THE LOVERS COME HOME
They turned to the question of money. Henry had already, at the instance
of his Council perhaps, told Suffolk that he was not quite content with
his handling of the dower question, and wrote to him about the end of
February that had he done his devoir, or would do his devoir, the Queen
would obtain all her stuff and jewels. Suffolk replied, "as touching
that, and if I have not done the best therein and will do the best
therein, never be good lord to me, and that I report [_i.e._ refer] me
to my fellows. Alas, Sir, if I should not do the best it were pity [that
I] lived, for I find you so good lord to me that there is none thing
that grieves me but that she and I have no more to content your Grace.
But, Sir, as she has written to you by her own hand, she is content to
give you all that her Grace shall have by the right of her husband, and
if it come not so much as your Grace thought, she is content to give to
your Grace what sum you shall be content to ask, to be paid as her
jointure, and all that she has in the world."[430] Mary's letter
confirmed this. "[Please it y]our Grace to understand [that wh]ereas I
wrote unto your Grace touching my jewels and plate which I promised your
[Gr]ace, such as I have shall be at [yo]ur commandments ever while [I
live]. Howbeit 'tis not so well [as] I would it had been, for there is
much sticking thereat. Howbeit I doubt not but I [s]hall have it at the
link with the good help [of] your Grace and your [Coun]cil that be here.
Sir, I think my lord of Suffolk will wr[ite m]ore plainlier to your
Gra[ce tha]n I do of these matters. Then when you and the[y be] agreed
with your Gr[ace, and] I have them, I will [give] you my part of th[em].
Sir, the French King speaks many ki[nd word]s unto me, a[nd doth affirm]
that he ha[th a] special mind to ha[ve] peace with your Gra[ce be]fore
any prince in Christendom, and, Sir, I would beseech your Grace that it
may be so, if it [might] stand with your favour [and] pleasure, for by
the means and favour of your Gr[ace] I have obtained as much honour in
this realm as was possible to any woman to have, which causes me to
write to your Grace in this matter. Over and ab[ove] this I most humbly
beseech your Grace to write to th[e Fr]ench King and all [yo]ur
ambassadors here [that they] make all sp[eed] possible that I m[ay come]
to your Gra[ce, for my] singular des[ire] and [co]mfort [is to see] your
Grace, above [all thi]ngs in this world. As knoweth our Lord, who [ev]er
preserve your Grace.
By your loving sister, MARY."[431]
[430] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 80; Calig. D. vi. 179.
[431] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 229; Calig. D. vi. 247.
Francis on his accession had secured Mary's dower to her, and there was
no trouble about her actual jointure, but on the question of movables
the dispute arose. On October 13, 1514, Louis XII. had signed letters of
acquittance on the delivery of his wife, with her jewels, furniture,
etc., representing the 400,000 golden crowns promised as her dowry,
provided that in case of restitution the King and his heirs should only
be bound to restore what she brought with her into France, with the
expenses of her passage. The Queen-dowager was, according to the
marriage contract, to have the use of plate and furniture, presumably
that belonging to the late King, but Francis said it was unreasonable to
expect him to allow this if the Queen left the kingdom. However, Mary's
chief contention was that all the jewels which Louis had laid in her lap
from out those seven coffers at Abbeville and elsewhere, and the gold
plate which she had used, were to be considered by her as her own,
independent of her position as Queen, and that she could do with them as
she liked.[432] This was distinctly contrary to the legal instrument,
but both Mary and Henry were keen on that point, and the haggle, called
negotiations, dragged on. Francis, on the other hand, contended that by
law all the property of the late King should go to pay his debts, and
said that if she kept the property she must take the debts too, and pay
them, for she had no right to the movables. Suffolk was all desire to
content his master, but the legalities of the matter were beyond his
disentangling, "as touching whether she have right or no, I cannot tell,
for it is past my learning."[433] He made the best friends he could
about Francis, "to persuade him, if so it were that she had none right,
that he on his honour might depart with her so that the King [Henry]
might see that he dealt not to the extremity." And so, my lord," he
wrote to Wolsey, "in conclusion I am assuredly advertised that he will
be content to give her the one half of the plate of gold, the which is
valued 50,000 crowns--for the whole is but 100,000 crowns--and also he
will be content to give her in jewels to the sum of 50,000 crowns, the
which, by as far as I can perceive, shall be the one half of the jewels.
