace that I do p[erceive] by my lord and husband that you are pleased

and contented that he shall resort unto your presence, at such time as

your Grace shall be at his manor of Donyngton, whereby I see well that

he is marvellously rejoiced and much comforted that it hath liked your

Grace so to be pleased, for the which your special goodness to him,

showed in that behalf, and for sundry and many other your kindness, as

well to me as to him, showed and given in divers causes, I most humbly

thank your Grace, assuring you that for the same I account myself as

much bounden unto your Grace as ever sister was to brother, and

according thereunto I shall to the best of my power during my life

endeavour myself as far as in me shall be possible, to do the thing that

shall stand with your pleasure. And if it had been time convenient and

your Grace had been therewith pleased I would most gladly have

accompanied my said lord in this journey. But I trust that both I and my

said lord shall see you, according as your Grace wrote in your last

letters unto my said lord, which is the thing that I desire more to

obtain than all the honour of the world. And thus I beseech our Lord to

send unto you, my most dearest and entirely beloved brother and lord,

long and prosperous life with the full accomplishment of all your

honourable desires, most humbly praying your Grace that I may be humbly

recommended unto my most dearest and best beloved sister, the Queen's

Grace, and to the Queen of Scots, my well beloved sister, trusting that

[I?] be ascertained from your Grace of the prosperous estate and health

of my dearly beloved n[iece] the princess, to whom I pray God send long

life.

"From Letheringham in Suffolk, the 9th day of September, by the hand of

your loving sister,

MARIE, Queen of France."

[468] _Ibid._, ii. 2347; Calig. B. vi. f. 106.

Suffolk's banishment was not revoked, and on November 1 the league

against France between Flanders, Spain, England, and the Swiss was

concluded, of which, as Giustinian the Venetian said,[469] the Cardinal

of York was the beginning, middle and end. Wolsey had not forgotten

Mary, and had tried to get a clause about her dowry inserted into the

treaty, "that in case any prince should refuse to pay debts owing to

England, as if France were to decline paying the dowry of the Lady Mary,

the confederates should be bound to assist him."[470] But the Flemish

Council thought this unreasonable.

[469] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 2500.

[470] _Ibid._, ii. 2427; Galba B. iv. 184_b_.

The new year, 1517, brought new demands for the King's payments, and the

Earl of Shrewsbury had been dunning the Duke for certain smaller sums.

In February Suffolk went to London to go into the state of his own and

his wife's debts to the King with Wolsey (the Venetian Ambassador met

him at the Cardinal's, very busy over them),[471] and he afterwards

wrote to Henry:--

"Sir,[472]--In the most humble wise I commend me to your Grace.

And, Sir, so was it at the last time I was with your Grace I went

through with my lord Cardinal for such debts as the Queen your

sister and I are in to your Grace, for the which it was thought

by your Grace's Council learned that your sister and I both must

confer divers things before your judges according unto the law.

And, Sir, I beseech you that she may come up to the intent that

she may do all such acts, according as be devised or shall be

devised most for your Grace's surety, to the intent that

whatsoever shall happen of me that your Grace may be in surety,

and that it shall not be said but it is her deed and free will

the which your Grace shall well perceive that it is done with

good mind and heart. And, Sir, the coming up of her to see your

Grace shall rejoice her more than the value of that if it should

be given to her. Sir, it is so that I have heard by my lord

Morley and others that your Grace intends to have some pastime

this May and that your Grace's pleasure is that I shall give mine

attendance on your Grace, the which I shall be as glad to do as

any poor servant or subject that your Grace has living. Howbeit,

Sir, I am somewhat unprovided of such things as belong to that

business, wherefore if it may stand with your Grace's pleasure I

would bring up the Queen, your sister, against Easter to both

plays, and then remain till she and I may know your Grace's

further pleasure, to the which she and I shall obey with humble

heart, according to her duty and mine. As knows God, who preserve

your Grace in long life with as much health and honour as your

noble heart can desire, which is both her and my daily prayer.

"By your most humble subject and servant,

CHARLYS SUFFOKE."

[471] Giustinian's Despatches, ii. 35.

[472] Titus B. i. f. 69.

Shortly after having written this letter Suffolk was annoyed by an

incident which might have embroiled him further with the King. It was

all through the meddlesome match-making of Mistress Jerningham, who

ought to have known better. In March Queen Katharine was going to Our

Lady of Walsingham to pray for a son, and on the way she was to be

entertained by the Suffolks. The Duke's letter to Wolsey explains the

affair.

"My very good lord,[473]--In my most heartiest manner I commend me unto

your good lordship, ever more thanking you for the good mind that you

have borne unto me, and beseeching your good continuance of the same. So

it is, my lord, according to your advice I met the Queen my mistress on

Friday last past at Pickenham Wood, and as my duty was, awaited upon her

Grace to Walsingham, and also according to your advice the French Queen

did meet with the said Queen my mistress at the next place that was

convenient nigh unto our lodging, and such poor cheer as we could make

her Grace we did, with as good heart and mind as her own servants

according to our duties. Furthermore, my lord, as yesterday, Monday, the

16th day of March, Mistress Jerningham came to the French Queen my wife

at dinner time, before the Queen my mistress coming hither, and after

that she had been with the said Queen my wife, she took her

daughter-in-law aside with her, and called young Berkeley [heir to Lord

Berkeley] unto them, and there privately ensured [betrothed] the said

Berkeley unto the Lady Anne Grey, one of the Queen my wife's ladies and

mine. Which is no little displeasure unto me, seeing he is the King's

ward, and that it pleased his Grace to put him to my rule and guiding. I

had lever have spent a thousand pound than any such pageant should have

been done within the Queen's house and mine. My Lord, I heartily desire

and pray your good lordship that if any misinformations be made unto the

King's Grace hereof that it will please you to shew his Grace hereof as

I have written unto you, lest his Grace should give credence unto some

other light informations herein, which I should abide by upon my honour,

and that it will please you to stay the matter till my coming up to

London. Also that it would please your lordship so to order this matter

that it may be an example to all other, how they should make any such

mysteries within any nobleman or woman's house hereafter, and in

especially with one of the King's wards. And thus fare you well, my very

good lord, I beseech Jesu to send you long life and good health. From

the manor of Rising, the 17th day of March.

"By your assured

CHARLYS SUFFOKE."

[473] Green's "Lives of the Princesses of England," v. 116.

The betrothal was of course invalid, and Suffolk got no blame in the

matter, but it is a great pity one cannot read what Wolsey said to

forward Mistress Jerningham. Suffolk came to Court for St George's Day,

was well received by the King and Wolsey, and in a few days returned to

Suffolk to bring his wife to town, and they were spectators of the

Cardinal's "pageant" when at the intercession of himself and the three

queens, for the Queen of Scots was in London, the King pardoned the

rioters of the Evil May Day. Mary saw the fine sight when each of the

forty men in custody took the halter from his neck and threw it in the

air, and jumped for joy at his escape from death. "It was a very fine

spectacle and well arranged," said a cynical foreigner. In July they

were present at the banquet and jousts given at Greenwich to the

ambassadors of the Emperor and the King of Spain on the signing of the

treaty of amity. Suffolk signed it, and with it lost, he probably

thought, all chance of his wife's income. At Greenwich the sailors from

the King's great galley set up the cables for the tilt, and the two

queens, Katharine and Mary, watched their husbands joust under the

windows of the palace,[474] "like Hector and Achilles," Henry in black

and white, the Duke in white, lozenged with crimson satin semé with the

letters C.M., for Charles and Mary. Then came a banquet, when the French

Queen sat at the head of the table beside her brother, and Suffolk was

in the middle of one side opposite Norfolk and old Lady Guildford.

During the dinner boys made the sweetest melody with their voices,

flute, rebeck, and harpsichord, and after this there was dancing, when

the King showed himself indefatigable, dancing all night after jousting

all afternoon. The great feature in the whole series of entertainments

was the playing of Fra Dionysius Memo,[475] late organist at St Mark's,

Venice, and now chief musician to Henry, and so sweet it was, and so

enthralled was the King by it, that the Court had concerts lasting for

four hours on end. Henry always led the applause vehemently. The Court

resounded with song, and there was rivalry among the boy singers and the

musicians. Small wonder that Mary, whose tastes were like her brother's,

longed to be always at Court with such gay company, but Suffolk could

not move without running up against his creditors, and again he had to

refuse Lord Shrewsbury,[476] who was pressing for his money, so that

probably his enjoyment was not as whole-hearted as his Queen's.

[474] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 3455.

[475] C. S. P. Venice, i. 910.

[476] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 3487.

[Illustration: MARGARET TUDOR, QUEEN OF SCOTS FROM THE PAINTING

IN THE STYLE OF BERNARD VAN ORLEY IN THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT

GALLERY]

Immediately the festivities were over,[477] Mary went to Bishop's

Hatfield, and there was delivered of a daughter who was called Frances,

for she was born on St Francis' Day. The Queen and the Princess Mary

were godmothers, for whom Lady Boleyn, Anne Boleyn's mother, and Lady

Elizabeth Grey acted as deputies, and the Abbot of St Albans was

godfather. There was great state at the christening, but nothing like

that held for the young lord who might become King of England.

[477] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 3487 and 3489.

The financial arrangement which Suffolk had made with the Council was an

indenture which showed that their debts to Henry amounted to £24,000 due

by them at Calais, £600 for their diets in the King's house, and also

£2300 for other things. Of this, £20,000 was the proper debt of the

French Queen, and £6901 the debt of the Duke. Henry acknowledged having

received from them in jewels £1666, 13s. 4d., and was to receive the

remainder in instalments of 1000 marks at Michaelmas and at Easter, "if

the French Queen so long live and the Duck togeders," and it probably

was now that the clause was inserted by which the King waived his right

to demand payment when by reason of war Mary's income was practically

cancelled.[478] Francis promised in February 1518 that the dowry of his

_belle-mère_ should be paid, and gave orders to the officers in

Saintonge, and the other places of her dower-lands, to let her

representatives receive the rents, and the result was that 14,610 crowns

were paid to Henry's representative, Fowler, at Calais. The arrangement

with the Suffolks seems to have been that the King's officer was to

receive the amount paid by the French, and that he was to pay over to

the Queen the proportion due to her after the King's debt was satisfied,

and in July 1518 Humphrey Wingfield, the Duke's officer, gave receipt

for £2722.

[478] _Ibid._, ii. 43* App.

