the Renaissance_ (Eng. trans., London, 1892); Geiger, _Humanismus
und Renaissance in Italien und Deutschland_ (Berlin, 1882);
Michelet, _Histoire de France_, vol. vii., _Renaissance_ (Paris,
1855); Lavisse, _Histoire de France_, v. i. p. 287 ff.; Symonds,
_The Renaissance in Italy_ (London, 1877); H. Hallam, _Introduction
to the Literature of Europe during the Fifteenth, Sixteenth, and
Seventeenth Centuries_, 6th ed. (London, 1860); Kamptschulte, _Die
Universität Erfurt in ihrem Verhältniss zu dem Humanismus und der
Reformation_, 2 vols. (Trier, 1856, 1860); Krause, _Helius Eobanus
Hessus, sein Leben und seine Werke_, 2 vols. (Gotha, 1879); Geiger,
_Johann Reuchlin_ (Leipzig, 1871); Binder, _Charitas Pirkheimer,
Aebtissin von St. Clara zu Nürnberg_ (Freiburg i. B., 1893); Höfler,
_Denkwürdigkeiten der Charitas Pirkheimer_ (_Quellensamml. z. fränk.
Gesch._ iv., 1858); Roth, _Willibald Pirkheimer_ (Halle, 1874);
Scott, _Albert Dürer, his Life and Works_ (London, 1869); Thausing,
_Dürer’s Briefe, Tagebücher, Reime_ (Vienna, 1884); _Cambridge
Modern History_, I. xvi, xvii; II. i.
17 Symonds, _Renaissance in Italy, Revival of Letters_ (London, 1877),
p. 13.
18 There is evidence that Thomas Aquinas was not dependent, as is
commonly supposed, for his acquaintance with Greek philosophy on
translations into Latin of the Arabic translations of portions of
Aristotle, but that he procured Latin versions made directly from
the original Greek.
19 He embraced it, sighed over it, and told it how he longed to hear it
speak: Fracassetti, _Francisci Petrarchæ, Epistolæ familiares et
variæ_, ii. 472-475.
20 Professor Krauss, _Cambridge Modern History_, ii. 6.
21 C. H. Delprot, _Verhandeling over de Brœderschap van Gerard Groote_
(Arnheim, 1856).
22 H. Hartfelder, _Der Zustand der deutschen Hochschulen am Ende des
Mittelalters. Hist. Zeitschr._ lxiv. 50-107, 1890.
23 Struver, _Die Schule von Schlettstadt_ (Leipzig, 1880).
24 Kriegk, _Deutsches Bürgerthum im Mittelalter_, neue Folge (Frankfurt
a. M. 1868), pp. 77 ff.
25 Boos, _Thomas und Felix Platter_ (Leipzig, 1878), pp. 20 ff.
26 H. Boos, _Thomas und Felix Platter_ (Leipzig, 1876); Becker,
_Chronica des fahrenden Schulers_ oder _Wanderbüchlein des Johannes
Butzbach_ (Ratisbon, 1869).
27 Scharpff, _Der Cardinal und Bischof Nicolaus von Cusa als Reformator
in Kirche, Reich und Philosophie_ (Tübingen, 1871).
28 Wessel’s most important Theses on Indulgences are given in Ullmann,
_Reformers before the Reformation_ (Edinburgh, 1855), ii. 546 f.
29 Tresling, _Vita et Merita Rudolphi Agricola_ (Gröningen, 1830).
30 Wiskowatoff, _Jacob Wimpheling, sein Leben und seine Schriften _
(Berlin, 1867).
31 Roth, _Willibald Pirkheimer_ (Halle, 1887).
32 Krause, _Briefwechsel des Mutianus Rufus_ (Cassel, 1855), p. 32.
_ 33 Ibid._ p. 94.
_ 34 Ibid._ p. 93.
_ 35 Ibid._ p. 28.
_ 36 Ibid._ p. 427.
37 Krause, _Briefwechsel des Mutianus Rufus_ (Cassel, 1855), p. 79.
_ 38 Ibid._ p. 175: “Non sit vobiscum in castris (nostris) ulla
turpitudo.”
_ 39 Ibid._; cf. especially Letter to Urban, pp. 352, 353, and pp. 153,
190.
40 Geiger in his _Renaissance und Humanismus in Italien und
Deutschland_ (Berlin, 1882, Oncken’s Series) has given a picture of
the insignia of the poet laureate on p. 457, and one of Conrad
Celtes crowned on p. 459.
_ 41 De Verbo Mirifico_ (ed. 1552), p. 71.
42 Kriegk, _Deutsches Bürgerthum im Mittelalter_, pp. 1 ff., 38-53.
43 A chronicle and the details of the Reuchlin controversy are to be
found in the second volume of the supplement to Böcking’s edition of
the works of Ulrich von Hutten. Good accounts are to be found in
Geiger’s _Renaissanc und Humanismus in Italien und Deutschland_, pp.
510 ff. (Berlin, 1882, Oncken’s Series); in Strauss’ _Ulrich von
Hutten: His Life and Times_, pp. 100-140 (English translation by
Mrs. Sturge, London, 1874); and in Creighton’s _History of the
Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of Rome_, vol. vi. pp. 37
ff. (London, 1897).
44 The second edition is entitled _Illustrium Virorum Epistolæ
Hebraicæ, Grecæ, et Latinæ ad Jo. Reuchlinum_; the first edition was
entitled _Clarorum Virorum_, etc. The letters are forty-three in
number—the first being from Erasmus, “the most learned man of the
age.”
45 The best edition of the _Epistolæ Obscurorum Vivorum_ is to be found
in vol. i. of the Supplement to Böcking’s _Ulrici Hutteni Opera_, 5
vols., with 2 vols. of Supplement (Leipzig, 1864, 1869). The first
edition was published in 1515, and consisted of forty-one letters;
the second, in 1516, contained the same number; in the third edition
an appendix of seven additional letters was added. In 1517 a second
part appeared containing sixty-two letters, and an appendix of eight
letters was added to the second edition of the second part.
46 Strauss, _Ulrich von Hutten_, 2 vols. (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1874),
translated and slightly abridged by Mrs. George Sturge (London,
1874).
47 SOURCES: Barack, _Zimmerische Chronik_, 4 vols. (2nd ed., Freiburg
i. B. 1881-1882); _Chroniken der deutschen Städte_, 29 vols. (in
progress); Grimm, _Weisthümer_, 7 vols. (Göttingen, 1840-1878);
Haetzerlin, _Liederbuch_ (Quedlinburg, 1840); Liliencron, _Die
historischen Volkslieder der Deutschen vom dreizehnten bis zum
sechzehnten Jahrhundert_ (Leipzig, 1865-1869); Sebastian Brand’s
_Narrenschiff_ (Leipzig, 1854); Geiler von Keysersberg’s
_Ausgewählte Schriften_ (Trier, 1881); Hans Sachs, _Fastnachspiele
(Neudrucke deutschen Litteraturwerke_, Nos. 26, 27, 31, 32, 39, 40,
42, 43, 51, 52, 60, 63, 64); Hans von Schweinichen, _Leben und
Abenteuer des schlessischen Ritters, Hans v. Schweinichen_ (Breslau,
1820-1823); Vandam, _Social Life in Luther’s Time_ (Westminster,
1902); Trithemius, _Annales Hirsaugienses_ (St. Gallen, 1590).
LATER BOOKS: Alwyn Schulz, _Deutsches Leben im 14ten und 15ten
Jahrhundert_ (Prague, 1892); Kriegk, _Deutsches Bürgerthum im
Mittelalter_ (Frankfurt, 1868, 1871); Freytag, _Bilder aus der
deutschen Vergangenheit_, II. ii. (Leipzig, 1899—translation by Mrs.
Malcolm of an earlier edition, London, 1862); the series of
_Monographien zur deutschen Kulturgeschichte_ edited by Steinhausen
(Leipzig, 1899-1905), are full of valuable information and
illustrations; Aloys Schulte, _Die Fugger in Rom_ (Leipzig, 1904);
Gothein, _Politische und religiöse Volksbewegungen vor der
Reformation_ (Breslau, 1878); _Cambridge Modern History_, I. i. xv;
v. Bezold, _Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_ (Berlin, 1890);
Genée, _Hans Sachs und seine Zeit_ (Leipzig, 1902); Janssen,
_Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, seil dem Ausgang des
Mittelalters_, i. (1897); Roth v. Schreckenstein, _Das Patriziat in
den deutschen Städten_ (Freiburg i. B., no date).
48 Daenell, _Geschichte der deutschen Hanse in der zweiten Hälfte des
14 Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig, 1897).
49 These figures have been taken from Dr. F. von Bezold (_Geschichte
der deutschen Reformation_, Berlin, 1890, p. 36). When the _Chron.
Episc. Hildesheim._ says that during a visitation of the plague
10,000 persons died in Nürnberg alone, the territory as well as the
city must be included.
_ 50 Hans von Schweinichen_, i. 185.
_ 51 Zimmerische Chronik_, ii. 68, 69.
52 Ephrussi, _Les Bains des Femmes d’Albert Dürer_ (Nurnberg, no date).
53 It has recently become a fashion among some Anglican and Roman
Catholic writers to dwell on the “coarseness” of Luther displayed in
his writings. One is tempted to ask whether these writers have ever
read the _Zimmer Chronicle_, if they know anything about the
_Fastnachtspiele_ in the beginning of the sixteenth century, of the
_Rollwagen_, of Thomas Murner and Bebel, Humanists; above all, if
they have ever heard of the parable of the mote and the beam?
54 The most complete collection of the _Weisthümer_ is in seven
volumes. Volumes i.-iv. edited by J. Grimm, and volumes v.-vii.
edited by R. Schroeder, Göttingen, 1840-1842, 1866, 1869, 1878.
Important extracts are given by Alwin Schultz in his _Deutsches
Leben im 14 und 15 Jahrhundert_, Vienna, 1892, pp. 145-178 (Grosse
Ausgabe).
55 In the interesting collection of mediæval songs, of date 1470 or
1471, _Liederbuch der Clara Hätzlerin_ (Quedlinburg and Leipzig,
1840), No. 67 (p. 259), entitled _Von Mair Betzen_, describes a
peasant wedding, and tells us what each of the pair contributed to
the “plenishing.” The bridegroom, Betze or Bartholomew Mair, gave to
his bride an acre (_juchart_) of land well sown with flax, eight
bushels of oats, two sheep, a cock and fourteen hens, and a small
sum of money (_fünff pfunt pfenning_); while Metze Nodung, the
bride, brought to the common stock two wooden beehives, a mare, a
goat, a calf, a dun cow, and a young pig. It is perhaps worth
remarking that, according to the almost universal custom in mediæval
Germany, and in spite of ecclesiastical commands and threats, the
actual marriage ceremony consisted in the father of the bride
demanding from the young people whether they took each other for man
and wife, and in their promising themselves to each other before
witnesses. It was not until the morning after the marriage had been
consummated that the wedded pair went to church to get the priest’s
blessing on a marriage that had taken place.
56 Barack, _Zeitschrift für deutsche Culturgeschichte_, iv. (1859) 36
ff.
57 Droysen, _Geschichte der preussischen Politik_, II. i. p. 309 ff. (5
vols., Berlin, 1855-1886); Boos, _Thomas und Felix Platter_
(Leipsic, 1876), p. 21.
58 These quotations have been taken from Seebohm, _The Era of the
Protestant Revolution_, pp. 57, 58 (London, 1875).
