science of humanity with a new department. 'He was the first to
contemplate the life of a nation in its continuity, to trace the
operation of political forces through successive generations, to
contrast the action of individuals with the evolution of causes over
which they had but little control, and to bring the salient features of
the national biography into relief by the suppression of comparatively
unimportant details.' He found no examples to follow, for Villani with
all his merits was of a different order. Diarists and chroniclers there
were in plenty, and works of the learned men led by Aretino, written in
Latin and mainly rhetorical. The great work of Guicciardini was not
published till years after the Secretary's death. Machiavelli broke away
from the Chronicle or any other existing form. He deliberately applied
philosophy to the sequence of facts. He organised civil and political
history. He originally intended to begin his work at the year 1234, the
year of the return of Cosimo il Vecchio from exile and of the
consolidation of Medicean power on the ground that the earlier periods
had been covered by Aretino and Bracciolini. But he speedily recognised
that they told of nothing but external wars and business while the heart
of the history of Florence was left unbared. The work was to do again in
very different manner, and in that manner he did it. Throughout he
maintains and insistently insinuates his unfailing explanation of the
miseries of Italy; the necessity of unity and the evils of the Papacy
which prevents it. In this book dedicated to a Pope he scants nothing of
his hatred of the Holy See. For ever he is still seeking the one strong
man in a blatant land with almost absolute power to punish, pull down,
and reconstruct on an abiding foundation, for to his clear eyes it is
ever the events that are born of the man, and not the man of the events.
He was the first to observe that the Ghibellines were not only the
Imperial party but the party of the aristocrats and influential men,
whereas the Guelphs were the party not only of the Church but of the
people, and he traces the slow but increasing struggle to the triumph of
democracy in the Ordinamenti di Giustizia (1293). But the triumph was
not final. The Florentines were 'unable to preserve liberty and could
not tolerate slavery.' So the fighting, banishments, bloodshed, cruelty,
injustice, began once more. The nobles were in origin Germanic, he
points out, the people Latin; so that a racial bitterness gave accent to
their hate. But yet, he adds impartially, when the crushed nobility were
forced to change their names and no longer dared be heard 'Florence was
not only stripped of arms but likewise of all generosity.' It would be
impossible to follow the History in detail. The second, seventh and
eighth books are perhaps the most powerful and dramatic. Outside affairs
and lesser events are lightly touched. But no stories in the world have
been told with more intensity than those of the conspiracies in the
seventh and eighth books, and none have given a more intimate and
accurate perception of the modes of thought and feeling at the time. The
History ends with the death of Lorenzo de Medici in 1492. Enough has
been said of its breadth of scope and originality of method. The spirit
of clear flaming patriotism, of undying hope that will not in the
darkest day despair, the plangent appeal to Italy for its own great sake
to rouse and live, all these are found pre-eminently in the History as
they are found wherever Machiavelli speaks from the heart of his heart.
Of the style a foreigner may not speak. But those who are proper judges
maintain that in simplicity and lucidity, vigour, and power, softness,
elevation, and eloquence, the style of Machiavelli is 'divine,' and
remains, as that of Dante among the poets, unchallenged and insuperable
among all writers of Italian prose.
[Sidenote: Other Works.]
Though Machiavelli must always stand as a political thinker, an
historian, and a military theorist it would leave an insufficient idea
of his mental activities were there no short notice of his other
literary works. With his passion for incarnating his theories in a
single personality, he wrote the _Life of Castruccio Castracani_, a
politico-military romance. His hero was a soldier of fortune born Lucca
in 1281, and, playing with a free hand, Machiavelli weaves a life of
adventure and romance in which his constant ideas of war and politics
run through and across an almost imaginary tapestry. He seems to have
intended to illustrate and to popularise his ideals and to attain by a
story the many whom his discourses could not reach. In verse Machiavelli
was fluent, pungent, and prosaic. The unfinished _Golden Ass_ is merely
made of paragraphs of the _Discorsi_ twined into rhymes. And the others
are little better. Countless pamphlets, essays, and descriptions may be
searched without total waste by the very curious and the very leisurely.
The many despatches and multitudinous private letters tell the story
both of his life and his mind. But the short but famous _Novella di
Belfagor Arcidiavolo_ is excellent in wit, satire, and invention. As a
playwright he wrote, among many lesser efforts, one supreme comedy,
_Mandragola_, which Macaulay declares to be better than the best of
Goldoni's plays, and only less excellent than the very best of
Molière's. Italian critics call it the finest play in Italian. The plot
is not for nursery reading, but there are tears and laughter and pity
and anger to furnish forth a copious author, and it has been not ill
observed that _Mandragola_ is the comedy of a society of which _The
Prince_ is the tragedy.