The Easter of 1518, the French Queen and her husband were ordered to the

Court at Abingdon,[479] whither Henry had fled from the sweating

sickness, out of the region of the daily death-roll. Suffolk wrote to

Wolsey[480] to know how the French Queen was to be ordered in her coming

to the King, "the which shall not fail to be followed." Mary was always

delighted to be at Court, and by reason of her[481] Henry allowed

Suffolk to remain till St George's Day. This was an opportunity for the

Duke by protestation to clear himself of the slur cast on him by his

reported private dealings with the French, and after he had received the

sacrament on Easter Day,[482] he went to Sir Richard Pace, Wolsey's

secretary with the King, and said he had been accused as untrue to the

King's Grace as well in accepting a protection offered him by France, as

in putting the French orators, on their being last in England, in

comfort of the restitution of Tournay. It was all untrue. Pace listened

and reported, but nothing happened, save that Suffolk remained at Court

with his wife, and when Henry went to Woodstock Manor, they both went

with him. Henry here indulged his passion for music to the extent of

having the organs in the parish church repaired and taken to the manor

house by two men had down from London for the purpose, and Dionysius

Memo charmed the thoughts of the sickness out of his mind. Mary fell

ill there and could not be moved, and her husband wrote to Wolsey to

apologize for their over-staying their invitation. "The chief cause[483]

of my writing unto your Grace at this time is to advertise your Grace

that the French Queen cannot depart the Court so soon as was appointed,

for, Sir, it hath pleased God to visit her with an ague, the which has

taken her Grace every third day four times very sharp, but by the grace

of God she shall shortly recover. For, Sir, the King's Grace's

physicians take marvellous good heed unto her Grace, and also especially

his Grace comforts her so like a good and loving sovereign and brother

that it takes away a great part of her pain." Before she was able to be

moved, Suffolk again urged his cause on Wolsey, telling Pace of the most

faithful love and servitude he intended to use towards the Cardinal's

Grace during his life, and Wolsey evidently wrote to him a letter of

comfort, promising to help him[484] "to obtain his purpose to his

reasonable desires." In October Mary, now quite recovered from her ague,

was again in her element, for a brilliant party of French nobles came

over for the signing of the general peace, against which was put the

delivery to the French of Tournay, and for the marriage of the Princess

Mary to the Dauphin of France. They were a constant pageant to the

Londoners, for they changed their silken clothes, "the new fashion

garment called a shemew,"[485] every day, and rode about the city on

mules in companies, a thing no Englishman ever did. But then in Paris,

the city of horses and mules, the mud and dirt was such that no man

could walk, and the Parisians did not make their river their highway as

did the people of London. Mary's old friend Bonnivet was at the head of

the embassy, and with him "many young fresh gallants of the Court of

France," who were not concerned in the treaty-making, but "danced and

passed the time in the Queen's chamber with ladies and gentlewomen." On

October 3 the general peace was declared in St Paul's, after Mass

celebrated by Wolsey with extraordinary magnificence. The King invited

the whole company to dine at the Bishop of London's house, and

afterwards they all went to sup with the Cardinal at Durham House[486]

on the Strand, where was served a supper "the like of which was never

given either by Cleopatra or Caligula, the whole banquetting hall being

so decorated with huge vases of gold and silver that I [the Venetian

Ambassador] fancied myself in the tower of Chosroes, where the monarch

caused divine honour to be paid to him." Then Henry and Mary, and

Suffolk and Anne Carew, and Bessie Blount and Sir Harry Guildford, with

other lords and ladies, appeared as mummers dancing, and "after

performing certain dances in their own fashion, they took off their

visors: the two leaders were the King and Queen-dowager of France, and

all the others were lords and ladies, who seated themselves apart from

the tables and were served with countless dishes of confections and

delicacies." Then dancing began for those who liked, and play for those

who preferred that, "large bowls filled with ducats and dice being

placed on the table for such as liked to gamble," and after all the

company had departed Henry remained to play high with the Frenchmen. Two

days after followed the wedding of the little Princess to the Dauphin

at Greenwich, when in front of Katharine and the French Queen, beside

the throne, stood the baby who never cried, clad in cloth of gold, with

a cap of black velvet on her head adorned with many jewels. She wanted

to kiss Bonnivet, for she thought he was the Dauphin when he wedded her

for the other baby with a little ring set with a big diamond, _juxta

digitum puellæ_.

[479] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 4034.

[480] _Ibid._, ii. 4035.

[481] _Ibid._, ii. 4061.

[482] _Ibid._

[483] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 4134.

[484] _Ibid._

[485] Hall's Chronicle (ed. 1809), p. 594.

[486] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 4481.

The Court was now gayer than ever, for Henry seemed to do nothing but

amuse with pageants and hunts the French hostages exacted for the

keeping of the peace, and Mary took her part in all. She passed the

winter months of 1519-20 at Court or at her husband's house in

Southwark, and now the talk was all of the meeting of the English and

the French kings. Henry had set his mind on it, had sworn he would wear

his beard till they met, and Katharine, usually a silent spectator of

political doings, had set hers on a meeting with her nephew Charles of

Spain, now the Emperor Charles V. She found she could not prevent the

interview with Francis, but she did persuade her husband, and possibly

Mary here joined her importunities to hers, to shave his beard. The news

was carried to Louise de Savoie, who had to console herself with the

reflection that "the love of the kings was not in their beards but in

their hearts." A good understanding with Francis meant to Mary an

assured income, and on the question of the interview she may have been

at variance with her sister-in-law. The Court moved to Croydon to Sir

Nicholas Carew's place, in February, and Mary went with them, but here

she was taken ill of her "old disease," and would not let her husband

from her side, as he writes to Wolsey on March 16, 1520.

"Please it, your lordship,[487] so it is that I have knowledge of your

pleasure by my servant Lacy that I should ascertain your lordship of the

number of such persons, as well men as women, as should give their

attendance upon the French Queen at her giving her attendance upon the

King's Grace in his coming to Calais. And also the number of the horses

that should be requisite for the said French Queen and for her said

servants. My lord, accordingly I have so avised you in the bill here

enclosed the number as well of the said persons as of their horses.

Wherefore the said French Queen and I doth most heartily desire your

lordship to take the pain to order the same as you shall think shall

stand most with the King's pleasure and her honour, and her Grace will

be contented to follow the same. And, my lord, whereas I of a certain

space have not given mine attendance upon your lordship in the King's

Council according to my duty, I beseech your lordship to pardon me

thereof. The cause why hath been that the said French Queen hath had,

and yet hath, divers physicians with her for her old disease in her

side, and as yet can not be perfectly restored to her health. And albeit

I have been two times at London only to the intent to have waited on

your lordship, yet her Grace at both times hath so sent for me that I

might not otherwise do but return home betimes. Nevertheless her Grace

is now in such good avancement that upon Tuesday or Wednesday next

coming I intend, by God's grace, to wait upon your lordship. From

Croydon, by your assured CHARLYS SUFFOKE."

[487] L. and P. H. VIII. iii. 684.

This recurrence of the "old disease" may have been brought on by the

birth of her third child, Eleanor, but there is no record of the date of

this event. The doctors were successful, or else the prospect of

excitement and gay doings worked a cure, for there is no doubt she was

restored to her usual frail health when the meeting between the two

kings was in near preparation. Mary "made great cost on the apparel" of

her ladies and gentlewomen, and doubtless her own gowns were as

magnificent as befitted the sister of Henry. But first Katharine was to

have her desire, and Mary was to see the man whose name she had borne in

her girlhood for six years. On his way back from Spain to be crowned at

Aix-la-Chapelle, Charles V. had arranged to meet Henry before the latter

crossed the Channel in May, but north-easterly winds kept him at Corunna

for three weeks, and he could only snatch a hurried four days' visit to

his aunt and uncle at Canterbury, where the English Court was on its way

to Calais. There is a legend to the effect that Mary's beauty on this

occasion so affected Charles that he was cast into melancholy at the

thought of having lost her as his wife, but it is doubtful, to say the

least, that he was moved by anything deeper than natural curiosity to

see the woman who had jilted him in his youth. No doubt Mary emulated

her brother's attitude when he was told that he had no chance of the

imperial crown, for which he had been Charles' rival, and said now, as

he did then, that she was better as she was. This pale-faced, silent,

sombre young man, busy about the realities of government, was far less

to her taste than her rubicund, good-natured husband, her lord and

servant, over whom she could queen it in Tudor fashion when the occasion

served. The maker of the legend knew more of the hearts of princesses

than of emperors, and Mary, true to her upbringing, wore, no doubt, the

pretty gowns she had had made for the meeting with the French Court, and

would have been gratified had she seen the faintest desire in the eyes

of her former suitor. It may have been there, but it found no accredited

chronicler.

On June 1 the whole Court crossed the Channel, and four days afterwards

rode from Calais to the camp at Guisnes, where the sun glittered on

golden tents and roofs. There the King and Queen and Mary were lodged in

the house built for them in the courtyard of the castle of Guisnes,

under the roof painted and gilded by John Brown, King's painter,

afterwards Alderman of London. Since the beginning of April Sir Nicholas

Vaux and others had been busy restoring the castle to its former

strength, and with the help of many artists, particularly of John

Raslett, Clement Urmeston, and the said John Brown, had erected this

palace of pleasure. "Mr Maynn,[488] who dwelleth with the Bishop of

Exeter, and Maister Barklye, the Black Monke and poet," were "to devise

histoires and convenient raisons to florisshe the buildings and banquet

house with all," and the Duke of Suffolk[489] was asked to lend divers

of the King's arms and beasts cast in moulds, and batons of Urmeston's

making for the greater ease and furtherance of the business. The time

for the erecting of the house was short and the workmen laboured at high

pressure, but on June 5 it stood complete, a golden casket for the best

in England. The windows glittered in golden mullions, the walls were

hung with golden tapestry and green and white silk, the ceilings were

studded "with the King's roses"[490] (of which he had been so nearly

disappointed by the late arrival of the artists), large and stately, set

in a ground of fine gold, and between the windows were gilt bosses. The

chapel,[491] for the service of which the rich vestments given by Henry

VII. to Westminster were borrowed, had a ceiling of blue and silver, but

all other ornaments and furnishings were of cloth of gold or of gold

metal. Jewels blazed everywhere, in vestments, vessels, hangings;

neither was the red and white rose absent here. In the courtyard,

claret, hypocras, and water flowed all day from a statue of Bacchus, and

silver cups were lying by to drink from; but outside, between the gate

and the courtyard, was a quiet, green bowery maze like "the garden of

Morganna la Fée of the days of the knights errant."[492] The Earl of

Dorset had been sent over to superintend the building of the lists and

the stands, galleries they were called, after Wolsey's "plat," but the

churchman had to give way here to the jouster, and some of Wolsey's

arrangements were declared to be dangerous, and were altered

accordingly. The tree of honour, on which were to be hung the shields of

the kings as challengers, was a hawthorn twined with a raspberry, and

was made in England by nimble English fingers. Margaret Davy and her

girls made 3000 hawthorn flowers and buds of silk, and the "framboser"

had 1800 flowers and 2400 red satin fruits. "The body of this royal

albypene or whitethorn was 22 feet long, wrapped in cloth of gold: the

thirteen principal frambosers were also wrapped in fine green cloth of

gold: also the roots wrapped after a kind in cloth of gold."[493]

Before this wonderful production Francis and Henry had the usual

amicable dispute of precedence, and it ended in Henry's insisting on the

French King's shield being hung on the right side, while his was hung at

the same height on the left.

[488] L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 737; Calig. D. vii. 202.

[489] _Ibid._, iii. 750; Calig. D. vii. 218.

[490] L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 750; Calig. D. vii. 218.

[491] _Ibid._, iii. 704.

[492] _Ibid._, iii. 870; Hall's Chronicle (ed. 1809), p. 605 _et

seq._

[493] L. and P. H. VIII., iii. p. 1553.