59 Liliencron, _Die historischen Volkslieder der Deutschen vom
dreizchuten bis zum sechzehnten Jahrhundert_, ii. No. 146 (Leipzig,
1865-1869); cf. also 131, 132, 133, 136, 137, 138-147. Konrad
Stolle, pastor at Erfurt, collected all the information he could
from “priests, clerical and lay students, merchants, burghers,
peasants, pilgrims, knights and other good people,” and wove it all
into a _Thuringian Chronicle_ which forms the 33rd volume of the
_Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart_. It reflects the
opinions of the time almost as faithfully as the folk-songs do, and
contains the above quoted saying of Charles; cf. pp. 61 ff.
60 The best account of this movement is to be found in an article
contributed to the _Archiv des historischen Vereins von Unterfranken
und Aschaffenburg,_ XIV. iii. 1, where Hans Böhm’s sayings have been
carefully collected. Pastor Konrad Stolle’s _Chronicle_, published
in the library of the Stuttgart Literary Society (_Bibliothek des
literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart_, xxxiii.), is also valuable. A
list of authorities may also be found in Ullmann’s _Reformers before
the Reformation_ (Eng. trans.), i. 377 ff.
_ 61 Narrenschiff_, c. xi. l. 14-18.
_ 62 Die historischen Volkslieder der Deutschen vom 13 bis 16
Jahrhundert_, ii. No. 148.
_ 63 Omnium Gentium Mores_, III, xii. (first printed in 1576).
_ 64 Landsknecht_ or _lanzknecht_ (for the words are the same) is often
transliterated _lance-knight_ in English State Papers of the
sixteenth century. The English word, suggesting as it does cavalry
armed with lances, is very misleading. The victories of the Swiss
peasants, and their reputation as soldiers, suggested to the Emperor
Frederick, and especially to his son, the Emperor Maximilian, the
formation of troops of infantry recruited from the peasantry and
from the lower classes of townsmen. Troops of cavalry of a like
origin were also formed, and they were called _reiters_ or
_reisiger_. These mercenaries frequently gained much money both from
pay and from plunder, and were regarded as heroes by the members of
the classes from whom they had sprung. Liliencron’s _Die
historischen Volkslieder vom 13ten bis zum 16ten Jahrhundert_
contains many folk-songs celebrating their prowess. The history of
the gradual rise and growing importance of these peasant soldiers is
given in Schultz, _Deutsches Leben im 14ten und 15ten Jahrhundert_,
pp. 589 f. (Grosse Ausgabe), and in the authorities there quoted.
65 Willibald Pirkheimer in his book on the Swiss war, chap. ii. (German
ed., Basel, 1826).
66 Gothein, _Politische und religiöse Volksbewegungen vor der
Reformation_ (Breslau, 1878), p. 78.
67 To Sources given to Chapter IV. add: Wackernagel, _Das deutsche
Kirchenlied von der ältesten Zeit bis zum Anfang des 17
Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig, 1864-1877) vols. i. ii.; “Rainerii Sachoni
Summa de Catharis et Leonistis” in _the Magna Bibliotheca Patrum_,
vol. xiii. (Col. Agrip. 1618), cf. “Comm. Crit. de Rainerii Sachoni
Summa” (_Göttingen Osterprogramm_ of 1834); Habler, _Das
Wallfahrtbuch des Hermann von Vach, und die Pilgerreisen der
Deutschen nach Santiago de Compostella_ (Strassburg, 1899);
_Mirabilia Romæ_ (reprint by Parthey, Berlin, 1869); Munzenberger,
_Frankfurter und Magdeburger Beichtbuchlein_ (Mainz, 1883); Hasak,
_Die letzte Rose_, etc. (Ratisbon, 1883); Hasak, _Der christliche
Glaube des deutschen Volkes beim Schluss des Mittelalters_
(Ratisbon, 1868); Höfler, _Denkwürdigkeiten der Charitas Pirckheimer
(Quellensamml. z. fränk. Gesch._ iv., 1858); Konrad Stolle,
_Thüringische Chronik_ (in _Bibliothek d. lit. Vereins_
(Stuttgardt), xxxiii.).
LATER BOOKS: v. Bezold, _Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_
(Berlin, 1890); Janssen, _Geschichte des deutschen Volkesseit dem
Ausgang des Mittelalters_ (17th ed., 1897), vol. i.; Brück, _Der
religiöse Unterricht für Jugend und Volk in Deutschland in der
zweiten Hälfte des fünfzehnten Jahrhunderts_; Cruel, _Geschichte der
deutschen Predigt im Mittelalter_ (Detwold, 1879); Dacheux, _Jean
Geiler de Keysersberg_ (Paris, 1876); Walther, _Die deutsche
Bibelübersetzung des Mittelalters_ (Brunswick, 1889); Uhlhorn, _Die
christliche Liebesthätigkeit im Mittelalter_ (Stuttgart, 1887);
Wilken, _Geschichte der geistlichen Spiele in Deutschland_
(Göttingen, 1872).
68 Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander_, etc. (Halle a. S.
1897), pp. 26, 45-48.
69 No fewer than six editions of his _Postilla_ were published between
1471 and 1508.
70 v. Bezold, _Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_, p. 91 f.
71 Heinzel, _Beschreibung des geistlichen Schauspiels im deutschen
Mittelalter_ (Hamburg and Leipzig, 1898); F. J. Mone, _Schauspiele
des Mittelalters_, 2 vols. (Karlsruhe, 1846).
72 Hampsen, _Medii Ævi Kalendarium_ (London, 1841), i. 140 f.
73 Tilliot, _Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de la fête dts fous_
(Lausanne, 1751); cf. Floegel’s _Geschichte des Grotesk-Komischen_
(3rd ed., Leipzig, 1886), pp. 199-242.
74 The old Scottish version is, “To us is borne a barne of bliss,”
_Gude and Godlie Ballates_ (Scot. Text Society, Edinburgh, 1897),
pp. 51, 250.
75 This may be translated:
“Oh Jesus, Master, meek and mild,
Since Thou wast once a little child,
Wilt Thou not give this baby mine
Thy Grace and every blessing thine?
Oh Jesus, Master mild,
Protect my little child.
Now sleep, now sleep, my little child,
He loves thee, Jesus, meek and mild:
He’ll never leave thee nor forsake,
He’ll make thee wise and good and great.
Oh Jesus, Master mild,
Protect my little child.”
76 The old Scotch version was:
“In dulci jubilo,
Now let us sing with mirth and jo!
Our hartis consolation
Lies in præsepio;
And schynis as the Sonne
Matris in gremio.
Alpha es et O,
Alpha es et O!
O Jesu parvule,
I thirst sair after Thee;
Comfort my hart and mind,
O Puer optime!
God of all grace so kind,
Et Princeps Gloriæ,
Trahe me post Te,
Trahe me post Te!
Ubi sunt gaudia
In any place but there,
Where that the angels sing
Nova cantica,
But and the bellis ring
In Regis curia!
God gif I were there,
God gif I were there!”
—(_Gude and Godlie Ballates_ (Scot. Text Society, Edinburgh, 1897),
pp. 53. 250.)
There is a variety of English versions: “Let Jubil trumpets blow,
and hearts in rapture flow”; “In dulci jubilo, to the House of God
we’ll go”; “In dulci jubilo, sing and shout all below.” Cf. Julian,
_Dictionary of Hymnology_, p. 564.
77 Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied_, etc., ii. 483 ff.
78 The song began:
“Wöllent ir geren hören
Von sant Michel’s wunn;
In Gargau ist er gsessen
Drei mil im meresgrund.
‘O heilger man, sant Michel,
Wie hastu dass gesundt,
Dass du so tief hast buwen
Wol in des meres grund?’ ”
—(Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied_, etc. ii. 1003.)
79 Konrad Stolle, _Thüringische Chronik_, pp. 128-131 (_Bibliothek des
literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart_, xxxiii.).
80 Kolde, _Friedrich der Weise und die Anfänge der Reformation_, p. 14.
81 Lucas Cranach, _Wittenberger Heiligenthumsbuch vom Jahre 1509_, in
Hirth’s _Liebhaber-Bibliothek alter Illustratoren in
Facsimilien-Reproduktion_, No. vii. (Munich, 1896).
_ 82 Mirabilia Romæ_, ed. by G. Parthey: the quotations are from an old
German translation.
83 The title is _Hæ sunt reliquiæ quæ habentur in hac sanctissima
ecclesia Compostellana in qua corpus Beati Jacobi Zebedei in
integrum_.
84 No. i. of _Drucke und Holzschnitte des 15 und 16 Jahrhunderts_
(Strassburg, 1899).
85 “Zway par schuech der darff er wol,
Ein schüssel bei der flaschen;
Ein breiten huet den sol er han,
Und an mantel sol er nit gan
Myt leder wol besezet;
Es schnei oder regn oder wehe der wint,
Dass in die lufft nicht nezet;
Sagkh und stab ist auch dar bey.”
—(Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der aeltesten Zeit bis
zu Anfang des 17 Jahrhunderts_, ii. 1009.)
86 The hospital at Romans is much praised:
“Da selbst eyn gutter spital ist,
Dar inne gybt mann brot und wyn
Auch synt die bett hubsch und fyn.”
On the other hand, although the hospital at Montpelier was good
enough, its superintendent was a sworn enemy to Germans, and the
pilgrims of that nation suffered much at his hands. These hospitals
occupy a good deal of space in the pilgrimage song, and the woes of
the Germans are duly set forth. If the pilgrim asks politely for
more bread:
“Spitelmeister, lieber spitelmeister meyn,
Die brot sein vil zu kleine”;
or suggests that the beds are not very clean:
“Spitelmeister, lieber spitelmeister meyn,
Die bet sein nit gar reine,”
the superintendent and his daughter (der spitelmeister het eyn
tochterlein es mocht recht vol eyn schelckin seyn) declared that
they were not going to be troubled with “German dogs.”—Wackernagel,
_Das deutsche Kirchenlied_, etc., ii. 1009-1010.
_ 87 Zimmerische Chronik_ (Freiburg i. B. 1881-1882), ii. 314.
_ 88 Ibid._ iii. 474-475 iv. 201.
_ 89 Predigten_, i. 448.
90 Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied_, etc., ii. 554, 1016-1022.
91 Schwaumkell, _Der Cultus der heiligen Anna am Ausgange des
Mittelalters_ (Freiburg, 1893).
92 xix. p. 397 ff., xx. p. 159 ff., 329 ff., xxi. p. 43 ff.
_ 93 The Romance of the Rose_, ii. p. 168 (Temple Classics edition).
94 v. Bezold, _Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_, pp. 95 f.
95 Kriegk, _Deutsches Bürgerthum im Mittelalter. Nach urkundlichen
Forschungen und mit besonderer Bezichung auf Frankfurt a. M._, pp.
161 ff. (Frankfurt, 1868). Uhlhorn, _Die christliche
Liebesthätigkeit im Mittelalter_, pp. 431 ff. (Stuttgart, 1854).
96 Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied_, ii. 768-769; it began:
“Ein zeyt hort ich mit gütter mer
von einem schyfflin sagen,
Wie es mit tugenden also gar
kostlichen war beladen:
Zu dem schyfflin gewan ich ein hertz,
Ich fand dar yn vil güter gemertz
in mancher hande gaden.”
97 The strongest prohibition of the vernacular Scriptures comes from
the time of the Albigenses: “Prohibemus etiam, ne libros veteris
Testamenti aut novi permittantur habere; nisi forte psalterium, vel
brevarium pro divinis officiis, aut horas B. Mariæ aliquis ex
devotione habere velit. Sed ne præmissos libros habeant in vulgari
translatos, arctissime inhibemus” (_Conc. of Toulouse_ of 1229, c.
xiv.). The _Constitutiones Thomæ Arundel_, for the mediæval Church
of England, declared: “Ordinamus ut nemo deinceps aliquem textum S.