My lord, this he will do upon the condition that the King's Grace and
all his Council shall see that she has no right, and that he does it of
his own good will, and for the love of the King's Grace and for hers,
for he will not that it should be thought and she had right but that she
should have all." If division were to be made, then all the jewels would
need to be shown, and Suffolk, as already seen, had to ask for the
return of the jewel sent as a peace-offering to Henry.[434] But Henry
would not send back the famous "Miroir de Naples" and it remained in
England, grudged by the French King. Mary's acknowledgment of the jewels
she received from Francis includes a large diamond called "le Miroir de
Naples" with a large pearl attached; 20 diamonds "enchassez et mis en
œuvre en une bordeur d'or," to serve as a head-dress; 8 large pearls as
buttons for the sleeves; 8 others for a carcanet; a large emerald; a
large ruby and 2 large diamonds set in 4 "chatons d'or": all of which
belonged to her late lord and husband, Louis XII.[435] The jewel and the
promise of many more, and also of two-fifths of her jointure, seems to
have pacified her brother, for he sent letters of recall almost at once,
and wrote to Francis desiring him to allow the return of the Queen to
England. As things were it would be just as well to get the pair home
and let them be married openly in England, but before that, Suffolk's
request that he might be married before leaving France was acceded to,
and a semi-private ceremony took place on the last Saturday in March,
the 30th, and in Lent. Louise de Savoie's diary is the authority for
this date, though probably she was not present, for she had been ill.
"Samedi dernier jour de mars le duc de Suffort, homme de basse condition
lequel Henry VIII de ce nom avait envoyé ambassadeur devers le roi,
épousa Marie." On April 4 definite news of the marriage arrived at
Ghent.[436] It seems fairly probable--but with mutilated and undated
documents it is flying in the face of criticism to be dogmatic--that it
was at this time that Suffolk's cousin, Sir William Sidney, arrived with
letters and a "credence" which brought the duke "great ease and
comfort." He caused Wingfield to write to Wolsey that the archbishop
"had bound him and all his to be yours during their lives."[437] At this
date, too, Henry did his best to silence gossip, and wrote to Margaret
of Austria asking her to contradict all reports in the Prince's court of
a secret marriage.
[432] L. and P. H. VIII, ii. (i.) 827; Calig. D. vi. 238.
[433] _Ibid._, ii. (ii.) App. 7.
[434] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (ii.) App. 7.
[435] _Ibid._, ii. (i.) 327; Calig. D. vi. 228.
Henry's anger was short-lived after all. He was genuinely attached to
Suffolk, who had done his business as well as could be expected, and the
King knew what to expect from Francis in the matter of straight dealing,
so the Duke was overjoyed to receive, as a mark of partially renewed
confidence, orders to treat with Francis for the final clauses of the
peace. Wolsey was truly a friend worth having, prodigal of tact and
unwearying in effort. The Duke and the Queen were to come home as soon
as the peace was concluded, and the hitch in the proceedings arose from
Francis' refusal to prevent the departure of the Duke of Albany into
Scotland, for the Scots were to be comprehended in the peace only on the
distinct understanding that the old Franco-Scottish alliance was broken.