Before the jousts began on Monday, June 11, there were visits of

ceremony, and on Sunday the 10th the two kings exchanged visits to each

other's wives, and Francis was received in the most gracious manner

possible by Katharine and Mary, while Claude was pleased and soothed by

Henry's gentle manners. Francis was delighted with the glistening show

at Guisnes, just as Henry at Ardres was pleased with Queen, ladies (in

passing whom "il allait tout à son aise pour les voir à son plaisir),"

dinner, everything, in short, down to the velvet carpet in the high

room. Monday began the lists, and the queens, all three, met in the

glazed galleries reserved for them and talked comfortably out of the

roaring wind, while below their husbands did marvels, in spite of the

blast, which would hardly let a lance be couched. Many of the ladies had

no French and many no English, and those who knew both languages had to

interpret for the others. On the following Sunday, Queen Mary dined with

Queen Claude, who was in miserable health, while Henry, who had ridden

over with her, dressed as Hercules, invited the Admiral of France and

other noblemen to share his table in the French camp. After dinner there

was the usual dancing and disguising, and it is marvellous what pleasure

the Tudor Court got out of "dressing up." Now Henry dressed up as a

lanzknecht, and, masked, he swaggered into Claude's presence as pleased

as a child. There were musical rivalries too between the courts, but in

this England easily bore the palm, for Henry's Court was notorious for

its melody, and the Duke of Alençon could not give the King greater

pleasure than to promise to send him his servant who played on the

clavichord. On Saturday, the 23rd, the two kings, "all clinquant, all in

gold," closed the lists, and in a semi-open chapel in the camp they and

their Queens attended Mass, and such was their politeness that "when God

was shown at the said Mass, which was with great honour, reverence and

devotion," and the pax presented, neither would kiss it first. It

remained unkissed, for the Queens, too, had the same difficulty, which

they solved after many curtseys by kissing each other instead. Then came

a dinner, and the sexes were divided--the Kings dined in one gallery,

the Queens in their own. "Kings and Queens," remarks the chronicler,

"always dined at home before coming to the banquets, and only conversed

while admiring the service and the meats. The legates, cardinals and

prelates dined in another room and drank and ate _sans fiction_." The

next day the Kings met in the lists and reluctantly said good-bye,

exchanging many presents, as did their Queens and nobles. A church, they

decided, must be built on this auspicious spot, to be called "La

chapelle de Nôtre Dame de la Paix," and the chronicler adds a doubtful

prayer, "Dieu par sa Grace permette la paix être durable, Amen."[494]

[494] L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 870.

Then followed the meeting with Charles V. and the Lady Margaret of

Savoy, and Mary saw for the first time the woman whose fortune had so

often touched hers, for Margaret might have been her step-mother or her

aunt, and had been in love with her husband. Suffolk seems to have lost

his love for France by now, and, indeed, though French fashions were the

order in the Court, and Henry went to the interview with the Emperor in

a doublet and cloak given to him by Francis, the King's retinue were

more at their ease in the Court of the King of Spain than they had been

at Ardres. If servants' talk is any indication of their masters'

opinions, then Suffolk must have been hot against the French alliance,

for his servants could "not hold their tongues from speaking against

France."[495] If this be so, Suffolk was now definitely in opposition to

Wolsey. The trial and death of the Duke of Buckingham, undoubtedly

Wolsey's work, for wanting to make himself King, shocked the whole Court

and increased this bitterness against the Cardinal, long felt by the

older nobles. Buckingham had merely said what they all felt, that the

King was surrounded by boys and that no place was given to men who had

experience in counsel. But then Wolsey had a policy, and hated time

wasted in opposition, and boys did not oppose. Henry was still a far cry

from his final attitude when he tried, condemned and executed all in a

breath, but even now the wrath of the King meant death. All chose rather

dishonour, and Buckingham's peers to a man, and the Duke of Norfolk with

bitter tears, condemned him on puerile evidence for a crime which in

their hearts they had all committed. Buckingham was no favourite, a

quick-tempered man with a bitter tongue, and Mary would be loyal to her

family, and without doubt took her brother's view, and approved heartily

Suffolk's "I say that he is guilty," for she was indignant at this

attempt to wrest the crown from her family, and no other aspect of the

case would be presented to her. Neither she nor her husband disdained to

profit in the grants[496] from the Duke's estates, which followed his

execution and their confiscation.

[495] L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 926; Galba B. vi. 186.

[496] L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 3162.

The peace between England and France was of short duration, and by 1523

Henry was keenly interested in fishing for a crown in the waters of

France troubled by the Bourbon rebellion. One reason for war given in

the Parliament of 1523[497] was the injury done to the King's sister,

the Queen-dowager of France, in withholding her dower. Mary was parted

from Suffolk, who was made Earl Marshal and sent to command the English

army in France, which, in conjunction with the Burgundians, was to march

on Paris. Suffolk, by refusing to follow Henry's senseless plan of

besieging Boulogne, and "by winning the passage of the Somme and

unresisted entry into the bowels of France,"[498] encouraged the King to

think there was likelihood of his obtaining his ancient right. But there

was the usual difficulty of joint arms, and the Burgundians, unpaid by

Margaret, refused to go beyond the Somme, "limoners"[499] (transport

horses) were unobtainable in the winter, and there were no provisions,

so that the army "dissolved and skaled," and Suffolk came to Calais in

December with small thanks.[500] He was kept waiting there a long time

with his captains "till their friends had sued to the King for their

return," for Wolsey and the King had both wrung the uttermost penny from

the country and the King's treasury to win the crown of France, and

bitter was Henry's disappointment. "But at the last all things were

taken in good part, and they well received and in great love, favor and

familiaritie with the Kyng."[501]

[497] _Ibid._, iii. 2958.

[498] _Ibid._, iii. 3485; Galba B. viii. 87.

[499] _Ibid._, iv. 26.

[500] _Ibid._, iii. 3623; Add. MS. 24,965, f. 131.

[501] Hall's Chronicle (ed. 1809), p. 672.

The life of Queen Mary when not at Court or at her husband's house in

Southwark was spent chiefly in Suffolk and Norfolk, for when provisions

at Westhorpe, their chief seat, gave out, she toured through the

counties from house to house and from abbey to abbey, in imitation of

the royal custom. Pic-nics and hunting parties were her diversions, and

she evidently delighted in the kindly and courteous treatment she always

received from the monks.[502] Her household was a large one; in 1527 it

consisted of two knights and one esquire, forty men, and seven

gentlewomen,[503] and this naturally did not include domestic servants.

She had her chamberlain, her vice-chamberlain, treasurer, steward, and

comptroller, while her husband had his officers and his council, and

ruled county affairs. Mary was beloved by the country-folk and adored by

her servants, in whose welfare she took the keenest interest, as is

attested by the numerous letters written by her to Wolsey and others in

their favour. She was not without domestic troubles, for her husband's

former wife, Dame Margaret Mortimer,[504] who owned Somerton in Suffolk,

had had to appeal to the Duke for protection against her daughter Anne,

whose second husband, Robert Browne, wanted to get hold of Lady

Mortimer's possessions. The affair, which in some scenes was

melodramatic enough, possibly led to questions about the validity of

Mary's own marriage and the legitimacy of her children. This was in

1524, and next year the King openly acknowledged his illegitimate son by

Mistress Bessie Blount, and made him premier Duke in the kingdom, with

the title of Duke of Richmond. At the same time he created Lord Henry

Brandon, Mary's son, Earl of Lincoln.[505] Then came the "King's secret

matter," to which her husband was privy, in the summer of 1527,[506] and

of which she was probably not ignorant. This was Henry's tardy

consciousness of guilt at having married his brother's wife, which

increased in intensity as his love and desire for Anne Boleyn grew

stronger. What large issues were to hang on the fact that Anne was not

as easy as the other ladies at Court. Had she but been a Bessie Blount!

Mary was alarmed at this upsetment of all social status, and sent to

Rome for a bull from Clement VII. to attest the legitimacy of her

children's birth. It was exhibited before the Bishop of Norwich by

Humphrey Wingfield, the Duke's cousin, on August 20, 1529.[507] Scruples

of conscience being fashionable, it rests on these the facts of the

annulling of Suffolk's marriage with Lady Mortimer and his resumption of

Anne Browne. Money matters, too, were a constant worry all her life

long. Apart from the fact that payment to Mary might flow in peace and

was dammed in war, the officials who farmed her dower lands in Saintonge

and elsewhere did not pay over the proceeds as had been arranged, and

she was continually hampered by lack of money, while her representatives

in France during the wars were imprisoned and put to ransom.[508] When

the general peace was signed with France in 1518 Wolsey did not forget

Mary's interests; in fact, he was not allowed to do so, for Dr Denton,

the French Queen's almoner, daily waited on him to represent her

interests. Once before they had been omitted "for lack of her

book,"[509] and Denton was there to see that this did not happen again.

Wolsey gave him all heed in the matter, and the dot was set forth by the

English ambassadors in Paris. In 1525 the capture of Francis at Pavia

left France without a king, and gave the English a chance to open

profitable negotiations with Louise de Savoie,[510] the Regent. The

restitution of Mary's dowry, with payment of arrears, was made a

necessary article in the truce. Wolsey even went the length of demanding

the gold plate and jewels, but Louise was indignant, and repeated what

had been so often said, that Mary had been married according to the

customs of France, by which movables were the common property of man and

wife, and descend to the survivor, but only on payment of debts, and

Mary had repudiated her responsibility for these. Also "the miroir," the

most excellent jewel in Christendom, had been sent to England, and the

English might well be satisfied with this. However, Louise gave a

satisfactory promise that Mary's dowry should be paid at Calais twice

yearly in May and November, and that arrears should be paid up at the

rate of £5000 per annum. There was a good deal of haggling about who

should farm the dower lands; the French Court wanted to appoint the

officers, but Mary demanded the right to do this, and it was conceded.

She wrote to Wolsey on the matter, and, if words mean anything, the

letter shows the kindly terms on which she was with the Cardinal.

[502] Chron. Butley Abbey, Tanner MS. 90, ff. 29-33, Bodleian

Library, quoted by Mrs Green.

[503] L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 2972.

[504] _Ibid._, iv. 736-7.

[505] L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 1431 (8); Add. MS. 6113, f. 61,

B.M.

[506] L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 3217.

[507] _Ibid._, iv. 5859.

[508] L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 2446 and 3535.

[509] _Ibid._, ii. 4388.

[510] _Ibid._, iv. 1093.

"My lord,[511] in my most hearty wise I recommend me unto you. So it is

divers of my rights and duties concerning my dot in France have been of

late time stent and restrained, in such case as I ne mine affairs may

not have ne receive the same as they have done in times past being to my

damages therein. And so thereat great trouble many ways, as my trusty

servant George Hampton, this bearer, shall shew unto you, to whom I pray

you to give credence in the same. And my lord in this and in all others

I evermore have and do put mine only trust and confidence in you for the

redress of the same. Entirely desiring you therefore that I may have the

King's Grace's, my dearest brother's, letters unto France to such as my

said servant shall desire. And by the same I trust my said causes shall

be brought to such good conclusion and order now, that I shall from

henceforth enjoy my estate there in as ample use as I have heretofore.

And so it may stand with your pleasure, I would gladly my dearest

brother's ambassadors being in France now, by your good means should

have the delivery of the said letters with them, furthermore of the

contents of the same to that they may do. And thus my lord I am evermore

bold to put you to pains without any recompense unless my good mind and

hearty prayers, whereof ye shall be assured during my life to the best

of my power, as knoweth the Lord."

[511] L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 1542.