[Sidenote: The End.]
It has been said of the Italians of the Renaissance that with so much of
unfairness in their policy, there was an extraordinary degree of
fairness in their intellects. They were as direct in thought as they
were tortuous in action and could see no wickedness in deceiving a man
whom they intended to destroy. To such a charge--if charge it
be--Machiavelli would have willingly owned himself answerable. He
observed, in order to know, and he wished to use his knowledge for the
advancement of good. To him the means were indifferent, provided only
that they were always apt and moderate in accordance with necessity, A
surgeon has no room for sentiment: in such an operator pity were a
crime. It is his to examine, to probe, to diagnose, flinching at no
ulcer, sparing neither to himself or to his patient. And if he may not
act, he is to lay down very clearly the reasons which led to his
conclusions and to state the mode by which life itself may be saved,
cost what amputation and agony it may. This was Machiavelli's business,
and he applied his eye, his brains, and his knife with a relentless
persistence, which, only because it was so faithful, was not called
heroic. And we know that he suffered in the doing of it and that his
heart was sore for his patient. But there was no other way. His record
is clear and shining. He has been accused of no treachery, of no evil
action. His patriotism for Italy as a fatherland, a dream undreamt by
any other, never glowed more brightly than when Italy lay low in shame,
and ruin, and despair. His faith never faltered, his spirit never
shrank. And the Italy that he saw, through dark bursts of storm, broken
and sinking, we see to-day riding in the sunny haven where he would have
her to be.
HENRY CUST.
CONTENTS PAGE
THE ARTE OF WARRE 1
THE PRINCE 251
THE ARTE OF WARRE
WRITTEN FIRST IN ITALIAN BY
NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL
AND SET FORTHE IN ENGLISHE BY
PETER WHITEHORNE
STUDIENT AT GRAIES INNE
WITH AN ADDICION OF OTHER LIKE
MARCIALLE FEATES AND EXPERIMENTES
AS IN A TABLE
IN THE ENDE OF THE BOOKE
MAIE APPERE
1560
_Menfss. Iulij_.
TO THE MOSTE
HIGHE, AND EXCELLENT PRINCES,
ELIZABETH, by the Grace of God, Quene
of Englande, Fraunce, and Irelande,
defender of the faithe, and of the Churche
of Englande, and Irelande, on yearth
next under God, the supreme
Governour.
Although commonlie every man, moste worthie and renoumed Soveraine,
seketh specially to commend and extolle the thing, whereunto he feleth
hymself naturally bent and inclined, yet al soche parciallitie and
private affection laid aside, it is to bee thought (that for the
defence, maintenaunce, and advauncemente of a Kyngdome, or Common weale,
or for the good and due observacion of peace, and administracion of
Justice in the same) no one thinge to be more profitable, necessarie, or
more honourable, then the knowledge of service in warre, and dedes of
armes; bicause consideryng the ambicion of the worlde, it is impossible
for any realme or dominion, long to continue free in quietnesse and
savegarde, where the defence of the sweard is not alwaies in a
readinesse. For like as the Grekes, beyng occupied aboute triflyng
matters, takyng pleasure in resityng of Comedies, and soche other vain
thinges, altogether neclecting Marciall feates, gave occasion to Philip
kyng of Macedonia, father to Alexander the Great, to oppresse and to
bring theim in servitude, under his subjeccion, even so undoubtedly,
libertie will not be kepte, but men shall be troden under foote, and
brought to moste horrible miserie and calamitie, if thei givyng theim
selves to pastymes and pleasure, forssake the juste regarde of their
owne defence, and savegarde of their countrie, whiche in temporall
regimente, chiefly consisteth in warlike skilfulnesse. And therefore the
aunciente Capitaines and mightie Conquerours, so longe as thei
florished, did devise with moste greate diligence, all maner of waies,
to bryng their men to the perfect knowledge of what so ever thing
appertained to the warre: as manifestly appereth by the warlike games,
whiche in old time the Princes of Grecia ordained, upon the mount
Olimpus, and also by thorders and exercises, that the aunciente Romaines
used in sundrie places, and specially in Campo Martio, and in their
wonderful sumptuous Theaters, whiche chiefly thei builded to that
purpose. Whereby thei not onely made their Souldiours so experte, that
thei obtained with a fewe, in faightyng againste a greate houge
multitude of enemies, soche marveilous victories, as in many credible
Histories are mencioned, but also by the same meanes, their unarmed and
rascalle people that followed their Campes, gotte soche understandyng in
the feates of warre, that thei in the daie of battaile, beeyng lefte
destitute of succour, were able without any other help, to set
themselves in good order, for their defence againste the enemie, that
would seke to hurte theim, and in soche daungerous times, have doen
their countrie so good service, that verie often by their helpe, the
adversaries have been put to flight, and fieldes moste happely wone. So
that thantiquitie estemed nothing more happie in a common weale, then to
have in the same many men skilfull in warlike affaires: by meanes
whereof, their Empire continually inlarged, and moste wonderfully and
triumphantly prospered. For so longe as men for their valiauntnesse,
were then rewarded and had in estimacion, glad was he that could finde
occasion to venter, yea, and spende his life, to benefite his countrie:
as by the manly actes that Marcus Curcius, Oracius Cocles, and Gaius
Mucius did for the savegarde of Rome and also by other innumerable like
examples dooeth plainly appeare. But when through long and continuall
peace, thei began to bee altogether given to pleasure and delicatenesse,
little regardyng Marciall feates, nor soche as were expert in the
practise thereof: Their dominions and estates, did not so moche before
increase and prospere, as then by soche meanes and oversight, thei
sodainly fell into decaie and utter ruine. For soche truly is the nature
and condicion, bothe of peace and warre, that where in governemente,
there is not had equalle consideration of them bothe, the one in fine,
doeth woorke and induce, the others oblivion and utter abholicion.