Francis, however, said he had no mind to withdraw his protection and
amity from Scotland. By the marriage treaty now concluded he had
detached Flanders from England, and knew that Henry without its aid and
with an hostile "friend" across the border would have small power
against him, but he gave his word as a gentleman, with his hand on his
heart, that his ambitions were entirely Italian. All the same there was
talk of Guelders besieging Tournay, and Francis boasted that he could
have it any day. However, stop Albany he would not, "though he swore he
would jeopard his head and bind him by the censures of the Church that
if the Duke did not bring peace to Scotland in four months he would
bring him home again." And Albany set out to take ship at St Malo,
"mawgre all the ships now in the sea" to stop him. The English had a
great day with the King for his keeping. Francis suggested that if he
stopped Albany for three months then Suffolk should remain the same time
in France as hostage for Henry's behaviour towards the Scots.[438] The
ambassadors promptly said No, they had no authority to do this and would
not if they had, and if the Duke were to help the one party in Scotland,
Henry would certainly send aid to his sister, Queen Margaret. Francis
was too impatient to be off towards Italy to stand long on the order of
his treating, and the same day, April 5, Holy Thursday, while the Queen
and Suffolk were in the church of the Maturins, "adjoining fast to her
Grace's lodging, the French King came in to take pardon and spake not
past two or three words with [the] Queen, but came over to my lord and
showed him [as far] as he could understand, as my lord showed unto us,
that he had stopped the said Duke of Albany's going [into] Scotland, and
that he would send another ambassador that should come through England
and s[how the King and his] Council his instructions."[439] The upshot
was that Francis gave the Scots three months to come into the amity, "so
that it might [seem to] his friends there that he forsook them not," and
peace was signed in London on Easter Monday, March 9. The only bit of
public business now remaining was the Tournay question, but Suffolk had
been bitten and would not again treat of the matter, and referred it for
settlement to the meeting of the Kings.[440] So Tournay remained to the
English.
[436] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 303.
[437] _Ibid._, ii. 297; Calig. D. vi. 220.
[438] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 304; Calig. D. vi. 222.
[439] L. and P. H. VIII., ii (i.) 304; Calig. D. vi. 222.
[440] _Ibid._
Francis had promised that Mary should be allowed to depart as soon as
"le tans se trouvera convenable,"[441] and now gave her liberty to
depart the Saturday next after Quasimodo Geniti (Low Sunday, April
15).[442] The date being settled, Wingfield and West were more than ever
anxious to get her affairs definitely settled. The costs of her
"traduction" made the Chancellor hold up his hands in horror that all
that money should have been spent in seven or eight days, but the King,
he said, was willing to make a composition without asking for
particulars. They replied that the hiring and manning of the ships had
occupied a much longer time than that, and that it had been necessary to
scour the seas both east and west beforehand that no enemy might impeach
her passage. As to the question of composition, there could be none in
truth, for the costs were included by an article in the treaty and they
had no other basis for treating. However, if the King would tell them
what sum he had decided on they would either take it or refer it to
Henry. No sum had been decided on, and the answer was deferred till the
next day. Francis told the Chancellor to make an end of the matter and
offer 30,000 francs. Wingfield and West haggled for 20,000 crowns of the
sun, equal to 39,000 francs, which, after consulting together, they
agreed to take, "considering we could bring him to no greater sum, and
in what necessity the Queen was, not having one penny towards her
charges, seeing also the exclamation of the merchants and other
victuallers, and her servants for their wages, especially by them that
be now warned out of (service), we were by force driven to consent to
the said offer, and could not otherwise make shift to furnish her
charges, which be exceeding great as you shall know hereafter, to your
no little marvel."[443] Thus far everything was adjusted but the