Suffolk's letter a month later is just as friendly. He says, "The said

French Queen and I do not only put this matter in your hands, but at all

times hereafter shall do in the same as shall be thought good by your

Grace, as we be bounden to do, seeing the great kindness that your Grace

doth daily shew unto the said French Queen and me by the which you bind

us during our life to do your Grace such pleasures as shall lie in our

powers."[512] For the last few years of her life Mary's income was paid

regularly, thanks largely to Wolsey, to whom she and her husband had

cause to be grateful, as they both said.

[512] L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 1543.

But the Cardinal was upsetting the old order, and life in the county of

Suffolk was not as pleasant as it had been. The people had banded and

murmured against the subsidies for the French war. The master

cloth-workers (Suffolk was the centre of the woollen trade) said if they

paid the King they could not pay their hands; the work-folk said, No

work, no paying of the subsidy; and they rioted. Suffolk, aided by the

new Duke of Norfolk, no friend of his or of Wolsey's either, had to put

down the insurrection. Then Wolsey was suppressing some of the smaller

monasteries and founding Ipswich College. Some of Mary's friends among

the clergy were suffering, notably the Abbot of St Benets,[513] and she

and her husband had to relinquish to the use of the new college their

title deeds to the Priory of Snape, of Sayes Court (Deptford), and of

Bickling. There were changes all round and Wolsey was blamed for all.

Still, it seems almost incredible that the Duke who wrote so gratefully

to the Cardinal in 1525 should be using in 1528 or earlier every art to

poison the King's mind against him. Suffolk had the reputation of being

grasping and avaricious, he never dropped a noble unless he took up a

royal for it, and his gratitude and his dislike were perhaps both rooted

in his pocket. The disaster of the divorce wrecked the frail ship of

Tudor court morality. All through the year's struggle with Wolsey

[1528-9] Suffolk sang treble to Norfolk's bass, and it was his

incorrigible courtier habits which tuned his voice so harmoniously to

Howard's, for the burden of their song was that the King's matrimonial

wishes were being secretly frustrated by Wolsey. The Dukes used Mistress

Anne, as she was generally called, as a lever to hoist their enemy out

of office, and when Suffolk was sent on an embassy to France to prevent

any _rapprochement_ between Francis and Charles V. which would have

heartened the Pope into refusing point blank a bull of divorce, the

report was that by his conversations he had put Wolsey out of favour

with the French King. Mary did not exile herself entirely from her

brother's Court, where his mistress ruled, and a bastard took precedence

of all nobles, and where her niece was disregarded, but one would like

to think that she did not second her husband in his hunting of the

Cardinal. However, there is no evidence one way or the other.

[513] _Ibid._, iv. 3772.

Once the great man down, and the seals of office in the hands of

Norfolk, with Suffolk as his lieutenant, the heinousness of the

proceedings against Queen Katharine struck both Dukes, and they agreed

that "the time was come when all the world should strive to dismount the

King from his folly." Suffolk withstood Henry at least once to his face,

and he summed up the situation "in two words and said that the Queen was

ready to obey him [Henry] in all matters, but there were two that she

must first obey. The King, thinking he meant the Pope and your Majesty

[Charles V.], inquired immediately who these two were. He replied that

God was the first and her conscience the other, which she would not

destroy for him or for any other."[514] Henry turned away and made no

answer. The same writer, Chapuys, the Imperial Ambassador, said that

"Suffolk and his wife if they dared would offer all possible resistance

to this marriage," and in an age when the Archbishop of Canterbury

refused to give Queen Katharine advice because, he said, "_ira principis

mors est_," how can one blame the Suffolks for not daring? Mary was

beloved by the Londoners,[515] who were heart and soul for Katharine,

and her well-known sympathy with her sister-in-law and her niece is

attested by that ridiculous figure which appeared in Lincolnshire after

her death claiming to be the Princess Mary, and retailing conversations

with her aunt the French Queen.[516]

[514] L. and P. H. VIII., v. 287.

[515] _Ibid._, vi. 723.

[516] _Ibid._, vi. 1193.

Mary's health had for long been far from good. This mysterious and

recurring disease in her side constantly demanded physicians, with which

the Court swarmed, for Henry was a great drug-master. In one letter

[undated] she implores the King's permission, to come up to consult his

physician, Master Peter, than whom no other in her opinion can give her

relief, and her husband seconds her request in a letter in which he says

she sits and weeps all day long, and is generally very ill as anyone can

see. But here again the searcher draws a blank. There is no information,

and one is suddenly confronted with a line in a letter of Chapuys' to

his master, "the Duchess of Suffolk, late Queen of France, is dead," and

he adds, touching the keynote to Mary's claim to publicity in her later

life, "by which the French King will gain 30,000 crowns a year of

dower." She died on Midsummer's Day, says Hall; on June 26, says the

Heralds' College, at Westhorpe in Suffolk.

Her funeral was deferred for nearly a month to allow time for the

representatives of France to be present, and finally took place at Bury

St Edmunds on Tuesday, July 21. The strange thing about it is that not

Mary's husband, nor her son the Earl of Lincoln, but her eldest

daughter, Lady Frances, was the chief mourner, followed by her second

daughter, Lady Eleanor, and, in fact, the cortège was chiefly made up of

ladies. The abbey was draped in black, and, after the coffin had been

lowered, the chief officers of her household brake their staves of

office, and, weeping, cast them into the grave, and the French herald

cried aloud, "Pray for the soul of the right high excellent princess and

right Christian Queen, Mary, late French Queen, and for all Christian

souls." Then they left her lying under the device which had blazed so

gloriously in Abbeville and in Paris,

LA VOLONTÉ DE DIEU ME SUFFIT.

APPENDIX

I. Papers relating to the preparations for the marriage of Princess Mary

to the Prince of Castile at Calais in May 1514.

i [Cotton MSS. Vitellius, xi. 150.]

The margins are burnt.

For the transporting of Lady Mary, princesse of Castell.

First it may please the King's grace to name some honorable aged person

to be her chamberlayne for the tyme. And he to devise for thapparell of

her chamber and for officers of the same.

Item to Appoint some sadde personne to be tresourer of her chamber for

the tyme. And that he devise plate for her chamber, coubbord and Ewry.

[Sidenote: [ ]r Edmund.] Item to Appointe an almosyner and confessor

both in one persone, certayne chaplayns and a clerk of the closet. And

the same clerke to devise the ornaments and other stuffe necessarie for

her chapell.

[Sidenote: [ ] Jernyngham.] Item to Appointe a master of her

horse. And he to provyde palfrais, litters, Sadils, and Apparell

for the said palfrais.

[Sidenote: My lady of Oxford.] Item that it may please the qwenis

grace to name some honorable personage to be her Lady Maistres.

Item to Appoint certayn other Ladies the whiche with thear attendaunce

gevyng uppon the said Ladie Maistres. And by her advise have the charge

to devise for thapparell of her person.

Item to Appoint other Ladies and Gentilwomen wherof some to Attende and

some to serve in the Chamber of the said princess and some to contynue

in her service in flaundres.

Wardrobe of Beds.

ii [_Ibid._, 145.]

The margins are burnt.

Hereafter ensuyth such stuff as is nede [burnt] be provided for my ladie

the princesse of [Castell] and aswell for her wardrop of beddes as [for]

her stable against the solempnization of her marriage.

The words enclosed and in italics have been substituted for others in a

hand which seems to be Wolsey's.

First her bedde chamber to be hanged with cloth of gold (_with a border

imbrodred with her bagies or any other devi[se]_).

[Sidenote: All these pieces

to be had out

of the Kyngs

wardrobe or in

default therof

in london [in

Wolsey's

hand?].] Item for the said chamber a large trussing bedde with

colour tester and counterpoint of [the fine] cloth of golde,

with Curtaynes of Damaske.

Item a chayar of cloth of gold.

Item iiij longe and large carpetts to cover the floure of

the same chamber.

Item v cussions of cloth of golde (_1 rycher then the other_) iii long

and ii shorte.

Item smale carpetts for windowes, borde and cobords (v) at the lest (_of

velvet of cramosyne_) and as many carpetts of wolle for every day.

Item a fethyr bedde of fine doune with a bolster, ij pillows, (v) smale

pillowes for to take the say [_i.e._ for crossing the sea] and for every

of them iij pilowe beers off fyne holland cloth.

Item iiij pair of fyne shets and ij pair of fustians for the said

trussing bedde.

Item a palet bedde (of feddars) with bolster furnisshed with shets (iii

payr) fustians (ii payre) and counterpoint (ii) for the gentelwomen that

shall lie in the said chamber.

For the secound chamber.

[Sidenote: [The]s must be

provydyd [in]

flaundres.

[ ] flemesse

elnes.

[ ] border.] First a riche story of Aras gold & silver (_of iiij

yards depe_) with a border of her armys and bagies for a

remembraunce (_of ij fote depe paid_ [?] _the flemysshe

elne xv.s._).

Item a large sparver of cloth of golde (_with the same

storye grevyne in toto of cramosyn velvet pourpale, the velvet

embrodred with her bagies and other devise_) with a counterpoint

of the same, the curteyns of the same sparver to be

of (_double [[sarsene]t?] pourpale with the colors that the cloth

of golde and velvet hath_).

Item a Chaiar of cloth of golde for the same chamber with v cossions of

cloth of golde iij longe and ij shorte.

Item a fether bedde of fyne doune with a bolster and ij pillowes with

shetis, fustians and pillowebeers as is appointed for the trussing

bedde.

Item a longe and large carpet for the borde (_under the fete_) and iiij

for wyndowes carpetts.

[_Item a traverse of cramosyn sarsenet._]

For the iijde Chamber.

First a hanginge of (_fyne tapessarye_) with bagies and armys [burnt] in

the border (_of vi flemysshe elnes in toto_).

Item a bedde of astate with a counterpoint of (_riche velvet and cloth

of golde of her colors purpale_).

Item a chaiar of cloth (_of cramosyne velvet embrodred_) and v cussions

of the same.

Item a large fedder bedde with a bolster for the said bedde of astate.

Item a large and a longe carpet and iiij smale carpetts for the said

chamber.

Item ij cloths of astate the oon richer then the other of cloth of gold.

The iiijth Chamber.

First a story of good and fyne Tapettry for to hange the same chamber

with a border of her armys and bagies (_of vi elnes with the border [ ]

iiij ft._).

Item viii paillat (_1 fedder_) bedds, every of theym stuffed, with

bolster, fustians, counterpoint and iij pair of shets for every paillat.

Item a stole covered with crymsyne velvet, naylled with gilt naills and

a smale canape with curteyns of crymsyne double sarcenet to hange a

bowte the same stole.

Item a basyn for the said stole of silver.

Item ij or iij large carpetts and vij smale carpetts in store to serve

alwaies when nede is.

Item as many pieces of fyne border or tapicerie worke as will serve for

hanging of ij or iij chambers when she rides by the waye (_or ellys_ [or

else] _the same that she hath if it be thought holl and well colored and

honest_).

Item a trussing bedde to carry with her by the waye with celor, testor

and counterpoint of velvet or of damaske purpale of her colors, with

bedd, bolster, pillowes, fustians, shets and other necessaries there

for.

Item ij cofres for her juels.

Item iij cofres for her plate.

Item iij large cofres for the wardrobe for bedds, shetis and fustians.

Item iiij cloth sackes at the lest and cases for [the] trussing bedde.

For the Stables.

First a Riche litter of cloth of golde lyned with satan or Damaske with

iiij cussions of the same cloth of golde: with horse harness for the

same.