Wherfore, sith the necessitie of the science of warres is so greate, and
also the necessarie use thereof so manifeste, that even Ladie Peace her
self, doeth in maner from thens crave her chief defence and
preservacion, and the worthinesse moreover, and honour of the same so
greate, that as by prose we see, the perfecte glorie therof, cannot
easely finde roote, but in the hartes of moste noble couragious and
manlike personages, I thought most excellente Princes, I could not
either to the specialle gratefiyng of your highnesse, the universall
delight of all studious gentlemen, or the common utilitie of the publike
wealth, imploie my labours more profitablie in accomplishyng of my
duetie and good will, then in settyng foorthe some thing, that might
induce to the augmentyng and increase of the knowledge thereof:
inespecially thexample of your highnes most politike governemente over
us, givyng plaine testimonie of the wonderfull prudente desire that is
in you, to have your people instructed in this kinde of service, as well
for the better defence of your highnesse, theim selves, and their
countrie, as also to discourage thereby, and to be able to resist the
malingnitie of the enemie, who otherwise would seeke peradventure, to
invade this noble realme or kyngdome.
When therfore about x. yeres paste, in the Emperours warres against the
Mores and certain Turkes beyng in Barberie, at the siege and winnyng of
Calibbia, Monesterio and Africa, I had as well for my further
instruction in those affaires, as also the better to acquainte me with
the Italian tongue, reduced into Englishe, the booke called The arte of
Warre, of the famous and excellente Nicholas Machiavell, whiche in times
paste he beyng a counsailour, and Secretarie of the noble Citee of
Florence, not without his greate laude and praise did write: and havyng
lately againe, somwhat perused the same, the whiche in soche continuall
broiles and unquietnesse, was by me translated, I determined with my
self, by publishyng thereof, to bestowe as greate a gift (sins greater I
was not able) emongeste my countrie men, not experte in the Italian
tongue, as in like woorkes I had seen before me, the Frenchemen,
Duchemen, Spaniardes, and other forreine nacions, moste lovyngly to have
bestowed emongeste theirs: The rather undoubtedly, that as by private
readyng of the same booke, I then felt my self in that knowledge
marveilously holpen and increased, so by communicatyng the same to many,
our Englishemen findyng out the orderyng and disposyng of exploictes of
warre therein contained, the aide and direction of these plaine and
briefe preceptes, might no lesse in knowledge of warres become
incomperable, then in prowes also and exercise of the same, altogether
invincible: which my translacion moste gracious Soveraine, together with
soche other thynges, as by me hath been gathered, and thought good to
adde thereunto, I have presumed to dedicate unto youre highnes: not
onely bicause the whole charge and furniture of warlike counsailes and
preparacions, being determined by the arbitremente of Governours and
Princes, the treatise also of like effecte should in like maner as of
right, depende upon the protection of a moste worthie and noble
Patronesse, but also that the discourse it self, and the woorke of a
forrein aucthour, under the passeport and safeconduite of your highnes
moste noble name, might by speciall aucthoritie of the same, winne
emongest your Majesties subjectes, moche better credite and estimacion.