Scripturæ auctoritate sua in linguam Anglicanam vel aliam transferat
per viam libri, libelii aut tractatus” (Art. VII., 1408 A.D.).
98 Pope Innocent III. reprobated the translation of the Scriptures into
the vernacular, because ordinary laymen, and especially women, had
not sufficient intelligence to understand them (_Epistolæ_, ii.
141); and Berthold, Archbishop of Mainz, in his diocesan edict of
1486, asserted that vernaculars were unable to express the
profundity of the thoughts contained in the original languages of
the Scriptures or in the Latin of the Vulgate.
_ 99 Maima Bibliotheca Patrum_ (Coloniæ Agrippinæ, 1618), xiii. 299.
100 Walther, _Die deutsche Bibelübersetzung des Mittelalters_
(Brunswick, 1889).
101 Gudenaus, _Codex Diplomatic. Anecdota_, iv. 469-475 (1758).
102 Walther, _Die deutsche Bibelübersetzungen des Mittelalters_
(Brunswick, 1889).
103 Sebastian Brand, _Narrenschiff_, Preface, lines 1-4:
“Alle Land ist jetz voll heilger Schrift,
Und was der seelen Heil betrifft
Bibel und heilger Vater Lehr
Und andrer frommen Bücher mehr.”
_ 104 Magna Bibliotheca Patrum_ (Coloniæ Agrippinæ, 1618), vol. xiii. pp.
290-301.
105 SOURCES: Casanova and Guasti, _Poesie di G. Savonarola_ (Florence,
1862); _Scella di Prediche e Scritti di Frà G. Savonarola, con nuovi
Documenti intorno alla sua Vita_, by Villari and Casanova (Florence,
1898); Bayonne, _Œuvres Spirituelles choisies de Jerome Savonarola_
(Paris, 1879); _The Workes of Sir Thomas More ... written by him in
the Englyshe tonge_ (London, 1557); Erasmus, _Opera Omnia_, ed. Le
Clerc (Leyden, 1703-1706); Nichols, _The Epistles of Erasmus from
his earliest letters to his fifty-first year, arranged in order of
time_ (London, 1901); _Enchiridion Militis Christiani_ (Cambridge,
1685); _The whole Familiar Colloquies of Erasmus_ (London, 1877);
Sir Thomas More, _Utopia_ (Temple Classics Series).
LATER WORKS: Villari, _Girolamo Savonarola_, 2 vols. (Florence,
1887-1888; Eng. trans., London, 1890); Seebohm, _The Oxford
Reformers: John Colet, Erasmus, and Thomas More_, etc. (London,
1887); Drummond, _Erasmus, his life and character_ (London, 1873);
Woltmann, _Holbein and his Time_ (London, 1872); Fronde, _Life and
Letters of Erasmus_ (London, 1894); Amiel, _Un libre penseur du 16
siècle: Érasme_ (Paris, 1889); Emmerton, _Desiderius Erasmus of
Rotterdam_ (New York. 1899).
_ 106 The Workes of Sir Thomas More, Knyght, sometyme Lorde Chancellour
of England, Wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge_ (London, 1557), p.
6 C.
_ 107 The Works of Sir Thomas More, Knyght, sometyme Lorde Chancellor of
England, Wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge_ (London, 1557), p. 13
C.
_ 108 Ibid._ 5 A.
_ 109 Ibid._ 6 B.
_ 110 Ibid._ 6 C.
_ 111 Ibid._ 8 D.
_ 112 Ibid._ 6 D.
_ 113 The Works of Sir Thomas More, Knyght, sometyme Lorde Chancellour of
England, Wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge_ (London, 1557), 13 F.
_ 114 Ibid._ 12 D.
_ 115 Ibid._ 7 D.
_ 116 Life and Times of Girolamo Savonarola_, p. 771 (Eng. trans.,
London, 1897).
117 Seebohm, _The Oxford Reformers: John Colet, Erasmus, and Thomas
More; being a history of their fellow-work_, 2nd ed. p. 125 (London,
1869). Mr. Seebohm seems to think that the Reformers clung to the
mediæval conception of the inspiration of Scripture. Calvin held the
same ideas as Colet, and expressed them in the same way. Cf. his
comments on Matt. xxvii. 9: “Quomodo Hieremiæ nomen obrepserit, me
nescire fateor, _nec anxie laboro_: certe Hieremiæ nomen _errore_
positum esse pro Zacharia, res ipsa ostendit”; and his comment on
Acts vii. 16: “quare his locus corrigendus est.”
118 Colet’s abstracts of the _Celestial_ and of the _Terrestrial
Hierarchies_ have been published by the Rev. J. H. Lupton (London,
1869), from the MS. at St. Paul’s School. Mr. Lupton has also
published Colet’s treatise _On the Sacraments of the Church_
(London, 1867). The best edition of the works of the
pseudo-Dionysius is that of Balthasar Corderius, S.J., published at
Venice in 1755. The actual writings of the pseudo-Dionysius are not
extensive; the editor has added translations, notes, scholia,
commentaries, etc., and his folio edition contains more than one
thousand pages.
119 “The radical conception is most often due to Dionysius; the passages
represent the effervescence produced by the Dionysian conceptions in
Colet’s mind.... The fire was indeed very much Colet’s. I find
passages which burn in Colet’s abstract, freeze in the
original.”—Seebohm, _The Oxford Reformers_, p. 76 (2nd ed., London,
1869). My knowledge of Colet’s sermons comes from the extracts in
Mr. Seebohm’s work.
120 Cf. Mr. Lupton’s translation of the _Ecclesiastical Hierarchies_, c.
ii. If it be permissible to adduce evidence from the _Utopia_ of Sir
Thomas More, the anti-sacerdotal views of the Oxford Reformers went
much further. In _Utopia_ confession was made to the head of the
family and not to the priests; women could be priests; divorce from
bed and board was permitted. Cf. the Temple Classics edition, p. 116
(divorce), p. 148 (women-priests), p. 152 (confession).
121 Seebohm, _The Oxford Reformers_, p. 221 (2nd ed. 1869).
122 Erasmus, _Opera Omnia_ (Leyden, 1703-1706), v. 140.
123 Erasmus, _Opera Omnia_ (Leyden, 1703-1706), v. 26. The sarcasm of
Erasmus finds ample confirmation in Kerler’s _Die Patronate der
Heiligen_ (Ulm, 1905), where St. Rochus, with fifty-nine companion
saints, is stated to be ready to hear the prayers of those who dread
the plague; St. Apollonia, with eighteen others, takes special
interest in all who are afflicted with toothache; the holy Job, with
thirteen companions, is ready to cure the itch; and St. Barbara with
St. George figure as protectors against a violent death; cf. pp.
266-273, 419-422, 218-219, 358-359.
124 Erasmus, _Opera Omnia_, v. 35-36.
_ 125 Ibid._ iv. 465.
126 Erasmus, _Opera Omnia_, iv. 481-484.
_ 127 Ibid._ iv. 471-474.
_ 128 Ibid._ iv. 445.
129 Leitschuh, _Albrecht Dürer’s Tagebuch der Reise in die Niederlande_
(Leipzig, 1884), p. 84.
130 SOURCES: Melanchthon, _Historia de vita et actis Lutheri_
(Wittenberg, 1545, in the _Corpus Reformatorum_, vi.); Mathesius,
_Historien von ... Martini Lutheri, Anfang, Lere, Leben und Sterben_
(Prague, 1896); Myconius, _Historia Reformations 1517-1542_
(Leipzig, 1718); Ratzeberger, _Geschichte über Luther und seine
Zeit_ (Jena, 1850); Kilian Leib, _Annales von 1503-1523_ (vols. vii.
and ix. of v. Aretin’s _Beiträge zur Geschichte und Litteratur_,
Munich, 1803-1806); Wrampelmeyer, _Tagebuch über Dr. Martin Luther,
geführt von Dr. Conrad Cordatus, 1537_ (Halle, 1885); Caspar
Cruciger, _Tabulæ chronologicæ actorum M. Lutheri_ (Wittenberg,
1553); Förstemann, _Neues Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der
evangelischen Kirchen-reformation_ (Hamburg, 1842); Kolde, _Analecta
Lutherana_ (Gotha, 1883); G. Loesche, _Analecta Lutherana et
Melanchthoniana_ (Gotha, 1892); Löscher; _Vollstündige
Reformations-Acta und Documenta_ (Leipzig, 1720-1729); Enders, _Dr.
Martin Luther’s Briefwechsel_, 5 vols. (Frankfurt, 1884-1893); De
Wette, _Dr. Martin Luther’s Briefe, Sendschreiben und Bedenken_, 5
vols. (Berlin, 1825-1828); J. Cochlæus (Rom. Cath.), _Commentarius
de actis et scriptis M. Lutheri ... ab anno 1517 usque ad annum
1537_ (St. Victor prope Moguntiam, 1549); V. L. Seekendorf,
_Commentarius ... de Lutheranismo_ (Frankfurt, 1692);
_Constitutiones Fratrum Heremitarum Sancti Augustini_ (Nürnberg,
1504); _Cambridge Modern History_, II. iv.
LATER BOOKS: J. Köstlin, _Martin Luther, sein Leben und seine
Schriften_, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1889); Th. Kolde, _Martin Luther. Eine
Biographie_, 2 vols. (Gotha, 1884, 1893); A. Hausrath, _Luther’s
Leben_, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1904); Lindsay, _Luther and the German
Reformation_ (Edinburgh, 1900); Kolde, _Friedrich der Weise und die
Anfänge der Reformation mit archivalischen Beilagen_ (Erlangen,
1881), and _Die deutsche Augustiner-Congregation und Johann v.
Staupitz_ (Gotha, 1879); A. Hausrath, _M. Luther’s Romfahrt nach
einem gleichzeitigen Pilgerbuche_ (Berlin, 1894); Oergel, _Vom
jungen Luther_ (Erfurt, 1899); Jürgens, _Luther von seiner Geburt
bis zum Ablassetreil_, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1846-1847); Krumhaar, _Die
Grafschaft Mansfeld im Reformationszeitalter_ (Eisleben, 1845);
Buchwald, _Zur Wittenberg Stadt- und Universitätsgeschichte in der
Reformationszeit_ (Leipzig, 1893); Kampschulte, _Die Universität
Erfurt in ihrem Verkältniss zu dem Humanismus und der Reformation_
(Trier, 1856-1860).
_ 131 Albrecht Dürer’s Tugebuch der Reise in die Niederlande_. Edited by
Dr. Fr. Leitschuh (Leipzig, 1884), pp. 28-84.
132 Nicholas, born at Lyre, a village in Normandy, was one of the
earliest students of the Hebrew Scriptures; he explained the
accepted fourfold sense of Scripture in the following distich:
“_Litera_ gesta docet, quid credas _Allegoria_,
_Moralis_ quid agas, quo tendas _Anagogia_.”
Luther used his commentaries when he became Professor of Theology at
Wittenberg, and acknowledged the debt; but it is too much to say:
“Si Lyra non lyrasset,
Lutherus non saltasset.”
133 There is one persistent contemporary suggestion, that Luther was
finally driven to take the step by the sudden death of a companion,
for which a good deal may be said. Oergel has shown, from minute
researches in the university archives, that a special friend of
Luther’s, Hieronymus Pontz of Windsheim, who was working along with
him for his Magister’s degree, died suddenly of pleurisy before the
end of the examination; that a few weeks after Luther had taken his
degree, another promising student whom he knew died of the plague;
that the plague broke out again in Erfurt three months afterwards;
and that Luther entered the convent a few days after this second
appearance of the plague.—Cf. Georg Oergel, _Vom jungen Luther_
(Erfurt, 1899), pp. 35-41.