Item a charriot for herre or her principall ladies covered with cloth of

golde with iiij cussions of the same; and the horse harnais in likewise.

Item ij other charriots for ladies or gentilwomen covered with crymsyne

velvet and for every charriot iiij cossions of the same. And the horse

harnais in like wise.

Item a large and a goodlie palfray to be ledde in hande with a sadill

and pillion covered with riche clothe of golde, the bordres richelie

Imbrodred orels [or else] of goldsmyth worke harnes of the same.

Item a nother goodlie palfray with a like riche side sadill for the said

Ladie princesse to Ride alone the harneis like.

Item viii other palfrais to folowe her with side sadils richelie covered

with cloth of gold orels Imbrodred upon velvet with harnes of the same.

Item iij or iiij fotemen with riche cots of goldsmyths worke to goo a

boute her litter or a boute her palfray.

Item a pase to lifte her uppon her palfray covered with silver plate

gilt as the qwene is grace is.

Item a chaunge for the said palfrais, that is to say aswell pilions,

sadils and harneis, and also coverings for the said litter and chariotts

to cover theym when it is foule wedder, and a change of harneis for

every of the horses of the said litter and Ladies chariotts.

Item a closed carre for her wardrobe of the robes and ij chariotts for

the wardrobe of the robes. ij Large cannavas and ij borehidis for the

said chariotts to save the stuf drie.

Item a bottell horse and sadell for her flagons.

Item a sompter horse for her trussing bedde.

Item a nother for her cofres.

Item a male horse.

Item a nother horse for the grome of the sta[ble].

Item the said palfrais to be provided for betymes and in likewise horsis

for the litter, the Ladies chariotts and for all other cariags before

specified.

ii For themperours logienge.

First his bed chamber to be hanged with cloth off golde and a trussing

bedde with testor and celor and counterpoint of riche cloth of golde,

the curteyns with damaske. With all other necessaries ther to belonging.

Item a chaier of cloth of golde and v cussions of the same for the said

chamber.

Item for the borde, cubbourd and windowes carpetts of the same or of

velvet.

Item iij fyne carpetts to lye on the flowre or a boute his bedde.

Item a pailot bedde furnisshed for theym that be in his chamber.

The secounde chamber.

First the secounde chamber to be hanged with riche Aras of golde and

silke.

Item a bedde with a sparver and counterpoint of cloth of golde, the

curteyns of double sarcenet.

Item a chaier of cloth of golde and cussions off the same for the said

chamber and window[es] a greate carpett for the floure and smale

carpet[ts] for the bourde, cubborde and windows of velvet or of wolle

and a cloth of astate of cloth of gold.

The iiide chamber.

The iiide chamber to be hanged with fyne tapestry with carpetts upon the

cubbord and windowes and cussions of velvet if nede be.

Item a chamber hanged and well dressed for his chamberlayne.

The Prince of Castill.

For the prince of Castill in like forme as the Emperour excepte the

prince to have the hall well hanged and appointed and also the chapell.

For my Lady Margarete Archeduchess of Austriche.

First her bedde chamber to be hanged with riche Aras. The seconde

chamber also. The iiide of fyne tapestry, a large trussing bedde of

cloth of gold, the curteyns of damaske: a chaiar of cloth of golde and

iij cussions of the same. Carpetts about her bedde of wolle and upon the

cubbords and windowes of velvet.

The secounde chamber.

In the secounde chamber a bedde with a sparver & counterpoint of cloth

of goulde & velvet purpale: curteyns of double sarcenet, with all that

belongeth thereto. A cloth of a state of cloth of goulde. A large carpet

in the floure. A chaier covered with crymsyn velvet and cussions of the

same for the said chaiar. Windowes carpetts for the bords and windowes

of velvet or of wollen.

Item a chamber to be hanged and dressed for her chamberlayne.

Item to have in store paillet bedds furnished for every chamber wher

beddes be, and v or vi besids them for every of the said logiengs of

themperour, prince and Archeduchesse.

The Kyngs logieng.

Item for the Kings lodegeing iiij chambers at the lest, to be hanged and

well appointed. And a chapell if nede be.

Themperour to be lodgied where the last deputie dwelled in Calais.

The prince in the staple house.

My Ladie Margaret Archeduches in the Tresourer's house.

The King's grace in the castell.

[_Ibid._, 145. The margins are burnt.]

iii My Lady the Princesse of Castell.

First a Cronell for her head of golde & stone in the day of her mariage.

Item a goodlie devise for her neke set with stone and perle.

Item a goodlie gurdill of golde of as goodlie facion as may bee devised.

Item ii braseletts of golde set with stone and perle.

Item on the nexte day for her change a Riche

Juell of golde with a cheyne of golde for her

nekke.

Item a goodlie gurdill of golde.

Item a goodlie Crosse gilte poisaunt iiij{xx} unc.

[Sidenote: To be provydyd

in Flaundris.] Item vi Imags [_images_] gilte

poisaunt lx oz.

Item ii chalises gilte poisaunt both to gedders iiij{xx} oz.

Item ii goodlie candilstiks gilte

poisaunt cxx oz.

Item iiij Cruetts gilte

poisaunt all to gedders lx oz.

Item ii Basens of her owne poisaunt to gedders cxx oz.

[Sidenote: To be newly

made here.] Item a haliwaterstok gilte poisaunt lvii oz.

[Sidenote: To be new

made here.] Item a boll of silver and gilte poisant xii oz.

Item ij goodlie Cuppes of golde the one

garnyshyd with why[te] herts [?] the other with

rosys.

Item one other cup of gold with portculles

and a rose on the top garnyshyd with gold xxx oz.

Item ij faire large potts well wrought either

of theym weying cc oz. iiij{c} unc.

Item ij goodlie flagons gilte well wrought

either of theym weying cc oz. iiij{c} oz.

[Sidenote: [of] hyr owne.] Item ij lesse potts

gilte poisaunte iij{c} unc.

[Sidenote: hyr owne

stuff.] Item ij potts of alesse sorte poisaunt cxx oz.

[Sidenote: Thre to be new

[m]ade and

thre of hyr owne and one with the

[cover].] Item xij bollis with ij covers well

wrought poisaunt iiij{c} oz.

Item a pair of flagons (of frenche plate)

poisaunt xl oz.

[Sidenote: Of the King's

owne.] Item ij standing Cuppes gilte poisaunt iiij{xx} uncs.

[Sidenote: To be new

made.] Item iij Cuppes of Assey gilte poisaunt l unc.

[Sidenote: Of her owne.] Item a whyte potte for bere

poisaunt iiij{xx} unc.

[Sidenote: to be made of

newe.] Item a greate water potte cxx oz.

[Sidenote: of hyr owne.] Item a spone of golde

poisaunt ij unc.

[Sidenote: of hyr owne] Item ij goodlie salts of

golde garnysshyd with one cover poisaunt lx oz.

[Sidenote: to be provydyd.] Item xij spones gilte

poisaunt xviij oz.

[Sidenote: to be provydyd.] Item a pair of kerving

knyves gilt

[Sidenote: one of hyr

owne and two

to be provydyd.] Item iij salts without covers

poisaunt iiij{xx} oz.

[Sidenote: of the Kyng's

owne.] Item a pair of goodlie Basins gilte of a

goodlie facion poisaunt iij{c} oz.

[Sidenote: of the Kyng's

owne stuff.

of the frenche plate] Item iij Basins and iij Ewers

poisaunt each Basin iiij{xx} oz. poisaunt each

Ewer xl oz. ijxl oz.

[Sidenote: to be made] Item a greate Ewer for to warme

water poisaunt c oz.

[Sidenote: to be bowgth

of A. ys plate.]

{Item v spice plats with two covers

{gilte poisaunt v{c} oz.

{Item xii pecs of spice plats parcell

{gilte for powder, soketts and peris

{poisaunt ii{c} [burnt]

{Item a ginger potte and a forke

{poisaunt xxx [burnt]

[Sidenote: to be provydyd.] Item v candilstiks gilte

of a goodlie facion poisaunt cc oz.

[Sidenote: of her owne

thre and ij to

be provydyd.] Item v candilstiks parcell gilte

poisaunt viij{xx} oz.

[Sidenote: to be provydyd.] {Item a weyving stole to be

{platted with silver.

{Item a little pirling

{while[wheel].

{Item a pair of billetts

{with a port a pynne and

{two mortues to the same.

{Item a faire coffer of

{silver to lay in her

{Juellis.

{Item A Meror or glasse

{golde poisaunt vi oz.

[Sidenote: of the Kyng's

owne plate.] Item a leyer for lie poisaunt lx oz.

[Sidenote: to be provydyd.] Item a lie casse gilte

poisaunt xx oz.

[Sidenote: of the Kyng's

owne.] {Item vi potts parcell gilte poisaunt a pece

{l oz. ccc oz.

{Item xii bollis parcell gilte poisaunt ccc oz.

[Sidenote: to be provydyd.] Item an almessdisshe

poisaunt cc. oz.

[Sidenote: to be provydyd.] Item a rownde Basyn for

the Chamber poisaunt xl oz.

[Sidenote: of the Kyng's

owne.] Item ij garnysshe of silver vessells

poisaunt, iij{l}

iij{l} oz.

[Sidenote: of the frenche

plate.] Item one chaffingdisshe poisaunt, lx oz.

II. Inventory of the trousseau furnished for the Princess Mary on her

marriage with Louis xii. There are four manuscripts, two of which are

fragments.

i. Transcripts: Foreign Countries: France vol. v. Public Record Office.

Endorsed:

(_a_) Archives du Royaume. Trésor des chartes. T. 650. 11.

Inventaire des meubles de la chapelle Robbes et Vêtemens

fournis par le Roi dAngleterre pour sa sœur Marie Femme de

Louis xii.

This has been collated with a fragment of the original copy given

to the master of the English wardrobe. MSS Cotton. Vitellius xi.

158, British Museum.

(_b_) Archives du Royaume. Trésor des chartes. T. 650.11.

Inventaire des chevaux haquenees et haubins, litiere et

chariots, &c. fournis par le Roi dAngleterre pour sa sœur Marie

Femme de Louis xii.

(_a_) Cy apres sensuyvent les meubles de la chapelle habillemens

qui sont robes coctes habillemens de teste manches et aussi litz

cielz doucielz cote-pointes Linges cossins et autres utencilles

pareillement tapisseries tapez veluz et autres choses le tout

delivre et mis es mains du tres xtien Roy Loys de France xiie

de ce nom. En la presence, de Messrs Thomas Bohier, Jacques de

Beaune et Henry Bohier chevalliers et conseiller dv dit Seigneur

Roy Loys de France et generaulx de ses finances par Mess. Andre

de Windesore chevallier conseiller et maistre de la grant garde

Robe du tres excellent et tres puissant prince Henry Roy

dAngleterre et de France huit{me} de ce nom. Les dits meubles

utencilles et autres choses donnees ordonnes et establyes par le

dit Roy dAngleterre et de France a tres haulte et tres

excellente princesse Madame Marie a present Royne de France sa

sœur pour le service et usage de son corps et autres usaiges et

services. Ce present inventaire fait en la ville dAbbeville le

xj et xij jours doctobre lan mil cinq cens et quatorze. Du quel

inventaire ont este faiz et arretez deux rolles lung signe par

le maistre de la grant garde robe lequel doit demeurer es mains

du dit Roy Loys de France et lautre inventaire signe par les

dits generaulx doit demeurer es mains de dit Roy dAngleterre et

de France et ont les dites Rolles este endentelez par le hault

pour les adjointer et recognoistre quant besoign sera et que le

cas les requerra pour lung & pour lautre des dits deux Roys.