question of the jewels and plate, the offer of half of which had been
favourably entertained by Henry. Francis offered 30,000 crowns for the
"Miroir de Naples,"[444] and was exceeding wroth when he found the jewel
had passed the sea beyond recall, and no doubt his wrath accounts for
his scant courtesy to Mary in church on Holy Thursday. Mary must have
made "a good Pask," for England and home were in sight at last, but it
needed another eight days to conclude matters. On Saturday, April 14, in
the Clugny Abbey, Mary signed a receipt for 200,000 gold crowns,
including 20,000 paid for her travelling expenses, returned as moiety of
her dowry that had been already paid.[445] And on the same day Suffolk
authorized his wife to receive and give receipt for jewels, etc., which
formed part of her dowry.[446] This authorization may have been demanded
by Francis to strengthen his point that Mary did not receive the jewels
as right but as a gift from him. On the following Monday Mary gave the
required receipt, and set out at once for home, glad to get out of her
prison, where she had not known a day's health, and to leave Paris with
its mud and smells and innumerable horses. The gold plate was left
behind, with the marriage present which the prudent Venetian ambassador,
who arrived after Louis XII.'s death, had thriftily suppressed, though
Mary had asked for it.[447] Dean West was to try and extract the plate
from the King at the signing of the treaty, and, failing that, Suffolk
said he would give its value to Henry. The impulsive dispatch of the
jewel had spoiled the negotiations, and Francis still was so incensed
that he had "done nothing about the present which he had promised the
Queen by the Grand-master and Bonnivet," and had only given her at her
departing "four baagues of no great value."[448] With the present he
sent the message that she could have the movables if she paid the
debts. West did his best at Montargys, where the treaty of peace with
England was signed, to get more out of the King. On the Dean breaking
roundly with him on the subject, Francis "studied a little," and said he
would give him an answer next day. West then said that the interview
desired by the two Kings depended on Henry's side on the answer he got
about the jewels and plate, and if "he dealt not well with the Queen's
Grace, your sister, in that matter, your Grace would take it so unkindly
that there would be great difficulty to bring it to pass." Next day,
after the ceremony of subscribing the treaty at the high altar, "the
King desired him to repeat in the presence of the Chancellor what he had
said the day before touching the Queen's moveables," and when he had
done so, the Chancellor requested West to withdraw. On being recalled,
West was told by the Chancellor at the King's desire that "if the King
under[stood] that the Queen had any right to the said m[oveables] he
would have given her altogether. And [upon this] as I said she had
received no part, the Chancellor replied that she had the jewel of
Naples, for which the King offered 30,000 crowns, and 18 pearls valued
at 10,000 crowns; but the King trusted to see Henry shortly and they
would settle the matter together."[449] No other answer was to be had,
and West sent Mary's useless seal after her by Suffolk's servant.
Suffolk's commonsense spoke truth when he said they could not compel
Francis to "gyf soo moche wyet howth (without) he lyst."
[441] _Ibid._, ii. (i.) 281; Calig. D. vi. 260.
[442] _Ibid._, ii. (i.) 296; Calig. D. vi. 220.
[443] L. and P. H. VIII., ii (i.) 304; Calig. D. vi. 222.]
[444] <i>Ibid.</i>]
[445] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 319; R. T. 137.
[446] _Ibid._, ii. (i.) 320; R. T. 137.
[447] Giustinian's Despatches, 54.
[448] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 343; Calig. D. vi. 230.
[449] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 437; Calig. D. vi. 231.
The Queen was now (April 16) on her way to Calais with Suffolk. Francis
had gone with her almost to St Denis, and Monsieur and many of the
personages kept her company to Boulogne. The day she left peace was
proclaimed, fires were made at night, and on the morrow there was a
holiday. On the 22nd they came to Montreuil, and there Suffolk's
uneasiness at Wolsey's silence for the past fortnight ("one in his
position was glad of tidings") found vent in a letter to Henry
beseeching pardon and forgiveness.