And if mooste mightie Queen, in this kind of Philosophie (if I maie so
terme it) grave and sage counsailes, learned and wittie preceptes, or
politike and prudente admonicions, ought not to be accompted the least
and basest tewels of weale publike. Then dare I boldely affirme, that of
many straungers, whiche from forrein countries, have here tofore in this
your Majesties realme arrived, there is none in comparison to bee
preferred, before this worthie Florentine and Italian, who havyng frely
without any gaine of exchaunge (as after some acquaintaunce and
familiaritie will better appeare) brought with hym moste riche, rare and
plentiful Treasure, shall deserve I trust of all good Englishe lishe
hartes, most lovingly and frendly to be intertained, embraced and
cherished. Whose newe Englishe apparell, how so ever it shall seme by
me, after a grosse fasion, more fitlie appoincted to the Campe, then in
nice termes attired to the Carpet, and in course clothyng rather putte
foorthe to battaile, then in any brave shewe prepared to the bankette,
neverthelesse my good will I truste, shall of your grace be taken in
good parte, havyng fashioned the phraise of my rude stile, even
accordyng to the purpose of my travaile, whiche was rather to profite
the desirous manne of warre, then to delight the eares of the fine
Rethorician, or daintie curious scholemanne: Moste humblie besechyng
your highnes, so to accept my labour herein, as the first fruictes of a
poore souldiours studie, who to the uttermoste of his smalle power, in
the service of your moste gracious majestie, and of his countrie, will
at al tymes, accordyng to his bounden duetie and allegeaunce, promptlie
yeld hym self to any labour, travaile, or daunger, what so ever shal
happen. Praiyng in the mean season the almightie God, to give your
highnes in longe prosperous raigne, perfect health, desired
tranquilitie, and against all your enemies, luckie and joifull victorie.
Your humble subject and dailie oratour,
PETER WHITEHORNE.
THE PROHEME
OF NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL,
Citezein and Secretarie of Florence,
upon his booke of the Arte of Warre, unto
Laurence Philippe Strozze, one of the
nobilitie of Florence.
There have Laurence, many helde, and do holde this opinion, that there
is no maner of thing, whiche lesse agreeth the one with the other, nor
that is so much unlike, as the civil life to the Souldiours. Wherby it
is often seen, that if any determin in thexercise of that kinde of
service to prevaile, that incontinent he doeth not only chaunge in
apparel, but also in custome and maner, in voice, and from the facion of
all civil use, he doeth alter: For that he thinketh not meete to clothe
with civell apparell him, who wil be redie, and promt to all kinde of
violence, nor the civell customes, and usages maie that man have, the
whiche judgeth bothe those customes to be effeminate, and those usages
not to be agreable to his profession: Nor it semes not convenient for
him to use the civill gesture and ordinarie wordes, who with fasing and
blasphemies, will make afraied other menne: the whiche causeth in this
time, suche opinion to be moste true. But if thei should consider
thauncient orders, there should nothing be founde more united, more
confirmable, and that of necessitie ought to love so much the one the
other, as these: for as muche as all the artes that are ordeined in a
common weale, in regarde or respecte of common profite of menne, all the
orders made in the same, to live with feare of the Lawe, and of God
should be vaine, if by force of armes their defence wer not prepared,
which, well ordeined, doe maintain those also whiche be not well
ordeined. And likewise to the contrarie the good orders, without the
souldiours help, no lesse or otherwise doe disorder, then the habitacion
of a sumptuous and roiall palais, although it wer decte with gold and
precious stones, when without being covered, should not have wherewith
to defende it from the raine. And if in what so ever other orders of
Cities and Kyngdomes, there hath been used al diligence for to maintain
men faithfull, peaceable, and full of the feare of God, in the service
of warre, it was doubled: if for in what man ought the countrie to seke
greater faith, then in him, who must promise to die for the same? In
whom ought there to bee more love of peace, then in him, whiche onely by
the warre maie be hurte? In whome ought there to bee more feare of GOD,
then in him, which every daie committyng himself to infinite perilles,
hath moste neede of his helpe? This necessitie considered wel, bothe of
them that gave the lawes to Empires, and of those that to the exercise
of service wer apoincted, made that the life of Souldiours, of other
menne was praised, and with all studie folowed and imitated. But the
orders of service of war, beyng altogether corrupted, and a greate waie
from the auncient maners altered, there hath growen these sinisterous
opinions, which maketh men to hate the warlike service, and to flie the
conversacion of those that dooe exercise it. Albeit I judgeing by the
same, that I have seen and redde, that it is not a thyng impossible, to
bryng it again to the auncient maners, and to give it some facion of the
vertue passed, I have determined to the entente not to passe this my
idell time, without doyng some thyng, to write that whiche I doe
understande, to the satisfaction of those, who of aunciente actes, are
lovers of the science of warre. And although it be a bold thing to
intreate of the same matter, wher of otherwise I have made no
profession, notwithstanding I beleve it is no errour, to occupie with
wordes a degree, the whiche many with greater presumpcion with their
deedes have occupied: for as muche as the errours that I maie happen to
make by writing, may be without harme to any man corrected: but those
the whiche of them be made in doyng cannot be knowen without the ruine
of Empires. Therefore Laurence you ought to consider the qualitie of
this my laboure, and with your judgement to give it that blame, or that
praise, as shall seeme unto you it hath deserved. The whiche I sende
unto you, as well to shewe my selfe gratefull, although my habilitie
reche not to the benefites, which I have received of you, as also for
that beyng the custome to honour with like workes them who for
nobilitie, riches, wisedome, and liberalitie doe shine: I knowe you for
riches, and nobilitie, not to have many peeres, for wisedome fewe, and
for liberalitie none.