134 Cf. above, pp. 127 ff.
135 In my chapter on Luther in the _Cambridge Modern History_, ii. p.
114, where notes were not permitted, I have said with too much
abruptness that John of Paltz was “the teacher of Luther himself.”
Luther was certainly taught the theology of John of Paltz, and the
latter was residing in the monastery during two years of Luther’s
stay there; but it is more probable that Luther’s actual instructor
was Nathin.
136 In the _Tischreden_ (Preger, Leipzig, 1888), i. 27, the saying is
attributed to Bartholomæus Usingen, who is erroneously called
Luther’s teacher in the Erfurt convent. Usingen did not enter the
convent before 1512. He was a professor in the University of Erfurt,
not in the convent.
137 N. Selneccer, _Historia . . . D. M. Lutheri_: “Jussus est omissis
Sacris Bibliis ex obedientia legere scholastica et sophistica
scripta.”
138 Modern Romanists describe all this as the self-torturing of an
hysterical youth. They are surely oblivious to the fact that the
only great German mediæval Mystic who has been canonised by the
Romish Church, Henry Suso, went through a similar experience; and
that these very experiences were in both cases looked on by
contemporaries as the fruits of a more than ordinary piety.
_ 139 Resolutiones_, Preface.
140 Acts viii. 4.
141 Rom. xiii. 14.
142 Matt. x. 9.
143 Prov. ii. 1.
144 “If we review all the men and women of the West since Augustine’s
time, whom, for the disposition which possessed them, history has
designated as eminent Christians, we have always the same type; we
find marked conviction of sin, complete renunciation of their own
strength, and trust in grace, in the personal God who is apprehended
as the _Merciful One_ in the humility of Christ. The variations of
this frame of mind are innumerable—but the fundamental type is the
same. This frame of mind is taught in sermons and in instruction by
truly pious Romanists and by Evangelicals; in it youthful Christians
are trained, and dogmatics are constructed in harmony with it. It
has always produced so powerful an effect, even where it is only
preached as the experience of others, that he who has come in
contact with it can never forget it; it accompanies him as a pillar
of cloud by day and of fire by night; he who imagines that he has
long shaken it off, sees it rising up suddenly before him
again.”—Harnack’s _History of Dogma_, v. 74 (Eng. trans., London,
1898).
145 The Wolfenbüttel Library contains the Psalter (Vulgate) used by
Luther in lecturing on the Psalms. The book was printed at
Wittenberg in 1513 by John Gronenberg, and contains Luther’s notes
written on the margin and between the printed lines.
146 Luther’s indebtedness to Gerson (Jean Charlier, born in 1363 at
Gerson, a hamlet near Rethel in the Ardennes, believed by some to be
the author of the _De Imitatione Christi_) has not been sufficiently
noticed. It may be partially estimated by Luther’s own statement
that most experimental divines, including Augustine, when dealing
with the struggle of the awakened soul, lay most stress on that part
of the conflict which comes from temptations of the flesh; Gerson
confines himself to those which are purely spiritual. Luther, during
his soul-anguish in the convent, was a young monk who had lived a
humanly stainless life, _sans peur et sans reproche_; Augustine, a
middle-aged professor of rhetoric, had been living for years in a
state of sinful concubinage.
147 It is commonly said that Luther made use of the _mystical_ passages
found in these and other authors; but _mystical_ is a very ambiguous
word. It is continually used to express personal or individual piety
in general; or this personal religion as opposed to that religious
life which is consciously lived within the fellowship of men called
the Church, provided with the external means of grace. These are,
however, very loose uses of the word. The fundamental problem, even
in Christian Mysticism, appears to me to be how to bridge the gulf
between the creature and the Creator, while the problem in
Reformation theology is how to span the chasm between the sinful man
and the righteous God. Hence in mysticism the _tendency_ is always
to regard sin as imperfection, while in the Reformation theology sin
is always the power of evil and invariably includes the thought of
guilt. Luther was no mystic in the sense of desiring to be lost _in_
God: he wished to be saved _through_ Christ.
148 Of course, Luther’s intense individuality appeared in his language
from the first. Take as an example a note on Ps. lxxxiv. 4: “As the
meadow is to the cow, the house to the man, the nest to the bird,
the rock to the chamois, and the stream to the fish, so is the Holy
Scripture to the believing soul.”
149 The expression is interesting, because it shows that Luther’s
influence had made at least two of his colleagues change their
views. Nicholas Amsdorf and Andrew Bodenstein of Carlstadt had come
to Wittenberg to teach Scholastic Theology, and Amsdorf had made a
great name for himself as an exponent of the older type of that
theology.
150 An illustrated catalogue of Frederick’s collection of relics was
prepared by Lucas Cranach, and published under the title,
_Wittenberger Heiligthumsbuch vom Jahre 1509_. It has been reprinted
by G. Hirth of Munich in his _Liebhaber-Bibliothek alter
Illustratoren in Facsimile-Reproduktion,_ No. vi.
151 “Amore et studio elucidandæ veritatis hæc subscripta disputabuntur
Wittenbergæ, præsidente R. P. Martino Lutther, artium et sacræ
theologiæ magistro eiusdemque ibidem lectore ordinario. Quare petit,
ut qui non possunt verbis præsentes nobiscum disceptare, agant id
literis absentes. In nomine Domini nostri Hiesu Christi. Amen.”
152 SOURCES: Thomas Aquinas, _Summa Theologiæ, Supplementum Tertiæ
Partis_, Quæstiones xxv.-xxvii.; Alexander of Hales, _Summa
Theologiæ_, iv.; Bonaventura, _Opera Omnia; In Librum Quartum
Sententiarum_, dist. xx.; vol. v. 264 tf. (Moguntiæ, 1609);
Denzinger, _Enchiridion Symbolorum et Definitionum, quæ de rebus
fidei et morum a conciliis œcumenicis et summis pontificibus
emanarunt_, 9th ed. (Würzburg, 1900), p. 175; Köhler, _Documenta zum
Ablassstreit von 1517_ (Tübingen, 1902).
LATER BOOKS: F. Beringer (Soc. Jes.), _Der Ablass, sein Wesen und
Gebrauch_, 12th ed. (Paderborn, 1898); Bouvier, _Treatise on
Indulgences_ (London, 1848); Lea, _A History of Auricular Confession
and Indulgence in the Latin Church_, 3 vols. (Philadelphia, 1896);
Brieger, _Das Wesen des Ablasses am Ausgange des Mittelalters_
(Leipzig, 1897); Harnack, _History of Dogma_, vi. pp. 243-270; Götz,
“Studien zur Geschichte des Buss-sacraments” in _Zeitschrift für
Kirchengeschichte_, xv. 321 ff., xvi. 541 ff.; Schneider, _Der
Ablass_ (1881); _Cambridge Modern History_, II. iv.
153 The use of the word _satisfaction_ to denote an outward sign of
sorrow for sin which was supposed to be well-pleasing to God and to
afford reasonable ground for the congregation restoring a lapsed
member, is very old—much older than the use of the word to denote
the work of Christ. It is found as early as the time of Tertullian
and Cyprian.
154 Tertullian was no believer in any indulgence shown to penitent
sinners, and his account of the way in which penitents appeared
before the congregation to ask for a remission or mitigation of the
ecclesiastical sentence pronounced against them is doubtless a
caricature, but it may be taken as a not unfair description of what
must have frequently taken place: “You introduce into the Church the
penitent adulterer for the purpose of melting the brotherhood by his
supplications. You lead him into the midst, clad in sackcloth,
covered with ashes, a compound of disgrace and horror. He prostrates
himself before the widows, before the elders, suing for the tears of
all; he seizes the edges of their garments, he clasps their knees,
he kisses the prints of their feet. Meanwhile you harangue the
people and excite their pity for the sad lot of the penitent. Good
pastor, blessed father that you are, you describe the coming back of
your goat in recounting the parable of the lost sheep. And in case
your ewe lamb may take another leap out of the fold ... you fill all
the rest of the flock with apprehension at the very moment of
granting indulgence.”—(_De Pudicitia_, 13.)
155 In one book of discipline a man who has committed certain sins is
ordered either to go on pilgrimage for ten years, or to live on
bread and water for two years, or to pay 12s. a year. Detailed
information may be found in Schmitz, _Die Bussbücher und die
Bussdisziplin der Kirche_.
_ 156 Summa_, iv. 23.
157 Thomas Aquinas, _Summa Theologiæ_, iii., _Supplementum_, Quæs. xxv.
1.
158 “Du sprichst ‘So ich am letsten in todes not,
Ain yeder priester mich zu absolviren not’:
Von Schuld ist war, noch mitt von pein, so du bist tod,
Ja für ain stund in fegfeür dort.
Gabst du des Kaysers güte.”
—(Wackernagel, _Das deutsche Kirchenlied_, etc. ii. 1068.)
159 Bonaventura, _In Librum Quartum Sententiarum_, Dist. xx. Quæst. 5.
Alexander of Hales, _Summa_, iv. Quæst. 59; Thomas Aquinas, _Summa_,
iii., _Suppl. Quæst._ i. 2.
160 Thomas Aquinas, _Summa Theologiæ_, iii., _Supplem._ Quæstio xxv. 1:
“Ecclesia universalis non potest errare ... ecclesia universalis
indulgentias approbat et facit. Ergo indulgentiæ aliquid valent ...
quia impium esset dicere quod Ecclesia aliquid vanè faceret.”
161 Cf. the hymn, “Der guldin Ablass,” of the fifteenth century, in
Wackernagel, ii. 283-284.
162 SOURCES: Köhler, _Luthers 95 Theses samt seinen Resolutionen sowie
den Gegenschriften von Wimpina-Tetzel, Eck, und Prierias und den
Antworten Luthers darauf_ (Leipzig, 1903); Emil Reich, _Select
Documents illustrating Mediæval and Modern History_ (London, 1905).
LATER BOOKS: J. E. Kapp, _Sammlung einiger zum päpstlichen Ablass,
überhaupt ... aber zu der ... zwischen Martin Luther und Johann
Tetzel hiervongeführten Streitigkeit gehörigen Schriften, mit
Einleitungen und Anmerkungen versehen_ (Leipzig, 1721), and _Kleine
Nachlese einiger ... zur Erläuterung der Reformationsgeschichte
nützlicher Urkunden_ (Four parts, Leipzig, 1727-1733); Bratke,
_Luthers 95 Theses und ihre dogmenhistorischen Voraussetzungen_
(Göttingen, 1884); Dieckhoff, _Der Ablassstreit dogmengeschichtlich
dargestellt_ (Gotha, 1886); Gröne, _Tetzel und Luther_ (Soest,
1860).
163 The _Obelisks_ of Eck were printed and circulated privately long
before they were published; a copy was in Luther’s hand on March
4th, 1518; it was answered by him on March 24th, and was published
in the August following.
164 Köhler has collected together the _Ninety-five Theses_, the
_Resolutiones_, and the attacks on the _Theses_ by Wimpina-Tetzel,
Eck, and Prierias, and published them in one small book (Leipzig,
1903). It is a handbook of reference, and the text of the documents
has been carefully examined.
165 The arguments were all founded on Thomas Aquinas, _Summa_, iii.,
_Supplementum_, Quæstio xxv. l.