Et premierement pour la chapelle.

[Sidenote: Tapisserie.] Tapisserie.

Andrew de Wyndesore. Andrew de Wyndesore.

Premierement quatre pieces de tappisserie pour tendre la chapelle

qui sont de Damas blancs et cramoisy chacune tappisserie de

largeur de six damas doublez de bougran vert.

[Sidenote: Travers

ou Pavillon.] Item ung travers de taffetas et de sept longeurs de

taffetas.

[Sidenote: Paremens

dautel.] Item deux paremens dautel mespartez de damas blanc

et damas cramoisy a fleurs dor de baudequyn [_riche drap

de soie_: Godefroy].

Autres deux paremens dautel pour le hault et pour le bas de drap

dor tissu mespartez dont lun este figure de cramoisy et lautre de

jaune.

Item ung autre pour le hault et pour le bas de velours bleu et

cramoisy mes partyz.

[Sidenote: Convertures.] Item une converture dautel de drap imperial

de baudequyn.

[Sidenote: Messals.] Item ung messal.

[Sidenote: Estuitz a corporaulx.] Item trois estuitz a corporeaulx

et deux corporaulx de drap dor tissu sur cramoisy.

[Sidenote: Chasubles.] Item une chasuble de drap dor tissu de

pourpre avec la croix dicelle dorfroys borde de perles et

autres choses complectes.

Item une autre chasuble de drap daras bordee de velours bleu

complecte.

Item une autre chasuble de velours pourpre avec une croix de drap

dor figure de blanc complecte.

[Sidenote: Toailles dautel.] Item quatre toailles dautel dyapres

[_d'Ypres_].

Item une toaille pour nectoyer les mains.

[Sidenote: Coissins et

Carreaulx.] Item ung de drap dor bleu tyssu.

Item ung autre de drap dor cramoisy tyssu.

Item ung autre de drap de velours cramoisy.

Item ung autre de drap de velours bleu.

[Sidenote: Sensuyvent les

robbes a la

mode

Francoise.] Item une robbe de velour couleur de pourpre doublee

de drap dor jaune sur satin.

Item une robbe de drap dor garnie de damas de baudequyn fourree

dermynes.

Item une robbe de drap dargent a louvrage de damas doublee de

velours cramoisy broche dor.

Item une robbe de drap dor figure en sorte de damas fourree de

pampelyon.

Item une autre robbe de drap dor de damas cramoisy a louvrage

dytalia [_d'Italie_] fourree de mynks.

Item une robbe de drap dor tissu sur pourpre fourree de sables.

Item une robbe de Satin cramoisy doublee de drap dor de damas sur

vert.

Item une robbe de Satin cramoisy broche dor a facon et ouvrage de

yeulx doyseaulx doublee de velours sur velours de pourpre et

broche dor.

Item une robbe de velours cramoisy doublee de drap dor de damas

cramoisy en facon deschiquier.

Item une robbe de velours noir doublee dermynes.

Item une robbe de Satin pourpre doublee de drap dor de damas sur

pourpre.

Item une robbe de Satin cramoisy broche dor de baudequyn fourree

de Romaine [_sic_].

Item une robbe de Satin gris broche dor en facon dyeulx doiseaulx

double de velours cramoisy.

Item une robbe de velours jaune doublee de Romaine.

Item une robbe de velours jaune fourree de peaulx de conilz noirs.

[Sidenote: Sensuyvent les

cottes a la

facon

Francoise.] Item une cotte de satin gris broche dor a yeulx

doiseaulx.

Item une cotte de drap dor sur pourpre a facon de camelot.

Item une autre de Satin cramoisy.

Item une autre cotte de drap dor blanc frise figure de blanc.

Item une cotte de drap dargent de Venise de baudequyn.

Item une cotte de Satin broche dor sur or couleur de vert et

dyeulx doiseaulx.

Item une cotte de drap dor de damas cramoisy de baudequyn.

Item plus sept paires de manches sortables aux dites cottes.

[Sidenote: Sensuyvent les

robbes a la

mode

dAngleterre.] Item une robbe de satin Cramoisy bordee de drap

dargent de damas doublee de taffetas noir.

Item une robbe de Satin broche sur argent de baudequyn fourree de

bougys [_lamb_].

Item une robbe de Satin broche de cramoisy sur or a la nouvelle

facon bordee de velours et doublee de taffetas noir.

[Sidenote: La Royne la:

la dite robbe

a este veue.] Item un robbe de velours noir bordee de Satin noir

doublee de taffetas noir.

[Sidenote: La Royne la

damee a

Mestresse

Reding.] [Blank in original.]

Item une robbe de velours noir doublee de martres.

Item une robbe de velours noir bourdee de mynks et fourree de

calabre.

Item une robbe de velours jaune bordee de drap dor figure de blanc

et doublee de taffetas.

Item une robbe de drap dor figure a figures et tissue de blanc

fourree dermynes.

Item une robbe de Satin broche sur argent bordee dor et doublee de

taffetas blanc.

[Sidenote: Sensuyvent les

cottes a la

facon

dAngleterre.]Item une cotte dargent en facon de camelot en borde

de velours cramoisy.

Item une cotte de Satin vert bordee de drap dor.

Item une cotte de Satin noir tissu sur or bordee de velours

cramoisy.

[Sidenote: La Royne la:

la dite cotte este

veue sur

son corps.] Item une cotte de satin cramoisy bordee de drap dor.

Item une cotte de satin pourpre bordee de drap dor.

Item une cotte de satin blanc bordee de velours cramoisy.

[Sidenote: La Royne la:

la dite cotte a

este veue.] Item une cotte de satin jaune bordee de velours

cramoisy.

Item sept paires de manches sortables aux dites cottes.

[Sidenote: Robbes a la

facon de Millan.]Item une robbe de drap dargent a la sorte de damas

de baudequyn embordee de drap dor doublee de taffetas

blanc.

Item une robbe de satin vert doublee de drap dargent de damas et

bordee de drap dargent de damas.

Item une robbe de drap dor a louvrage de camelot [_this seems to

be woven or embroidered in circles or rondeaux_] doublee de

velours vert et taffetas vert et bordee de satin cramoisy.

[Sidenote: Bonnetz a la facon

de Millan.] Troys bonnetz le premier de velours cramoisy, lautre

de velours noir et lautre de satin cramoisy.

[Sidenote: Esguillettes

[_points_] pour

les Robbes a la

facon de Millan

non ferres. Les

esguillettes

tiennent aux

robbes.]Item xxviii grandes esguilettes dor de Venise et xii

petites.

Item xxviii esguillettes grandes faictes dor et soye cramoisye et

xii petites.

Item xxviii grandes esguillettes dor et soye verte et douze

petites.

[Sidenote: Manteaulx et

chappes.

La Royne les a.] Item une manteau de scarlate, deux chapperons de

velours noir, douze pieces appartenant aux chapperons.

[Sidenote: Scabelles.

Les dites choses

ont este veues.] Une couverture de velours cramoisy une autre de

scarlate.

Une custode [_curtain_] de taffetas vert.

[Sidenote: Car & grans

coffres.] Item ung car clos: deux grans estandars.

[Sidenote: Lietz et conchettes

et a contremens

diceulx.] Item ung chapeau couvert de taffetas borde velours.

Item deux couvertures de cuyr pour couvrir les dits cars.

Item ung lit de camp avecques pommes dor et girouettes dessus.

[Sidenote: La Royne en

est servie.]

[Sidenote: Les choses ont

este veues en la

dite chambre.] Item une dossiel, ciel et cotepoincte de drap dor

sur vert & argent sur pourpre mispartez [_mespartir = to

divide in equal pieces. John Palsgrave's French Grammar_]

frange de soye de pourpre et cinq Rideaulx de damas

cramoisy.

[Sidenote: A la seconde

chambre de la

Royne.] Item ung autre lit de camp paint dor girouettes et

pommes dor.

Item ung dossiel, ung ciel une cotepoincte dor coite & taille dor

mespartez de frange de soie verte et dor avecques cinq Rideaulx de

vert et damas cramoisy.

[Sidenote: A la chambre

de la Royne.

Les dites choses

ont este veues

comme dessus.] Item une custode et cotepoincte de drap dor coite

[_stuffed with feathers and quilted_] & velours cramoisy

emborde de Rouses [_roses_] & porcsespics [_porcupines_]

et letres frange de soye verte et dor & ung Rideau de

taffetas changeant.

Item ung grand Lit destat contenant dossiel ciel cotepoincte de

velours bleu emborde de Rouses Rouges franges de soie bleu & fil

dor.

[Sidenote: Grande Tapisserie

pour chambres

six de dits

pieces sont a la

chambre de la Royne elles

y ont este veues.] Item sept grans pieces de tapisserie de drap dor

mespartez a frange de cramoisy & blanc & bordeures

de velours cramoisy emborde avecques armes congnoissances

et devises dont deux pieces sont de sept mesparties

deux de six mesparties et troys de cinq.

[Sidenote: Sept de dites

pieces sont a lune

des chambres de la

dite Dame.

Les pieces ont

este veues en la

dite chambre.] Item huit autres tapisseries de drap dor mespartez

de velours cramoisy emborde de porcsespics & Roses couronnees

avec bordeures de velours bleu emborde de fleurs de lis et armes

dont deux pieces sont de huict mesparties deux de sept et quatre

de six.

Item six pieces de tappisserie riches daras [_d'Arras_].

[Sidenote: Tapicerie

simple.] Item sept pieces de tappisserie contenantes histoire de

Hercules.

Item Treze pieces de tapicerie a figures de bergeres et bergiers.

[Sidenote: Doucelez

a la chambre

de la Royne

il a este veu

en la dite

chambre.] Item ung drap de tissu sur pourpre & cramoisy mespartez

en troys.

Item ung autre de drap dor sur blanc & cramoisy mespartez de

troys.

[Sidenote: Rideaulx.] Item ung grand Rideau de taffetas cramoisy de

huyt parties.

[Sidenote: a la chambre

de la Royne

elles y ont este

veues

Chaires.] Item une chaire de drap dor tissue sur pourpre.

Item une autre de drap dor sur blanc et frange de fil dor et de

soye verte.

[Sidenote: a la chambre

de la Royne.] Item une autre chaire de drap dor sur cramoisy

frange de fil dor et de soye cramoisy.

[Sidenote: Coussins et

Carreaulx.] Item quatre coussins de drap dor tissue.

Item quatre de drap dor sur blanc deux longs et deux cours.

[Sidenote: Les deux longs

a la chambre

de la Royne.

Ils ont este

veue en la dite

chambre.] Item quatre coussins de velours, deux longs et deux

cours.

[Sidenote: Linceaulx

& Couvertures

doreilliers.] Item xxij paires de linceaulx [_sheets_] de deux

pieces et demye toille a troys verges dAngleterre de long.

Item xxvj paires de lincaulx de troys toilles a troys verges et

troys quartiers de long.

[Sidenote: Il y en a sept

en la chambre

de la Royne.

On les a veus.] Item sept paires de troys toilles a quatre

aulnes de long.