THE ARTE OF WARRE
THE TABLE
OF CERTAIN PRINCIPALL THINGES,
CONTAINED IN THIS WOORKE
OF MACHIAVEL
IN THE FIRSTE BOOKE
Why a good man ought not to exersise warfare as his arte, 33
Deedes of armes ought to be used privatly in time of peace for exersise,
and in time of warre for necessetie and renoume, 36
The strength of an armie is the footemen, 38
The Romaines renued their Legions and had men in the flower of their
age, 38
Whether men of armes ought to be kept, 40
What is requisete for the preparyng of an armie, 42
Out of what contrie souldiers ought to be chosen, 43
Souldiers ought to bee chosen, by thaucthoritie of the Prince, of suche
men as be his oune subjectes, 44
The difference of ages, that is to be taken in the chosinge of
souldiours for the restoring of an olde power and for the making of a
newe, 44
The weapons or power that is prepared, of the naturall subjectes, of a
common weale bringeth profit and not hurte, 47
What cause letted the Venetians, that they made not a Monarchi of the
worlde, 48
How an armie maye bee prepared in the countrie, where were no exersise
of warre, 49
The custome that the Romaines used, in the chosyng of their souldiours,
51
The greater number of men is best, 53
Whether the multitude of armed men ar occation of confusion and of
dissorder, 55
How to prohibite, that the Capitaines make no discension, 57
IN THE SECONDE BOOKE
What armour the antiquetie used, 61
The occation of the boldenes of the duchemen, 64
Whiche maner of armyng menne is better either the Duche or Romaine
fasion, 64
Diverse examples of late dayes, 66
An example of Tigran, 69
Whether the footemen or the horsemen ought to bee estemed moste, 70
The cause whie the Romaines were overcome of the parthians, 71
What order, or what vertue maketh, that footemen overcum horsemen, 71
Howe the antiquitie exersised their men to learne them to handle their
weapons, 73
What the antiquitie estemed moste happie in a common weale, 75
The maner, of maintainyng the order, 77
What a legion is, of Grekes called a Falange, and of Frenchemen
Catterva, 77
The devision of a legion, and the divers names of orders, 78
The order of batellraye, and the manner of appoincting the battels, 82
How to order, CCCC.L. men to doo some severall feate, 88
The fation of a battaile that the Suisers make like a crosse, 90
What carriages the Capitaines ought to have, and the number of carriages
requisite to every band of men, 91
Diverse effectes caused of diverse soundes, 93
Whereof cometh the utilitie, and the dissorder of the armies that are
now a daies, 93
The manner of arminge men, 97
The number of carriages that men of armes and lighte horsemen ought to
have, 98
IN THE THIRDE BOOKE
The greatest dissorder that is used now a dayes in the orderinge of an
armie, 102
How the Romaines devided their armie in Hastati, Principi and Triarii,
102
The manner that the Romaines used to order them selves agayne in the
overthrow, 103
The custom of the Greekes, 103
A maine battaile of Suissers, 104
How manie legions of Romaine Citesens was in an ordinarie armie, 105
The manner how to pitche a fielde to faighte a battaile, 106
Of what number of faighting men an armie oughte to be, 110
The description of a battaile that is a faighting, 111
An exsample of Ventidio faighting against the Parthians, 114
An example of Epaminondas, 115
How the Artillerie is unprofitable, 116
How that a maine battaile of Suissers cannot ocupie more then fower
pikes, 120
How the battailes when thei cum to be eight or ten, maye be receyved in
the verie same space, that received the fyve, 123
The armes that the Standarde of all tharmie ought to have, 125
Divers examples of the antiquetie, 126
IN THE FOWERTH BOOKE