166 Thomas de Vio was born at Gæta, a town situated on a promontory
about fifty miles north of Naples, and was called Cajetanus from his
birthplace. His baptismal name was James, and he took that of Thomas
in honour of Thomas Aquinas. He had entered the Dominican Order at
the age of sixteen; he was a learned man, a Scholastic of the older
Thomist type, and not without evangelical sympathies; but he had the
Dominican idea that ecclesiastical discipline must be maintained at
all costs.
167 Seidemann, _Die Leipziger Disputation im Jahre 1519_ (Dresden,
1843).
_ 168 Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie_ for 1872, p. 534.
169 Petri Mosellani, “Epistola de Disput. Lips.” in Löscher’s
_Reformations Acta et Documenta_ (Leipzig, 1720-1729), i. pp. 242
ff.
_ 170 Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie_ for 1872, p. 535. The
diarist is M. Sebastian Froscher.
171 Wace and Buchheim, _Luther’s Primary Works_ (London, 1896).
172 Denzinger, _Enchiridion_, etc. p. 175.
173 In a pamphlet written by Eck in 1519, he had asserted that all the
theologians in Germany were opposed to Luther save a few unlearned
canons. This called forth, towards the end of the year, _The Answer
of an Unlearned Canon_, which was generally ascribed to Bernard
Adelmann, a canon of Augsburg, but which was really written by
Oecolampadius. Pirkheimer had written a caustic attack on Eck in a
satire, in which German coarseness was clothed in elegant latinity,
entitled _Eccius Dedolatus_ (_The Corner planed off_, Eck being the
German for “corner”), published in _Lateinische Litteraturdenkmüler
des 15 und 16 Jahrhundertes_ (Berlin, 1891). Carlstadt had opposed
Eck at Leipzig.
174 A copy of Luther’s notice has been preserved in the MS. “Annals” of
Peter Schumann in the _Zwickau Ratsschulbibliothek_ at Zwickau. It
has been printed in Kolde’s _Analecta Lutherana_ (Gotha, 1883), p.
26: “Quisquis veritatis Evangeliceæ studio teneatur. Adesto sub
horam nonam, modo ad templum S. Crucis extra mœnia oppidi, ubi pro
veteri et apostolico ritu impii pontificiarum constitutionum et
scholasticæ theologiæ libri cremabuntur quandoquidem eo processit
audatia inimicorum Evangelii, ut pios ac evangelicos Luteri
exusserit. Age pia et studiosa juventus ad hoc pium ac religiosum
spectaculum constituito. Fortassis enim nunc tempus est quo revelari
Antichristum opportuit.”
175 Fr. v. Bezold has some excellent pages on this subject in his
_Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_ (Berlin, 1890), pp. 278 ff. I
have used the material he has collected, and added to it from my own
reading.
176 SOURCES: _Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl __V._, 3 vols.
have been published (Gotha, 1893-1901); Balan, _Monumenta
Reformationis Lutheranæ ex tabulis S. Sedis secretis 1521-1525_
(Ratisbon, 1883-1884); Læmmer, _Monumenta Vaticana historiam
ecclesiasticam sæculi 16 illustrantia_ (Freiburg, 1861);
_Meletematum Romanorum Mantissa_ (Regensburg, 1875); Brieger,
_Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten Aleander-Depeschen
nebst Untersuchungen über den Wormser Reichstag_ (Gotha, 1894);
_Calendar of Spanish State Papers_ (London, 1886); _Calendar of
Venetian State Papers_, vols. iii.-vi. (London, 1864-1884); _Letters
and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the reign of Henry __VIII._,
vols. iii.-xix. (London, 1860-1903); V. E. Loescher, _Vollständige
Reformations-Acta und Documenta_, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1713-1722);
Spalatin, _Annales Reformationis_ (Leipzig, 1768); _Chronikon_ 2nd
vol. of Mencke’s _Scriptores rerum Germanicarum præcipae
Saxonicarum_, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1728-1730); _Historischer Nachlass
und Briefe_ (Jena, 1851); also the sources mentioned under the first
chapter of this part.
LATER BOOKS: Hausrath, _Aleander und Luther auf dem Reichstage zu
Worms_ (Berlin, 1897); Kolde, _Luther und der Reichstag zu Worms
1521_ (Halle, 1883); Friedrich, _der Reichstag zu Worms 1521_
(Munich, 1871); Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der
Reformation_ (Leipzig, 1881; Eng. trans., London, 1905); Armstrong,
_The Emperor Charles __V._ (London, 1902); v. Bezold, _Geschichte
der deutschen Reformation_ (Berlin, 1890); Creighton, _A History of
the Papacy_, vol. vi. (London, 1897); Gebhardt, _Die Gravamina der
deutschen Nation_ (Breshan, 1895).
177 Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen_, etc. pp. 46, 50, 58, 69, etc.
178 He became Archbishop of Brindisi and Orio, and then a Cardinal.
179 Breiger, _Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten
Aleander-Depeschen_, p. 53 (Gotha, 1884); _non superstitiose verax_,
Erasmus said.
180 Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander_, etc. pp. 19, 20, 23,
24, 265, 266.
181 Brieger, _Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten
Aleander-Depeschen_ (Gotha, 1884), _Quellen und Furschungen zur
Geschichte der Reformation_, i.; Friedensburg, _Eine ungedrückte
Depesche Aleanders von seiner ersten Nuntiatur bei Karl_ V., in
_Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven_, i. (1897);
Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander vom Wormser Reichstage
1521_ (Halle, 1897, 2nd ed.); Kolde, _Luther und der Reichstag zu
Worms 1521_ (Halle, 1883); Hausrath, _Aleander und Luther auf dem
Reichstage zu Worms_ (Berlin, 1897); Gebhardt, _Die Gravamina der
deutschen Nation_ (Breslau, 1895, 2nd ed.).
182 “Reserved as Charles was, the shock struck out the most outspoken
confession of his faith that he ever uttered. Nowhere else is it
possible to approach so closely to the workings of his spiritual
nature, save in the confidential letters to his brother in the last
troubled hours of rule, when he repeated that it was not in his
conscience to rend the seamless mantle of the Church.”—Armstrong,
_The Emperor Charles __V._, i. 71 (London, 1902). But we have
another glimpse in the conversation with his sister Maria, in which
he confesses that he had come to think better of the Lutherans, for
he had learned to know that they taught nothing outside the
Apostles’ Creed. Cf. Kawerau, _Johann Agricola von Eisleben_, p. 100
(Berlin, 1881).
_ 183 Deutsche Reichstagsakten_, etc. ii. 595.
_ 184 Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, 1509-1525_, p. 305 (London,
1866).
185 For an account of the indirect causes which led to the election of
Charles, cf. v. Bezohl, _Geschichte des deutschen Reformation_, pp.
193 ff. (Berlin, 1890).
186 Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles __V._, p. 73 (London, 1902).
187 Charles V. had for his confessor Jean Glapion, who figured largely
in the preliminary scenes before Luther arrived at Worms. He had a
remarkable conversation with Dr. Brück, the Elector of Saxony’s
Chancellor, in which he professed to speak for the Emperor as well
as for himself. Luther’s earlier writings had given him great
pleasure; he believed him to be a “plant of renown,” able to produce
splendid fruit for the Church. But the book on the _Babylonian
Captivity_ had shocked him; he did not believe it to be Luther’s; it
was not in his usual style; if Luther had written it, it must have
been because he was momentarily indignant at the papal Bull, and as
it was anonymous, it could easily be repudiated; or if not
repudiated, it might be explained, and its sentences shown to be
capable of a Catholic interpretation. If this were done, and if
Luther withdrew his violent writings against the Pope, there was no
reason why an amicable arrangement should not be come to. The Papal
Bull could easily be got over, it could be withdrawn on the ground
that Luther had never had a fair trial. It was a mistake to suppose
that the Emperor was not keenly alive to the need for a reformation
of the Church; there were limits to his devotion to the Pope; the
Emperor believed that he would deserve the wrath of God if he did
not try to amend the deplorable condition of the Church of Christ.
Such was Glapion’s statement. It is a question how far he was
sincere, and how far he could speak for the Emperor. He was a friend
and admirer of Erasmus; but the Dutchman had said that no man could
conceal his own views so skilfully. The Elector heard that after
this conversation Glapion had got from Aleander 400 copies of the
Bull against Luther, and had distributed them among Franciscan
monks. This made him doubt his sincerity, and he refused to grant
him an audience. Cf. _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 477 ff.
188 A study of dates throws light on these bargainings. In Oct. 1520,
Charles issued an edict ordering the burning of Luther’s books
within his hereditary dominions. In the following weeks Aleander was
pressing Charles to make the edict universal; this was declared to
be impossible, but (Nov. 28th) Charles wrote to the Elector of
Saxony ordering him to produce Luther at Worms, and to hinder him
from writing anything more against the Pope; as it were in answer
(Dec. 12th), the Pope intimated to Charles that he had withdrawn his
briefs about the Inquisition in Spain. The Emperor reached Worms
about the middle of December. On Jan. 3rd (1521) the Pope simplified
matters for the Emperor by issuing a new Bull, _Decet Romanum_,
containing the names of Luther and Hutten; the Diet opened Jan.
28th; Aleander made his three hours’ speech against Luther on Feb.
13; Feb. 19th, the Estates resolved that Luther should appear before
them, and not for the simple purpose of recantation—he was to be
heard, and to receive a safe conduct; March 6th, the imperial
invitation and safe conduct, beginning with the words, _nobilis,
derote, nobis dilecte_; Aleander protested vehemently against this
address; the Emperor drafted a universal mandate ordering the
burning of Luther’s books; this probably was not published; it was
withdrawn in favour of a mandate ordering all Luther’s books to be
delivered up to the magistrates; this was published in Worms on
March 27th, and caused rioting; April 17th and 18th, Luther appeared
before the Diet; May 8th, Charles received the Pope’s pledge to take
his side against Francis; Diet agreed to the ban against Luther on
May 25th; Charles dated the ban May 8th.
_ 189 Calendar of State Papers, Henry __VIII.__ Letters and Papers,
Foreign and Domestic_ (London, 1867), III. i. p. 445.
190 Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen_, etc. p. 106.
191 This was probably the frontispiece of a small book containing four
of Hutten’s tracts, and entitled _Gespräch Büchlin: Herr Ulrichs von
Hutten. Feber das Erst: Feber das ander: Vadiscus, oder die Römische
Dreifaltigkeit: Die Anschawenden_; with the motto, _Odivi ecclesiam
malignantium_. It is figured in v. Bezold’s _Geschicte der deutschen
Reformation_, p. 307 (Berlin, 1890).
_ 192 Reichtstagsakten_, ii. pp. 495 ff.
_ 193 Ibid._ 515 ff.
_ 194 Reichstsakten_, ii. pp. 518 ff.
195 Brieger, _Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten
Aleander-Depeschen nebst Untersuchungen über den Wormses Reichstag_
(Gotha, 1884), p .19.
_ 196 Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Carl __V._ (Gotha, 1896), ii.
466; Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. pp. 19, 20.
197 Cf. p. 267, note.
198 The draft was dated February 15th, and will be found in the
_Reichstagsakten_, ii. 507 ff.
199 The answer of the Diet was dated February 19th, and is to be found
in the _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 514 ff., and discussions thereanent,
pp. 517, 518 f.
200 The second draft edict proposed to summon Luther to make recantation
only, and at the same time ordered his books to be burnt, which was
equivalent to a condemnation, _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 520.
201 The revised draft edict in its final form was dated March 10th, four
days after the citation and safe conduct, and it is probable that it
was finally issued by the Emperor for the purpose of frightening
Luther, and preventing him obeying the citation and trusting to the
safe conduct, _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 529 ff. and notes.
202 Luther received three safe conducts, one from the Emperor in the
citation, one from the Elector of Saxony, and one from Duke George
of Saxony. _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 526 ff.