Item neuf paires de troys toilles.

Item deux paires de quatre toilles.

[Sidenote: En a chambre

de la Royne

quatre. On a

veu les dite

quatre en la

chambre de

la Royne.] Item xxx couvertures doreiliers.

[Sidenote: Litz de duvet

le lit est dans

la chambre de

la Royne et le

traversin est en

la dite chambre

Orielliers et

Traversins.] Item une lit de duvet avecques le traversin et la

coite [_quilt_] fustaine.

Item deux couvertures de fustain pour le dit lit & traversin en

longueur deux aulnes et trois quartiers et deux aulnes et demy de

largeur.

Item ung autre lit de duvet de huyt cartiers avecques une coyty de

bresel [_red stuff_] & traversin.

Item ung autre lit de duvet de huyt cartiers avecques une coity de

bresel & traversin.

[Sidenote: Deux en la

chambre de la

Royne. Ils

ont este veus.] Item xxvi oreilliers de duvet couvers de

fustayne.

[Sidenote: Litz de plumes.] Item ung grant lit destat de douze

quartiers avecques ung coity de bresel.

[Sidenote: Deux en la

chambre de la

Royne qui ont

este veus.] Item quatre litz de dix quartiers coitez de bresel &

traversins.

Item quatres autres litz de huyt quartiers coitez de gaud [_yellow

stuff_] & traversins.

Item deux litz de xij cartiers coitez de bresel & traversins.

[Sidenote: Matellatz

en la chambre

de la Royne:

ont este veus.] Item deux matellatz delayne couvert de bougran

bleu [_buckram, but finer than the modern stuff_].

[Sidenote: Manteaulx

d'Irlande.] Item deux manteaulx lung de cramoisy lautre de

tanne.

[Sidenote: Frese, lun en

la chambre

de la Royne

on les a veues

dans la dite

chambre.] Item deux frises lun de cramoisy lautre de bleu.

Item une couverture de lit de scarlate et de bleu de dix aulnes et

demy de longueur et largeur de deux lez. [_nearly_.]

[Sidenote: Fustaines.

en la chambre

de la Royne

troys. veus en

la dite

chambre.] Item onze paires de quatre litz.

Item une paire de cinq litz.

[Sidenote: Cotepoinctes.] Item quatre cotepoinctes de bordure de

xx aulnes flamandes piece.

Item deux autres de bordure de xx aulnes flamandes piece.

[Sidenote: deux en la

chambre de la

Royne: elles

y ont este

veues.] Item deux pieces de bordures fines de xxv aulnes

flamandes.

Item ung autre piece de bordure de xl aulnes flamandes.

Ung autre piece de bordure de [ ] flamandes.

Item deux pieces de bordure de xxx aulnes flamandes.

Deux grans tapiz veluz de longueur de huict aulnes on environ et

de largeur iij quartiers ii aulnes (_sic_).

[Sidenote: Tapiz Veluz.] Ung autre tapiz de quatre aulnes ou environ

a roues.

Item ung autre de sept aulnes en longueur et de largeur ii aulnes

et 1 quartier.

Ung autre de quatre aulnes et demye en longueur et deux en

largeur.

Ung autre de troye aulnes et trois quartiers en longueur et ij

aulnes & ung quartier en largeur.

Ung autre de quatre aulnes en longueur et ung quartier, & deux en

largeur et un quartier.

Ung autre de quatre aulnes en longueur et deux aulnes en largeur.

Ung autre de troys aulnes et troys quartiers en longueur et une

aulne troys quartiers en largeur.

Ung autre cinq aulnes & ung quartier en longueur et ij aulnes & 1

quartier en largeur.

Ung autre deux aulnes troys quartiers en longueur et une aulne et

demye de largeur.

Item xxij pety tapiz dune mesure de deux aulnes de longueur et une

aulne & demye de largeur.

[Sidenote: en la chambre

de la Royne

doit avoir huit

tant grans que

moyens et cinq

petys qui ont

este veus.] Somme de tapiz xxxiij grans et petys _cestassavoir_

[c'est à savoir] onze tant grans que moyens et xxij petys.

[Sidenote: Cordes.] Item xx Liure de corde Ronde et plate.

[Sidenote: Canevatz.] Item Canevatz pour metre dedans les charriotz

de la Royne qui sont quatre de cinq aulnes de long et quatre

lezes de largeur.

Item huyt estuytz de canevatz pour metre les litz de la Royne et a

chacune dix aulnes.

[Sidenote: Crochetz pour

tendre

tapisseries.] Item ung mile grans crochetz & quatre mil de pety.

Item deux marteaulx.

Item deux grans canevatz pour envelopper toute la tappiserie en la

garde robbe.

Item troys grans estuytz de cuyr pour metre lesz tapisseries.

Item quatre grans cuirs pour couvrir charriotz.

Item deux autres grans estuytz de cuirs pour metre litz.

Item troys estuytz pour chaires.

Item deux grans coffres.

Fait et signe en la ville dabbeville par moi maistre de la grant

garde Robe cy dessus nomme le xiij jour doctobre lan mil iiiij

cens quatorze.

_Signé_, Andrew de Wyndesore.

(_b_) Inventaire des acoustremens de drap dor velour Cramoisy et autres

Draps aportez dAngleterre a la venue de la Royne pour le service de la

dite Dame tant a sa lictiere chevaulx de portement aubins et hacqunees

Couvertures de chariotz et accoustremens de chevaulx qui servent [?]

a les mener ainsi quil sensuit et premierement.

Le drap et acoutrement du cheval de portement fait a broderie dun drap

dor tres riche.

Sellerie.

Plus xii selles de drap dor faictes a broderie pour servire a xii aubins

avec tous harnois completz de semblable drap et pareur [_parure_].

Item xii autres selles semblablement de drap dor pour servire comme

desous avec douze harnois completz de semblable drap et pareur.

Item plus une xiie autres selles de velours cramoisy pour servire comme

les precedents avec les harnois completz de semblable drap et pareur.

Chariotz et Lictiere.

Une belle lictiere couverte de drap dor a fleurs de lis de broderie que

deux grans chevaulx portent acoustrez tant de selles que harnois y

servant tout completz couvert de semblable drap et dedans la lictiere y

a quatre grans carreaulx couvert de pareil drap dor et sur le dehors est

icelle lictiere couverte dung drap descarlate dAngleterre.

Plus ung beau chariot branlant couvert de drap dor frize a frange dor

tout le tour du dit chariot et dedans quatre grans carreaulx couverte de

mesme drap et y a une couverte descarlate pour metre sur le dehors du

dit chariot.

Pour mener lequel chariot y a lacoustrement complet de six chevaulx dont

les troys ont selles. Le tout couvert de semblable drap dor et pareur.

Item y a ung autre beau chariot couvert de drap dor a fleurs de litz de

broderie frange de franges dor tout le tour et dedans y a quatre

carreaulx couvers de semblable drap avec une couverture descarlate pour

le dehors comme au precedant.

Pour mener lequel chariot y sont autres six acoustremens de chevaulx

dont le trois ont pareillement selles le tout couvert de semblable drap

et pareur.

Item plus y a ung autre chariot couvert de velours camoisy frange tout

le tour de frange dor et dedans quatre carreaulx de semblable velours

cramoisy couvert. il n'y a pour le dehor qune toille cirée pour le

couvrir.

Pour conduire lequel chariot y a lacoustrement de six autres chevaulx

tout complet dont les trois ont selles tous couvers du mesme velours

cramoisy et semblable pareur.

Fait a Abbeville le douziesme jour doctobre lan mil cinq cens quatorze.

_Signé_, Filleul.

Chevaulx.

Plus y a dix sept hacquenees pour le service de la dite dame toutes

couvertes de couvertures dont les quinze sont toutes blanches et deux de

gris plus [?] salle [?] les quelles ont este amenee dAngleterre.

Item y a ung sommier de pareil poil que lescuier de la dite dame dit

estre pour porter quelques acoustremens pour laffaires de lescuirie.

Item plus y a dix huit jeunes chevaulx que grans que petiz pour servir a

mener les trois chariotz branlans.

Item six autres jeunes chevaulx qui sont ordonnez a mener le chariot

couvert de la garde Robbe de la dite dame.

Item plus en y a treize qui sont pour servir a deux autres chariotz de

garnisons et offices tant a la tapisserie que ailleurs ou on les voudra

employer tous lesquelz chevaulx ne sont fort bien enharnachez pour le

present et en deffault quelques pieces.

Item plus y a deux grans beaulx et jeunes chevaulx qui sont ordonnez a

porter la lictiere dicelle dame.

Fait comme dessous a Abbeville le xij jour doctobre lan cinq cens et

quatorze.

_Signé_, Filleul.

ii. Two documents in English. Letters & Papers Henry viii., vol. i., No.

5491.--

_a._ List of the gownes devised for the Princess Mary being the same in

English as already given in the more complete French document. At the

end comes the following in a fragmentary fashion.

Jaketts for her fotemen.

Furst iij Jaketts of white cloth of golde guilted with scales and

crymosyn velvet paled with cloth of golde te be Inbrodred with a

porcapin and a Rose.

Jaketts for the secounde sorte.

Item iij Jaketts of Tawny cloth of golde of damaske & blew velvet to be

Inbrodred with the fleurs de lyee & a Rose.

Jaketts for the iij sorte.

Item iij Jaketts of grene velvet to be Inbrodred with Roses of a colour

and the sun.

For the closet.

A gown of crymesyn cloth of golde of Damaske with a border of black

velvet Inbrodred to be made a Vestment & the border of the same to

serve to the same Vestment takyng certayn lettres owt of the same.

Item a riche awtar (altar) cloth of crymesyn and purpull cloth of goolde

tissuwe.

Item a nother awtar cloth of cloth of bawdekyne.

Item a nother of crymesyn and bleue velvet.

Item cusshons of white cloth of golde of damaske.

Item a cusshon of bleue velvet with fleurs of golde wrought in one.

Yet for the closet.

Item a remanent of crymesyn cloth of golde of tissewe to make a cushon &

ij corpvs cases.

_b. Endorsed_, Amadas bill. [_Robert Amadas was the King's goldsmith._]

_Headed._ Parcells dellyveryd unto the Frenche quenys us as followth.

[_omiting weights, prices & moneys paid for making._]

Item a grete seall of sylver gravyn with the devices of England and the

devices of Fraunce.

Item a nother seall of provune golde.

Item for a devyce of provune gollde with iiij Roses.

Item a nother device of provune gollde with perills & dyamonds.

Item a Braselet of provune gollde with perylls.

Item a nother Braselet of provune gollde with Rubys and Rosis.

Item for Settynge of ix Rubys in provune gollde.

Item an M of provune gollde with a grette Ballas & a Dyamond.

Item 1. Bedstonys [_Beadstones_] of fyne gollde enamellyd with Blake.

Item 1. paire of augulletts of provune gollde.

Item the v. oz. wayght of provune gollde that was put to the Frensch

quenis Bawdrike.

Item for iij chaynnis of fyne gollde.

Item Dellyveryd in fyne gollde for the garnyshynge of the French quenes

frontylletts.

Item Dellyveryd more in fyne gollde for frontylletts.

Item Dellyveryd in Sylver for the garnyshynge of iiij Carvynge Knyvys.

Item for makynge & gylldynge of the every [knife].