"Most Gracious Sovereign Lord.--So it is that I am informed divers ways
that all your whole Council, my lord of York excepted, with many others
are clearly determined to tempt your Grace that I may either be put to
death or be put in prison and so to be destroyed. Alas, Sir, I may say
that I have a hard fortune, seeing that there was never none of them in
trouble but I was glad to help them in my power, and that your Grace
knows best. And now that I am in this none little trouble and sorrow now
they are ready to help and destroy me. But, Sir, I can no more but God
forgive them whatsoever comes to me, for I am determined. For, Sir, your
Grace is he that is my sovereign lord and master, and he that has
brought me up out of nought, and I am your subject and servant and he
that has offended your Grace in breaking my promise that I made your
Grace touching the Queen, your sister. For the which, with most humble
heart, I will yield myself unto your Grace's hands to do with my poor
body your gracious pleasure, not fearing the malice of them, for I know
your Grace of such nature that it cannot lie in their powers to cause
you to destroy me for their malice. But what punishment I have I shall
thank God and your Grace of it, and think that I have well deserved it,
both to God and your Grace. As knows our Lord, who send your Grace your
most honorable heart's desire with long life, and me, most sorrowful
wretch, your gracious favour, what sorrows soever I endure therefor.
At _Mottryll_, the 22nd day of April, by your most humble subject and
servant, CHARLES SUFFOLK."
The letter Mary sent by the same messenger, Sir William Sidney, had been
already submitted to Wolsey, for the draft of it in his secretary's hand
altered in the archbishop's, is extant in the Public Record Office.[450]
"My most dear and entirely beloved brother. In most humble manner I
recommend me to your Grace.
"Dearest brother, I doubt not that you have in your good remembrance
that whereas, for the good of peace and for the furtherance of your
affairs, you moved me to marry with my lord and late husband, King Louis
of France, whose soul God pardon. Though I understood that he was very
aged and sickly, yet for the advancement of the said peace and for the
furtherance of your causes, I was contented to conform myself to your
said motion, so that if I should fortune to survive the said late King I
might with your good will marry myself at my liberty without your
displeasure. Whereunto, good brother, you condescended and granted, as
you well know, promising unto me that in such case you would never
provoke nor move me but as mine own heart and mind should be best
pleased, and that wheresoever I should dispose myself you would wholly
be content with the same. And upon that your good comfort and faithful
promise I assented to the said marriage, else I would never have granted
to, as at the same time I showed unto you more at large. Now that God
hath called my said late husband to his mercy, and I am at my liberty,
dearest brother, remembering the great virtues which I have seen and
perceived heretofore in my lord of Suffolk, to whom I have always been
of good mind, as ye well know, I have affixed and clearly determined
myself to marry him, and the same I assure you hath proceeded only of
mine own mind, without any request or labour of my lord of Suffolk or of
any other person. And to be plain with your Grace, I have so bound
myself unto him that for no cause earthly I will or may vary or change
from the same. Wherefore my good and most kind brother, I now beseech
your Grace to take this matter in good part, and to give unto me and to
my said lord of Suffolk your good will herein, ascertaining you that
upon the trust and comfort which I have for that you have always
honourably regarded your promise, I am comen out of the realm of France
and have put myself within your jurisdiction in this your town of
Calais, where I intend to remain till such time as I shall have answer
from you of your good and loving mind herein, which I would not have
done, but upon the faithful trust that I have in your said promise.
Humbly beseeching your Grace for the great and tender love which ever
hath been and shall be between you and me to bare your gracious mind and
show yourself agreeable hereunto, and to certify me by your most loving
letters of the same. Till which time I will make mine abode here and no
further enter your realms.
[450] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 367; Vesp. F. xiii. 80.
"And to the intent it may please you, the rather to condescend to this
my most hearty desire, I am contented and expressly promise, and bind me
to you by these presents to give you all the whole dot which was
delivered with me, and also all such plate of gold and jewels as I
shall have of my said late husband's. Over and besides this I shall,
rather than fail, give you as much yearly part of my dower to as great a
sum as shall stand with your will and pleasure. And of all the premises
I promise upon knowledge of your good mind to make unto you sufficient
bonds. Trusting verily that in fulfilling your said promise to me made,
you will show your brotherly love, affection and good mind to me in this
behalf, which to hear of I abide with most desire, and not to be
miscontented with my said lord of Suffolk, whom of mine inward good mind
and affection to him I have in manner enforced to be agreeable to the
same, without any request of him made. As knoweth our Lord, whom I
beseech to have your Grace in his merciful governance."[451]
[451] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 227. Letters of Royal and
Illustrious Ladies, i. 203.