203 Cf. Aleander’s letter of April 5th, 1521. Brieger, _Aleander und
Luther_, etc. pp. 119 ff.
204 Spalatin’s _Annales Reformationis_ (Cyprian’s edition), p. 38.
_ 205 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 850.
_ 206 Ibid._ p. 850.
_ 207 Ibid._ p. 853, note.
_ 208 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 863.
209 Lingke, _Luther’s Reisegeschichte_, pp. 83 f.
210 Every monk when on a journey had to be accompanied by a brother of
the Order. Petzensteiner left his convent and married (July 1522),
Kolde, _Analecta Lutherana_, p. 38. For the entry into Worms, cf.
_Reichstagsakten_, ii. 850, 859; Balau, _Monumenta_, etc. p. 170.
211 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 143; _Zeitschrift f.
Kirchengeschichte_, iv. 326.
_ 212 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 569; Forstemann, _Urkundenbuch_, 68 f.,
_Tischreden_, iv. 349; Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 146.
_ 213 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 514, 519 f., 526.
_ 214 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 573.
_ 215 Ibid._ p. 891, where it is said that the imperial entourage and the
dependants of the Curia hated a public appearance of Luther worse
than foreigners dislike “Einbecker beer.”
216 Cf. Luther’s letters to Cranach (April 21st, 1521), and to the
Elector Frederick, De Wette, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefe_, etc. i.
588, 599.
_ 217 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 545.
_ 218 Ibid._ p. 859.
219 The terms _Orator_ and _Official_ have a great many meanings in
Mediæval ecclesiastical Latin. They probably mean here the president
of the Archbishop’s Ecclesiastical Court. John Eck was a Doctor of
Canon Law. Archbishop Parker signed himself the _Orator_ of Cecil
(_Calendar of State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign Series, 1559-1560_,
p. 84).
220 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 145.
_ 221 Ibid._ p. 145.
222 This paragraph and the succeeding one are founded on the following
sources: The official report written by John Eck of Trier; the _Acta
Wormaciæ_, a narrative in the handwriting of Spalatin; and the
statements of fourteen persons, Germans, Italians, and a Spaniard,
all present in the Diet on the 17th and 18th of April 1521.
_ 223 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 574.
_ 224 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 547.
_ 225 Ibid._ p. 549.
_ 226 Ibid._. p. 862.
227 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 147.
_ 228 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 632.
229 De Wette, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefe_, etc. i. 589.
_ 230 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xxiv. 322.
_ 231 Ibid._ lxiv. 369.
232 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 146.
_ 233 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 633.
_ 234 Ibid._ p. 588.
_ 235 Ibid._ p. 547.
_ 236 Ibid._ p. 633.
237 The names of the books collected and placed on the table have been
curiously preserved on a scrap of paper stored in the archives of
the Vatican Library; they were all editions published by Frobenius
of Basel (_Reichstagsakten_, ii. 548 and note). It may be sufficient
to say that among them (twenty-five or so) were the appeal _To the
Christian Nobility of the German Nation_, the tract _On the Liberty
of a Christian Man_, _The Babylonian Captivity of the Church of
Christ_, _Against the Execrable Bull of Antichrist_, some
commentaries, and some tracts on religious subjects “not
contentious,” says the official record.
238 This was probably an answer to the suggestion made by Glapion to
Chancellor Brück, that if Luther would only deny the authorship of
the _Babylonian Captivity of the Church of Christ_, which had been
published anonymously, matters might be arranged.
239 The sentence, “And I have written some others which have not been
named,” was an aside spoken in a lower tone, but distinctly
(_Reichstagsakten_, ii. 589, 860).
_ 240 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 548. In Eck’s official report Luther’s answer
is given very briefly; instead of Luther’s words the Official says:
“As to the other part of the question, whether he wished to retract
their contents and to sing another tune (_palinodiam canere_), he
began to invent a chain of idle reasons (_causas nectere_) and to
seek means of escape (_diffugias quærere_)” (_Reichstagsakten_, ii.
589).
_ 241 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 851, 863: “Wir habent den Luther nit wol
horen reden, dann er mit niederer stim geredet” (Kolde, _Analecta_,
p. 30 n.).
242 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 146.
_ 243 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 549. Aleander, writing to Rome, says that the
Official went on to say in the name of the Emperor that Luther ought
to bear it in mind that he had written many things against the Pope
and the Apostolic Chair, and had scattered recklessly many heretical
statements which had caused great scandal, and which, if not
speedily ended, would kindle such a great conflagration as neither
Luther’s recantation nor the imperial power could extinguish; and
that he exhorted Luther to be mindful of this (Brieger, _Aleander_,
p. 147). In Eck’s official report these remarks are given as the
opinions of those princes who did not wish that Luther’s request
should be granted; but they must have been included in his speech,
for Peutinger confirms the nuncio’s report (_Reichstagsakten_, ii.
589 f., 866).
244 De Wette, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefe_, i. 587.
_ 245 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 862.
_ 246 Ibid._ p. 853.
_ 247 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 549 n.; _Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition),
lxiv. 369.
248 “I was on my way to the audience to hear (Luther’s) speech, but the
throng was so dense that I could not get through” (Sixtus Oelhafen
to Hector Pömer, _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 854).
_ 249 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 864.
250 Walch, xv. 2301.
_ 251 Ibid._ p. 2233.
_ 252 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 853.
253 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 172.
_ 254 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 549.
_ 255 Ibid._ p. 550.
256 Myconius, _Historia Reformationis_ (Leipzig, 1718), p. 39.
_ 257 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 578.
_ 258 Ibid._ pp. 550 ff., 557 ff., 591 ff. etc.
_ 259 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lxiv. 370.
260 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 152.
_ 261 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 530.
_ 262 Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami Opera Omnia_ (Leyden, 1703), iii. 1095:
“Jam audio multis persuasum, ex meis scriptis exstitisse totam hanc
Ecclesiæ procellam: cujus verissimi rumoris præcipuus auctor fuit
Hieronymus Aleander, homo, ut nihil aliud dicam, non superstitiose
verax.”
263 Brieger, _Aleander_, etc. p. 41.
_ 264 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 860 n.
_ 265 Ibid._ p. 860.
_ 266 Ibid._ p. 853.
_ 267 Ibid._ pp. 550, 551.
268 Myconius, _Historia Reformationis_, p. 39.
269 Walch, xv. 233.
_ 270 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 861.
_ 271 Reichstagsakten,_ ii. 555.
_ 272 Ibid._ p. 591.
_ 273 Ibid._ p. 861 n.
274 Cochlæus, _Commentarius_, etc. p. 34.
_ 275 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 556-558, 581, 582, 591-594.
276 Aleander wrote that the Emperor said that he did not wish to hear
more: _et allora fu detto per Cesar, che bastava et che non volera
più udir, ex quo questui negava li Concilii_ (Brieger, _Aleander_,
etc. p. 153).
_ 277 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 862 (Dr. Peutinger to the Council of
Augsburg). The famous ending: _Hie stehe ich, ich kann nicht anders
thun, Gott helfe mir, Amen_, which gives such a dramatic finish to
the whole scene, is not to be found in the very earliest records. It
first appeared in an account published in Wittenberg without date,
but which is probably very early, and also in the 1546 edition of
_Luther’s Works_, Various versions are given of the last words
Luther uttered—_Gott helf mir, Amen_, in the _Acta Wormaciæ_
(_Reichstagsakten_, ii, 557), which are believed to have been
corrected by Luther himself; _So helf mir Gott, denn kein
widerspruch kan ich nicht thun, Amen_, is given by Spalatin in his
_Annales_ (p. 41). Every description of the scene coming from
contemporary sources shows that there was a great deal of confusion;
it is most likely that in the excitement men carried away only a
general impression and not an exact recollection of the last words
of Luther. If it were not for Dr. Peutinger’s very definite
statement written almost immediately after the event, there seems to
be no reason why the dramatic ending should not have been the real
one.
_ 278 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 636.
_ 279 Ibid._ p. 862.
_ 280 Ibid._ p. 558.
_ 281 Reichstagsakten_, ii. 636. Aleander says that Luther alone raised
his hand and made this gesture; he was not present; the Spaniard who
recounts the incident as given above was a spectator of the scene.
_ 282 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lxiv. 370; Wrampelmeyer,
_Tagebuch über Dr. Martin Luther, geführt von Dr. Conrad Cordatus_,
p. 477; _et descendi de pretorio conductus, do sprangen Gesellen
herfur, die sagten, __“__Wie, furt yhr yhn gefangen? Das must nicht
sein.__”_
_ 283 Reichslagsakten_, ii. 853.
284 Selnecker, _Historia ... D. M. Lutheri_ (1575), p. 108.
285 Cf. p. 264-5. The complete text of the Emperor’s declaration is to
be found in the _Reichstagsakten_, ii. 594; Förstemann, _Neues
Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchen-Reformation_
(Hamburg, 1842), i. 75; Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles __V._, i. 70
(London, 1902).
286 Brieger, _Aleander und Luther 1521_, p. 154 (Gotha, 1884): _Dove
molti rimasero più pallidi che se fossero stati morti_.
287 Brieger, _Luther und Aleander 1521_ (Gotha, 1884), pp. 208 ff.;
Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander vom Wormser Reichstage
1521_ (Halle, 1897), pp. 235 ff.
288 Leitschuh, _Albrecht Dürer’s Tagebuch der Reise in die Niederlande_
(Leipzig, 1884), pp. 82-84.
289 Kolde, _Analecta Lutherana_ (Gotha, 1883), pp. 31, 32: “Quare, mi
doctissime Luthere, si me amas, si reliquos, qui adhuc mecum curam
tui habent, Evangeliique Dei, per te tanto labore, tanta cura, tot
sudoribus, tot periculis prædicati fac sciamus, an vivas, an captus
sis.”
290 Brieger, _Luther und Aleander 1521_ (Gotha, 1884), p. 158; Kalkoff,
_Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander_ (Halle, 1897), p. 182.
291 Cf. Letter of Cochlæus to the Pope (June 19th) in Brieger’s
_Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte_, xviii. p. 118.
292 Brieger, _Luther und Aleander 1521_ (Gotha, 1884), p. 211.
293 The important clauses in the Edict of Worms are printed in Emil
Reich’s _Select Documents illustrating Mediæval and Modern History_
(London, 1905), p. 209.
_ 294 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry
__VIII._, III. i. p. cccxxxviii. Letter from Tunstal to Wolsey of
date January 21st, 1521.
295 Brieger, _Aleander und Luther 1521_ (Gotha, 1884), p. 263; cf. pp.
249 ff.
_ 296 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry
__VIII._, iii. 449, 485.
_ 297 Act. Parl. Scot._ ii. 295.
298 v. Ranke in his _Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation_
(2nd ed., Leipzig, 1882), ii. 56, and Dr. Burkhardt, archivist at
Weimar, in the _Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie_ (Gotha)
for 1862, p. 456—both founding on the confessedly imperfect
information to be found in Panzer’s _Annalen der älteren deutschen
Litteratur_ (1788-1802)—have made the following calculations:—the
number of printed books issued in the German language, and within
Germany, from 1480-1500, did not exceed forty a year; the years
1500-1512 show about the same average; in the year 1513 the number
of books and booklets issued from German presses in the German
language was 35; in 1514 it was 47; in 1515, 46; in 1516, 55; in
1517, 37; then Luther’s printed appeals to the German people began
to appear in the shape of sermons, tracts, controversial writings,
etc., and the German publications of the year 1518 rose to 71, of
which no less than 20 were from Luther’s pen; in 1519 the total
number was 111, of which 50 were Luther’s; in 1520 the total was
208, of which 133 were Luther’s; in 1521 (when Luther was in the
Wartburg), Luther published 20 separate booklets; in 1522, 130; and
in 1523 the total number was 498, of which 180 were Luther’s; cf.