Item payd to the Butler for gravynge of the sayd knyvis & gylldyng of

the bladys.

Item for makyng of a Case to the Kyngs collar of the Garter.

Item for New of a gyllte potte to a mache _[match_] that master Cumton

[_Compton_] hathe in hys ckepynge [_sic_] wayning more then the olld

potte be ii. oz.

Item Dellyveryd to Harre holltesweler [_Henry Holtesweller, the King's

Flemish goldsmith_] for a device or a Bawdryke iiij Rossys sette with

Dyamonds, Rubys and perylls & v Rvbys sette in colletts (?) iij of Them

with pances and ij with owte and ix perylls mouche of a sette for the

same.

Item Dellyveryd to hym a dobyll sett with a fayre poyntted Dyamonde and

a fayre large tabulle Balles with a fayre large peryll.

Item Dellyveryd to hym a brassellet to a mend.

Item Dellyveryd to hym ij treangle dyamonds, a tabulle dyamonde and a

dyamonde callyd a dak [?] and a fayre Rounde peryll and iiij table

dyamonds and a fayre lozenged dyamonde takyn owte of the Crosse. And ix

fayre perylls of the bawdryke to make a device for her neyke as is

devised.

Item perylls & vi Rubys all oryentt takyn owte of the M and xii perylls

takyn owte of the K to sette in a brasselett. And vi Rossys of Rubys and

viiij smalle perylls for a nother Brasselet that were in a smalle casket

of Spaynyshe worke.

Item Dellyveryd to him ix fayre Rubys sett in colletts to Sett in propyr

flowers.

Item Dellyveryd to him in brokyn gollde of the Bawdrykys and other pecys

of chens, casketts (?) and other smalle pecys of brokyn gollde.

INDEX

A

Abbeville, 103, 112, 116

Abingdon, 232

Albany, Duke of, 105, 113, 205, 221

Angoulême, Claude Duchess of (_see_ Claude of France)

Angoulême, Francis Duke of (_see_ Francis I. of France)

Anne of Brittany, Queen of France, 41, 73, 107

Arthur, Prince of Wales, 9, 12, 13

B

Badoer, Andreas, Venetian ambassador, 97, 99

Bannister, Sir Humphrey, 223

Barking, Manor of, 214, 215, 216

Barnes, Jean, 110, 128

Berghes, Count de, 19-21, 37, 46, 60, 66

Blount, Bessie, 74, 234, 245

Bohier, Thomas, General of Normandy, 94, 96, 103, 104

Boleyn, Anne, 110, 128, 231, 245, 249

---- Lady, 231

---- Sir Thomas, 37

Boulogne, 50, 111, 130

Brandon, Anne, 70, 83, 220

---- Charles, 12, 100

---- ---- Lord Lisle, 49, 59, 63, 64

---- ---- Courts Margaret of Savoy, 61-71, 77-90

---- ---- Duke of Suffolk, 76, 88, 96, 126, 130-144, 153, 156,

158, 168, 187, 189, 206, 208, 219, 222, 223, 224,

232, 234, 242, 243, 248, 249

---- ---- Debts, 222, 226, 230, 231

---- ---- Letters from, 161, 162, 164, 167, 181, 187, 190, 197,

198, 200, 210, 226, 228, 233, 236, 248

---- ---- Letters to, 168, 184, 191

---- Lady Eleanor, 237, 251

---- Lady Frances, 231, 251

---- Lord Henry, 223

---- ---- Earl of Lincoln, 245, 251

Brégilles, Philippe de, 65, 78, 82, 83

Bresse, Governor of, 19, 37

Bridget of York, Lady, 4, 11

Brown, John, King's painter, 288

Browne, Anne, 12, 100, 101, 245

Brussels, 84, 90

Buckingham, Duke of, 99, 242

Bury St Edmunds, 251

C

Calais, 48, 50, 51, 87, 214

Cambrai, League of, 17

Camp at Therouenne, 53-55

Carew, Anne, 74, 234

---- Sir Nicholas, 74, 235

Carroz, Luis, Spanish Ambassador in England, 28, 43

Catherine, Princess, 14

Cavalcanti, bankers, 103, 222

Charles of Castile, 14, 16, 18, 41, 62, 69, 85, 86, 89, 90, 91,

96, 151, 174

---- ---- Letter from, 21

---- ---- Emperor of Germany, 235, 237, 241, 249, 250

Chièvres, Count, 77, 78, 81, 89, 174

Claude of France--

Duchess of Angoulême, 107, 117

Queen of France, 190, 240, 241

Clugny Palace, 148, 171, 208

Compton, Sir William, 150, 224

Courtney, Lady Katharine Countess of Devon, 4, 11, 224

Crowmer, Anne, 8

D

Dacres, Lord, 223

Denton, Dr, 110, 128, 246

---- Elizabeth, 8

Donyngton Manor, 224, 225

Dorset, Marquis of, 119, 139, 141, 143

Du Wys, Giles, 24

Dunkirk, 48

Durham House, Strand, 234

E

Edmund, Prince, 8

Elizabeth of York, Queen of England, 4-6, 10, 13

Eltham Palace, 4, 8, 11, 153, 192

Erasmus, 4

F

Fenes, Mary, 110, 128

Ferdinand, King of Aragon, 15, 17; chapter ii. _passim_; 79

---- of Austria, 34, 79

Field of Cloth of Gold, 238-241

Flodden, 63

Fox, Bishop of Winchester, 49, 50, 66, 69, 96

Francis I. of France--

Duke of Angoulême, 50, 105, 107, 112-118, 127-128, 129, 132, 140,

142

---- King, chapter viii. _passim_; 231, 240, 241, 246, 249

Frescobaldi, bankers, 40, 222

G

Gordon, Lady Katharine, 11

Greenwich, 11, 97, 184, 215, 230

Grey, Lady Anne, 228

---- Lady Elizabeth, 110, 128, 231

---- Lady Jane, 11

Gueldres, Duke of, 31, 32, 33, 35, 38, 46

Guiche, Peter de la, 165, 180

Guienne, 37, 39, 47

Guildford, Sir Harry, 62, 234

---- Lady Joan, 11, 74, 110, 122-127, 230

Guingate, 57, 59, 60

H

Henry VII. of England, 6-8; chapter i. _passim_

---- VIII., 4; chapter ii. _passim_; 50; chapter iii. _passim_;

94, 98, 99, 183, 194, 203, 224, 232, 234, 240, 241

---- Duke of York, 8, 13, 14

---- Letters to, 122, 151, 161, 162, 164, 165, 167, 181, 189,

197, 198, 200, 210, 211, 224, 226

Holy League, the, 43

Howard, Lord, Admiral, 49

---- Admiral, 44

I

Ipswich College, 248

Isabeau, Archduchess of Austria, 33

J

James IV. of Scotland, 12, 13, 32, 64

Jerningham, Mistress, 110, 227, 228, 229

Joanna of Castile, 15, 17, 26

Jousts--

At Tournay, 69

At Lille, 70

At Paris, 139-143

At Greenwich, 230

At Guisnes: Field of Cloth of Gold, 239-240

Julius II., 29, 30, 32

K

Katharine of Aragon, 8, 12, 14, 15, 25, 63, 64, 94, 98, 222, 225,

228, 230, 231, 235, 238, 240, 241, 249, 250

L

Langley, Father, 150, 194, 195

Leo X., 93

Letheringham Castle, 226

Ligny, Count, 43, 44, 87

Likerke, Mdlle. de, 73, 85, 86

Lille, 60, 61, 63, 64, 69

Lisle, Lady, 82, 84

London, 30, 41, 49, 96, 97, 180, 206, 234

Longueville, Duke de, 57, 89; chapter v. _passim_; 129, 155

---- ---- Letters from, 103, 104

Louis XII. of France, chapter ii. _passim_; 106-7; chapter v.

_passim_; 120, 122, 131, 145, 146

---- ---- Letter from, 104

---- ---- Letters to, 105-6, 125

Louise de Savoie, 14, 108, 133, 190, 204, 222, 235, 246

M

Malines, 31, 42, 43, 66, 87

Margaret, Countess of Richmond, 5, 6, 74

Margaret Tudor, Queen of Scots, 3, 13, 76, 95, 225

Marigny, 102, 112

Marriages--

Arthur of Wales to Katharine of Aragon, 12

Brandon, Charles, to Anne Browne, 100

---- ---- to Lady Mortimer, 100

---- ---- to Lady Lisle, 82

---- ---- to Margaret of Savoy, 67, 76-88

---- ---- to Mary Tudor, Queen of France, 159, 168, 186-199,

204, 215

Henry VII. to Margaret of Savoy, 16, 17.

---- to Joanna of Castile, 17

Henry VIII. to Katharine of Aragon, 25

Margaret Tudor to James IV., 13

Margaret of Savoy to Brandon, 67, 76-88

Mary Tudor to Charles of Castile, 14, 16, 18, 60; chapter iv.

_passim_

---- ---- to Louis XII., chapter v. _passim_

---- ---- to the Duke of Savoy, 151, 152

---- ---- to the Duke of Lorraine, 151, 160

---- ---- to Charles Brandon, 159, 168, 186-199, 204, 205

Mary Tudor, daughter of Henry VII., 2, 3, 9, 10, 12, 15, 16, 18,

19-22, 24, 60, 72, 73-76, 85, 89, 96, 100, 102-103,

109-110, 112; chapter v. _passim_; 134, 135, 144,

148, 151, 160, 168, 171, 174, 180, 183, 204, 215,

223, 230, 232, 234, 235, 237, 238, 240, 241, 245,

250, 251

---- ---- Dowry, 23, 96; chapter ix. _passim_; chapter x.

_passim_; 226, 230, 231, 243, 245, 246, 247

---- ---- Illnesses, 76, 233, 235, 250

---- ---- Ladies, 109-110, 128

---- ---- Letters from, 104-105, 105-106, 122-123, 151, 154,

162, 165, 188, 195, 196, 200, 211, 224, 247

---- ---- Letters to, 103, 104, 149

---- ---- Trousseaux, 76, 102-103

Mary Tudor, daughter of Henry VIII., 223, 224, 231, 233, 235

Maximilian of Austria, the Emperor, 16; chapter ii. _passim_;

52, 55-65, 91, 174

Memo, Dionysius, 230, 232

Mirror of Naples, the, 109, 188, 190, 203, 207, 209, 220

Mortimer, Lady Margaret, 100, 244, 245

Mountjoy, Lord, 4, 49, 177

N

Nassau, Count, 78, 81

Norfolk, Duke of, 96, 110, 119, 123, 130, 150, 242, 248, 249

P

Pace, Sir Richard, 232

Padua, 28, 29

Palgrave, John, 24, 110, 138

Paris, Jehan de, 101

Paris, 25, 30, 60, 94, 105, 129, 135-138, 139, 145, 158, 189, 246

Pavia, 246

Philip of Burgundy, 14, 15, 17, 26, 89

Piennes, Sieur de, 50, 53

Pole, Edmund de la, 35

---- Richard de la, 35

Ponynges, Sir Edward, 34, 37, 39

Popenruyter, Hans, 31

Popincourt, Jane, 10, 18, 74, 110

Préjan, the French admiral, 44, 87

Q

Quintana, Pedro de, 79

R

Ravenstein, Lord, 61, 62

Renée of France, 34, 41, 107

Richmond, 11, 18, 19

---- Duke of, 74, 245