Both letters harped on a "promise," and Mary's argument was all the
stronger that the King's anger was because of Suffolk's broken word, and
Henry was just the man to feel that in these circumstances the royal
word must remain intact. Besides, he was getting his full price. The
argument was very likely Wolsey's, who no doubt was rather weary of
hearing about Suffolk's default. In uncertainty, however, the Queen and
Suffolk went on to Calais, only to find the town inflamed against the
Duke, and it is said he had to keep within the King of England's house
for fear of the people. For nearly a month, in expectation of the
Queen's arrival, the deputation from the town to Henry on important
local business had been put off by command of the Deputy, Sir Richard
Wingfield, "for the town would have been left bare at the arrival of the
Queen,"[452] and possibly this sharpened local exasperation. Stowe says
that Mary crossed on May 2, and the official account says she did not
stay long at Calais, "but within a few short days, the time being fine,
good and suitable, took her passage and arrived at Dover, which is the
place from whence she set sail when she went abroad. At which place she
was met by many honourable personages, as well lords as ladies, and by
them conducted and accompanied to a place called Saint Saulve
(Sauveur_?_) de Grace (_sic_), and about two leagues from the said
county of the said saint, she was met and received by my lord the
Archbishop of York, and from thence also accompanied he conveyed her,
taking the way to Barking, which is a fine manor, where was our said
lord the King. And before she arrived at the said place of Barking, the
King, accompanied by many great princes and lords of this kingdom, in
good and great number met her a mile from the said place of Barking, and
bid her welcome as cordially and affectionately as he possibly could,
rejoicing greatly in her honourable return and great prosperity. And
from the place of the said meeting his highness conveyed her to the said
manor of Barking, at which place it was appointed that the King and she
should stay all the day next ensuing."[453]
[452] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 297; Calig. D. vi. 220.
[453] Du Puy MS. No. 462, Art. i., Bib. Nat., Paris, quoted in
Green's Lives of the Princesses of England, v. 102.
What was her real and private reception, and how Suffolk came into his
master's presence, we have no means of knowing. The document given
hereafter in full says that explanations took place in the evening of
their arrival at Barking. By a deed dated May 11th, the day after their
arrival, the final conditions of marriage and forgiveness were settled,
and Mary and Suffolk bound themselves to pay to Henry for expenses over
and above her dowry £24,000 in yearly instalments of £1000, and to
resign to the King's use her dot of £200,000 and her plate and jewels.
On Suffolk's part he resigned the wardship of Lady Lisle.[454] Two days
after this the marriage was openly celebrated at Greenwich, on May
13,[455] in the presence of the whole Court, where the Norfolk faction
gloomed in defeat, for while the Court bulletin sent abroad said that
"all the estates and others of this realm be very glad and well
pleased," Hall was nearer the mark when he wrote that "many men
grudged."
[454] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 436. R.O.
[455] _Ibid._, ii. (i.) 468. R.O.
Now that all was _en règle_, the only thing that remained to be done was
to cover up entirely the traces of the first and most irregular
marriage, and to acknowledge and ask for the concealment of the one on
March 31, to which Francis was privy. So Sir William Sidney was sent
back to Francis with a document containing a neat set of events,
arranged to hide improprieties and to guard against future questions. It
is really a safeguard of the legitimacy of the children of the then heir
to the throne. There are two documents, one in Paris and one in London.