Weller, _Repertorium Typographicum_ (Nördlingen, 1864-1874), for
further information. From Luther’s Letter to the Nürnberg Council
(Enders, v. 244), it may be inferred that the first edition of each
of his writings was usually sold out in seven or eight weeks.
299 It was Luther’s appeal to the _Christian Nobility of the German
Nation_ which taught Ulrich von Hutten the powers of the German
language; Strauss, _Ulrich von Hutten, His Life and Times_ (London,
1874), p. 241.
300 A number of the more important of these controversial writings have
been reprinted under the title _Flugschriften aus der
Reformationszeit_ in the very useful series _Neudrucke deutscher
Litteraturwerke_, in the course of publication by Niemeyer of Halle;
cf. also Kuczynski, _Thesaurus libellorum historiam Reformatorum
illustrantium_ (Leipzig, 1870); O. Schade, _Satiren und Pasquillen
aus der Reformationszeit_, 3 vols. (Hanover, 1856-1858).
301 Murner was in England in 1523 hoping for an audience from Henry
VIII., in whose defence he had written against Luther. “The king
desires out of pity that he should return to Germany, for he was one
of the chief stays against the faction of Luther, and ordered Wolsey
to pay him £100.” Cf. Letter of Sir Thomas More to Wolsey: _Letters
and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry __VIII._, III. ii. 3270.
302 Compare chapter on Social Conditions, pp. 96 ff.
303 Eberlin’s most important pamphlets have been edited by Enders and
published in Niemeyer’s _Flugschriften aus der Reformationszeit_,
and form Nos. xi. xv. and xviii. of the series (Halle, 1896, 1900,
1902).
304 Oecolampadius is thought by Böcking to have been the author of the
celebrated pamphlet, _Neukarsthans_ (Summer, 1521), often attributed
to Hutten. Sickingen is one of the speakers; the author shows an
acquaintance with Scripture and with theology which Hutten could
scarcely command; and the idea of ecclesiastical polity sketched
seems lo be taken from Marsilius of Padua.
305 Hulsse, _Die Einführung der Reformation in der Stadt Magdeburg_
(Magdeburg, 1883), p. 46.
306 The woodcut was first used to illustrate Hans Sachs’ poem, “Der gut
Hirt und der böss Hirt, Johannis am Zehenden Capitel”; and is given
in a facsimile reproduction of several of Hans Sachs’ poems, sacred
and secular, entitled _Hans Sachs im Gewande seiner Zeit_, Gotha,
1821. The poems were originally issued as large broad-sheets
illustrated with a single woodcut, and were meant to be fixed on the
walls of rooms.
307 Many of these Reformation cartoons are to be found in G. Hirth,
_Kulturgeschichtliches Bilderbuch aus drei Jahrhunderten_, i. ii.
(Munich, 1896), and one or two in the illustrations in von Bezold,
_Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_ (Berlin, 1890).
308 The _Passional Christi et Antichristi_ has been reproduced in
facsimile by W. Scherer (Berlin, 1885).
309 H. Barge, _Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt_, 2 vols. (Leipzig,
1905).
310 Cf. Barge, _Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt_, i. 357; the letter is
printed in ii. 558-559.
311 The ordinance is printed in Richter’s _Die evangelischen
Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846), ii.
484; and, with a more correct text, in Sehling’s _Die evangelischen
Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig), 1902, I. i. 697.
312 This _Instruction_ will be found in Enders, _Dr. Martin Luthers
Briefwechsel_, iii. 292-295. Its effect on Luther’s return to
Wittenberg is discussed at length by von Bezold (_Zeitschrift für
Kirchengeschichte_, xx. 186 ff.), Kawerau (Luther’s _Rückkehr_,
etc., Halle, 1902), and by Barge (_Andreas Bodenstein von
Karlstadt_, Leipzig, 1905, p. 432 ff.).
313 See his letters to Spalatin in Enders, _Dr. Martin Luthers
Briefwechsel_, iii. 271, 286.
314 Johann Kessler, _Sabbata_ (edited by Egli and Schoch, St. Gall,
1902).
315 The edict said: “In the first place, we command that all,
particularly all princes, estates, and subjects, shall not, after
the expiry of the above twenty days, which terminate on the 14th of
the present month of May, offer to Luther either shelter, food, or
drink, or help him in any way with words or deeds, secretly or
openly. On the contrary, wherever you get possession of him, you
shall at once put him in prison and send him to me, or, at any rate,
inform me thereof without any delay. For that holy work you shall be
recompensed for your trouble and expenses. Likewise you ought, in
virtue of the holy constitution and ban of our Empire, to deal in
the following way with all the partisans, abettors, and patrons of
Luther. You shall put them down, and confiscate their estates to
your own profit, unless the said persons can prove that they have
mended their ways and asked for papal absolution. Furthermore, we
command, under the aforesaid penalties, that nobody shall buy, sell,
read, keep, copy, or print any of the writings of Martin Luther
which have been condemned by our holy father the Pope, whether in
Latin or in German, nor any other of his wicked writings.”
316 The Pope’s instructions to his nuncio will be found in Wrede,
_Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl __V._, iii. 393 ff.
317 Compare Gebhardt, _Die Gravamina der Deutschen Nation_, 2nd ed.,
Breslau, 1895.
318 The _annates_ were the first year’s stipend of an ecclesiastical
benefice, usually reckoned at a fixed rate.
319 SOURCES: Baumann, _Quellen zur Geschichte des Bauernkrieges in
Ober-Schwaben_ (Stuttgart, 1877); _Die Zwölf Artikel der
oberschwäbischen Bauern_ (Kempten, 1896); _Akten zur Geschichte des
Bauernkrieges aus Ober-Schwaben_ (Freiburg, 1881); Beger, _Zur
Geschichte des Bauernkrieges nach Urkunden zu Karlsruhe_ (in
_Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte_, vols. xxi.-xxii., Göttingen,
1862); Ryhiner, _Chronik des Bauernkrieges_ (_Basler Chroniken_,
vi., 1902); Waldau, _Materialien zur Geschichte des Bauerkrieges_
(Chemnitz, 1791-1794); Vogt, _Die Korrespondenz des Schwübischen
Bundes-Hauptmanns, 1524-1527_ (Augsburg, 1879-1883).
LATER BOOKS: Zimmermann, _Allgemeine Geschichte des grossen
Bauernkrieges_, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1856); E. Belfort Bax, _The
Peasants’ War in Germany_ (London, 1899); Kautsky, _Communism in
Central Europe in the time of the Reformation_ (London, 1897);
Stern, _Die Socialisten der Reformationszeit_ (Berlin, 1883). The
literature on the Peasants’ War is very extensive.
320 Compare above, p. 106.
321 Lindsay, _Luther and the German Reformation_ (Edinburgh, 1900), 169
ff.; Stern, _Die Socialisten der Reformationszeit_, Berlin, 1883.
322 Friedrich, _Astrologie und Reformation, oder die Astrologen als
Prediger der Reformation und Urheber des Bauernkrieges_, München,
1864.
323 Cf. “The Twelve Peasant Articles” in Emil Reich, _Select Documents
illustrating Mediæval and Modern History_, p. 212.
324 After speaking about the duties of the authorities, he proceeds: “In
the case of an insurgent, every man is both judge and executioner.
Therefore, whoever can should knock down, strangle, and stab such
publicly or privately, and think nothing so venomous, pernicious,
and devilish as an insurgent.... Such wonderful times are these,
that a prince can merit heaven better with bloodshed than another
with prayer.”
325 Luther dissuaded the Landgrave of Hesse from permanently adopting
the democratic ecclesiastical constitution drafted by Francis
Lambert for the Church of Hesse in 1526. The rejected constitution
has been printed by Richter in his _Die evangelischen
Kirchenordnungen des sechszschuten Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846), i.
56.
326 SOURCES (besides those given in earlier chapters): Ney, “Analecten
zur Geschichte des Reichstags zu Speier im Jahr 1526” (_Zeitschrift
für Kirchengeschichte_, viii. ix. xii.); Friedensburg, _Beiträge zum
Briefwechsel zwischen Hertzog Georg von Sachsen und Landgraf Philip
von Hessen_ (_Neuer Archiv für Sächs. Gesch._ vi.); Balan,
_Clementis __VII.__ Epistolæ_ (vol. i. of _Monumenta Sæculi __XVI.__
Historiam illustrantia_, Innsbruck, 1885); Casanova, _Lettere di
Carlo __V.__ and Clemente __VII.__ 1527-1533_ (Florence, 1893);
Lanz, _Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl __V._ (Leipzig, 1845);
Bradford, _Correspondent of Charles __V._ (London, 1850).
LATER BOOKS: Schomburgk, _Die Pack’schen Handel_ (Maurenbrecher’s
_Hist. Taschenbuch_, Leipzig, 1882); Stoy, _Erste
Bündnisbestrebungen evangelischen Stände_ (Jena, 1888); _Cambridge
Modern History_, II. vi.
327 The Diet was accustomed to appoint a Committee of Princes to put in
shape their more important ordinances. The ordinance was called a
“recess.”
328 A description of the changes in organisation and worship introduced
after the decision of the Diet of 1526 is reserved for a separate
chapter.
329 Ney, _Geschichte des Reichstages zu Speier in 1529_ (Hamburg, 1880);
Tittmann, _Die Protestation zu Speyer_ (Leipzig, 1829).
_ 330 Calendars of State Papers, Foreign Series, of the reign of
Elizabeth, 1559-1560_, p. 84.
331 SOURCES: Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten zu der Geschichte der
Religionsgespräches zu Marburg, 1529, und des Reichstages zu
Augsburg, 1530_ (Gotha, 1876); Bucer, _Historische Nachricht von dem
Gespräch zu Marburg_ (Simler, _Sammlung_, II. ii. 471 ff.); Rudolphi
Collini, “Summa Colloquii Marpurgensis,” printed in Hospinian,
_Historia sacramentaria_, ii. 123_b_-126_b_, and in _Zwinglii
Opera_, iv. 175-180 (Zurich, 1841); Brieger in _Zeitschrift für
Kirchengeschichte_, i. 628 ff.
LATER BOOKS: Ebrard, _Das Dogma vom heiligen Abendmahl und seine
Geschichte_, vol. ii. (Frankfurt a. M. 1846; the author has
classified the accounts of the persons present at the conference,
and given a combined description of the discussion, pp. 308 n. and
314 ff.); Erichson, _Das Marburger Religiongespräch_ (Strassburg,
1880); Bess, _Luther in Marburg, 1529_ (_Preuss. Jahrbücher_; civ.
418-431, Berlin, 1901).
332 In the _Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent_ the Sacrifice of
the Mass is defined in the 22nd Session, and the Eucharist in the
13th Session.
333 Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten zu der Geschichte des
Religionsgespräches zu Marburg und des Reichstages zu Augsburg,
1530_, pp. 33, 34.
334 There are several contemporary accounts of this meeting at the
bridge of the Lech, and of the procession; for one, see
Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_, etc. pp. 54-57.
335 It was a somewhat doubtful honour for a city to be chosen as the
meeting place of a Diet. The burghers of Augsburg hired 2000
landsknechts to protect them during the session (Schirrmacher,
_Briefe und Acten_, p. 52).
336 Förstemann, _Urkundenbuch_, etc. i. 268, 271; Schirrmacher, _Briefe
und Acten_, etc. p. 59 and note.