Sir William Sidney is told therein (by Wolsey and Suffolk) to represent
to Francis that[456] "the same evening that the said Queen arrived at
the said place of Barking, after many communications and devices had
between the King and her touching her affairs, she among other things
made overture and declaration to the King, our said lord, that the
marriage, for which the King, her son-in-law, had before written very
earnestly by letters of his own hand to the King, our said lord, for the
marriage between her and the Duke of Suffolk, was not only concluded and
determined but was secretly perfected, finished and solemnized in the
Kingdom of France in Lent last past, to the doing of which the King, her
son-in-law, was alone privy, desiring, therefore, with the greatest
possible humility the King, our said lord, to take and accept it in good
part, and to be well content at it and not to object nor lay any blame
on the said Duke of Suffolk, since this proceeded entirely on her own
wish and the singular love that she bore him, and that it proceeded not
all from his procuration or pursuit.
[456] Du Puy MS. No. 462, Art. i., Bib. Nat., Paris, quoted in
Green's Lives of the Princesses of England, v. 103.
"Which overture and declaration was at first strange and very
displeasing to the King, nevertheless, recalling the very urgent prayer
and request that the King, his said good brother and cousin, had
heretofore made him upon this by his said letters written with his hand
for the accomplishing of the said marriage, with the very humble
mediation and good aid of my lord of York, the anger of the King was
appeased and somewhat modified. And considering that the said marriage
had been contracted in the prohibited time and season, and without banns
asked, and celebrated by a priest not having authority from the ordinary
therefor, also to avoid the danger which might ensue from the
illegitimation of such children as might be procreated between them two,
and in part guard the King's honour and hers, and also accomplish and
comply with the desire of his said good brother and cousin, the
King--although the King might well have shown more displeasure,
which might have been for his own dignity and that of his
kingdom--nevertheless, for the causes and considerations above declared
and that his said good brother, the King, might assuredly know and
understand that the King would incline and be conformable to all his
reasonable desires, his highness not only consented, but it seemed to
him to be good and expedient--to avoid all danger and to establish the
thing more perfectly--that the said marriage should be openly solemnized
in England and performed in due form and manner with the publication of
banns and all other ceremonies herein requisite and expedient, according
to what has been and is accustomed to be done in such case.
[_English draft begins here._][457] "Wherefore after all
preparations made for that purpose and the banns openly asked,
the said marriage between the said Queen and Duke was solemnized
at Greenwich in presence of the King, the Queen, and such other
nobles and estates of this realm as then were attending in the
Court, on Sunday the 13th day of this instant month of May, and
with the same all the said estates and others of this realm be
very glad and well pleased. And considering that there be no mo
privy to the said secret marriage made between them in France,
but only the said French King and none privy here unto but the
King, to whom the said French King and Duke disclosed the same,
the said Sir William Sidney shall say that the King's Grace
desireth and perfectly trusteth that for the honour of the said
French Queen and for avoiding of all evil bruits which may ensue
thereof, he will reserve and keep the same at all times hereafter
secret to himself without making any creature privy thereunto,
like as the King shall do for his part. And at this point the
said Sir William Sidney shall pause, noting and marking
substantially what answer the said French King shall make
hereunto to the intent he may certify the said Archbishop of York
and the Duke of Suffolk thereof accordingly."
[457] L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 468.
Thus Suffolk and Wolsey laboured to repair the damage, but with little
effect; secrecy had become impossible, the news was over Europe.
Here ends the _via dolorosa_ to their open marriage, and now, after this
hour in a fierce light which revealed the very beating of her heart,
Mary sinks back into the cloud of obscurity which covers the lives of
people neither politically nor criminally important. Occasionally, as
will be seen hereafter, the cloud lifts, only to close down again almost
immediately. Of her married life little can be found, and if the
well-known stanza written on their portrait indicates anything, it is a
certain loving tolerance on the part of Suffolk for his capricious,
warm-hearted wife.
"Cloth of gold do not despise,
Though thou be matched with cloth of frize:
Cloth of frize be not too bold,
Though thou be matched with cloth of gold."