337 SOURCES: Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_; Förstemann, _Urkundenbuch
zu der Geschichte des Reichstags zu Augsburg_, 2 vols. (Halle,
1833-1835); and _Archiv für die Geschichte der kirchl. Reformation_
(Halle, 1831).
LATER BOOKS: Moritz Facius, _Geschichte des Reichstags zu Augsburg_
(Leipzig, 1830).
338 Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_, etc. p. 90.
339 The threat is recorded in _Archiv für Schweizerische Geschichte und
Landeskunde_, i. 278.
340 Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles __V._, i. 244.
341 Förstemann, _Archiv_, p. 206.
342 Schaff, _The Creeds of the Evangelical Protestant Christian
Churches_ (London, 1877), p. 3; cf. _History of the Creeds of
Christendom_ (London, 1877), pp. 220 ff.; Müller, _Die
Bekenntnisschriften der Reformierten Kirche_ (Leipzig, 1903), pp.
55-100; Tschakert, _Die Augsburgische Konfession_, (Leipzig, 1901).
343 Förstemann, _Urkundenbuch_, i. 39: the worthy Chancellor thought
that the document should be drafted “mit gründlicher bewerung
derselbigen aus göttlicher schrifft.”
344 Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_, etc. p. 98.
345 Charles knew well that the nuncio would exert all his influence to
prevent a settlement. In anticipation of the Diet the Emperor had
privately asked Melanchthon to give him a statement of the _minimum_
of concessions which would content the Lutherans. Melanchthon seems
to have answered (our source of information is not very definite):
the Eucharist in both kinds; marriage of priests permitted; the
omission of the canon of the Mass; concession of the Church lands
already sequestrated; and the decision of the other matters in
dispute at a free General Council. Charles had sent the document to
Rome; it had been debated at a conclave of cardinals, who had
decided that none of the demands could be granted.
346 One document says: “Es war aber zum ersten die _confutation_ wol bey
zweihundert und achtzig bletter lang gewesen, aber die key. Mäj. hat
sie selbst also gereuttert und gerobt, das es nicht mehr denn zwölf
bletter geblieben sind. Solchs soll Doctor Eck sehr verdrossen und
wee gethan haben.”—(Schirrmacher, _Briefe und Acten_, etc. p. 167.)
347 De Wette, _Luther’s Briefe_, etc. iv. 1-182.
_ 348 Ibid._ iv. 41.
349 De Wette, _Luther’s Briefe_, etc. iv. 128.
350 The whole time of the members of the Diet was not spent in
theological discussions. We read of banquets, where Lutherans and
Romanists sat side by side; of dances that went on far into the
night; of what may be called a garden party in a “fair meadow,”
where a wooden house was built for the accommodation of the ladies;
and of tournaments. At one of them, Ferdinand, the Emperor’s
brother, was thrown and his horse rolled over him; and Melanchthon
wrote to Luther that six men had been killed at one of these “gentle
and joyous” passages of arms.
351 The Romanist majority had resolved to fight the Protestant minority,
not in the battlefield, but in the law-courts—_nicht fechten sondern
rechten_, was the phrase.
352 When the religious war did begin in 1545, Charles justified the use
of force on the grounds that the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave
of Hesse had violated the constitution of the Empire, _had
repudiated the decisions of the Reichskammersgericht_, and had
protested against the decisions of the Diet.
353 Schmidt, _Zur Geschichte des Schmalkaldischen Bundes_ (_Forsch. zur
Deutschen Geschichte_, XXV.); Zangemeister, _Die Schmalkaldischen
Artikel von 1537_ (Heidelberg, 1883); _Corpus Reformatorum_, iii.
973 ff.
354 Winckelmann, “Die Verträge von Kadan und Wien” (_Zeitschrift für
Kirchengeschichte_, xi. 212 ff.).
355 Cf. Kolde, _Analecta_, pp. 216 ff., 231 f., 262 f., 278 f., etc.
356 Spiegel, “Johannes Timannus Amsterodamus und die Colloquien zu Worms
und Regensburg, 1540-1541” (_Zeitschrift für hist. Theologie_, xlii.
(1872) 36 ff.); Moses, _Die Religionsverhandlungen in Hagenau und
Worms, 1540-1541_ (Jena, 1889).
357 Heppe, “Urkundliche Beiträge zur Geschichte der Doppelehe des
Landgrafen Philip v. Hessen” (_Zeitschrift für die historische
Theologie_, xxii. (1852) 263 ff.), cf. xxxviii. 445 ff.; Schultze,
_Luther und die Doppelehe des Landgrafen v. Hessen_ (Paderborn
(1869)).
358 Luther’s action is usually attributed to his desire not to offend a
powerful Protestant leader. A careful study of the original
documents in the case—correspondence and papers—does not confirm
this view. To my mind, they show on Luther’s part a somewhat sullen
and crabbed conscientious fidelity to a conviction which he always
maintained. With all his reverence for the word of God, he could
never avoid giving a very large authority to the traditions of the
Church when they did not plainly contradict a positive and direct
divine commandment. The Church had been accustomed to say that it
possessed a dispensing power in matrimonial cases of extreme
difficulty; and, in spite of his denunciations of the dispensations
granted by the Roman Curia, Luther never denied the power. On the
contrary, he thought honestly that the Church did possess this power
of dispensation even to the length of tampering with a fundamental
law of Christian society, provided it did not contradict a
_positive_ scriptural commandment to the contrary. The crime of the
Curia, in his eyes, was not issuing dispensations in _necessary
cases_, but in giving them in cases without proved necessity, _and
for money_.
359 Ranke has an interesting study of the character of Maurice in his
_Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation_, bk. ix. chap.
vi. (vol. v. pp. 161 ff. of the 6th ed., Leipzig, 1882); but perhaps
the best is given in Maurenbrecher, _Studien und Skizzen zur
Geschichte der Reformationszeit_ (Leipzig, 1874), pp. 135 ff. A
man’s deep religious convictions can tolerate strange company in
most ages, and the fact that we find Romanist champions in France
plunging into the deepest profligacy the one week and then
undergoing the agonies of repentance the next, or that Lutheran
leaders combined occasional conjugal infidelities and drinking bouts
with zeal for evangelical principles, demands deeper study in
psychology than can find expression, in the fashion of some modern
English historians, in a few cheap sneers.
360 Henninjard, _Correspondance des Reformateurs dans les pays de langue
française_ (Geneva and Paris, 1866-1897), i. 47, 48.
_ 361 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the reign of Henry
__VIII._, iii. 284.
362 Kalkoff, _Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander_ (Halle, 1897), p. 106.
_ 363 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland_ for 1525 and 1527.
364 Maurenbrecher, _Karl V. und die deutschen Protestanten 1545-1555_
(Düsseldorf, 1865): Jahn, _Geschichte des Schmalkaldischen Krieges_
(Leipzig, 1837); Lo Mang, _Die Darstcllung des Schmalkaldischen
Krieges in den Denkwürdigkeiten Karls V._ (Jena, 1890, 1899, 1900);
Brandenburg, _Moritz von Sachsen_ (Leipzig, 1898).
365 Schmidt, “Agenda and Letters relating to the _Interim_,” in
_Zeitschrift für historisch. Theologie_, xxxviii. (1868) pp. 431
ff., 461 ff.; Beutel, _Über den Ursprung des Augsburger Interim_
(Leipzig, 1888); Meyer, _Der Augsburger Reichstag nach einem
fürstlichen Tagebuch_ (_Preus. Jahrb._ 1898, pp. 206-242).
366 Maurice of Saxony was permitted to make some alterations on the
_Interim_ for his dominions, and his edition was called the _Leipzig
Interim_.
367 One of these broadsides is reproduced in von Bezold’s _Geschichte
der deutschen Reformation_ (Berlin, 1890), p. 806.
368 Wolf, _Der Augsburger Religionsfriede_ (Stuttgart, 1890); Brandi,
_Der Augsburger Religionsfriede_ (Munich, 1896); Druffel, _Beiträge
zur Reichsgeschichte, 1553-1555_ (Munich, 1896).
369 These two unsettled questions became active in the disputes which
began the Thirty Years’ War.
370 Pollard, _Cambridge Modern History_, ii. 144.
371 The Religious Peace of Augsburg had important diplomatic
consequences beyond Germany. The Lutheran form of faith was
recognised to be a _religio licita_ (to use the old Roman phrase)
within the Holy Roman Empire, which, according to the legal ideas of
the day, included all Western Christendom; and Popes could no longer
excommunicate Protestants simply because they were Protestants,
without striking a serious blow at the constitution of the Empire.
No one perceived this sooner than the sagacious young woman who
became the first Protestant Queen of England. In the earlier and
unsettled years of her reign, Elizabeth made full use of the
protection that a profession of the Lutheran Creed gave to shield
her from excommunication. She did so when the Count de Feria, the
ambassador of Philip II., threatened her with the fate of the King
of Navarre (_Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to
English Affairs, preserved principally in the Archives of Simancas_,
i. 61, 62); she suppressed all opinions which might be supposed to
conflict with the Lutheran Creed in the Thirty-eight Articles of
1563; she kept crosses and lights on the altar of her chapel in
Lutheran fashion. When the Pope first drafted a Bull to
excommunicate the English Queen, and submitted it to the Emperor, he
was told that it would be an act of folly to publish a document
which would invalidate the Emperor’s own election; and when
Elizabeth was finally excommunicated in 1570, the charge against her
was not being a Protestant, but sharing in “the impious mysteries of
Calvin”—the Reformed or Calvinist Churches being outside the Peace
of Augsburg.
372 SOURCES: Richter, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des
sechszehnten Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846); Sehling, _Die
evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig,
1902); Kins, “Das Stipendiumwesen in Wittenberg und Jena ... im
16ten Jahrhundert” (_Zeitschrift für historische Theologie_, xxxv.
(1865) pp. 96 ff.); G. Schmidt, “Eine Kirchenvisitation im Jahre
1525” (_Zeitschrift für die hist. Theol._ xxxv. 291 ff.); Winter,
“Die Kirchenvisitation von 1528 im Wittenberger Kreise” (_Zeitsch.
für hist. Theol._ xxxiii. (1863) 295 ff.); Muther, “Drei Urkunden
zur Reformationsgeschichte” (_Zeitschr. für hist. Theol._ xxx.
(1860) 452 ff.); Albrecht, _Der Kleine Catechismus für die gemeine
Pfarher und Prediger_ (facsimile reprint of edition of 1536; Halle
a. S. 1905).
LATER BOOKS: Kästner, _Die Kinderfragen: Der erste deutsche
Katechismus_ (Leipzig, 1902); Burkhardt, _Geschichte der deutschen
Kirchen- und Schulvisitation im Zeitalter der Reformation_ (Leipzig,
1879); Berlit, _Luther, Murner und das Kirchenlied des 16ten
Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig, 1899).
373 Cf. for the Wittenberg ordinance, Richter, _Die evangelischen
Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846), ii.
484, and Sehling, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten
Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig, 1902), r. i. 697; for Leisnig, Richter, i.
10. An account of the Magdeburg ordinance is to be found in Funk,
_Mittheilungen aus der Geschichte des evangelischen Kirchenwesens in
Magdeburg_ (Magdeburg, 1842), p. 210, and Richter, i. 17.
374 Luther’s early suggestions about the dispensation of the sacraments
have been collected by Sehling, I. i. 2, 18. A portion of the
hymn-book has been reproduced in facsimile in von Bezold’s
_Geschichte der deutschen Reformation_, Berlin, 1890, p. 566.
375 Schaff, _The Creeds of the Evangelical Protestant Churches_, p. 72.
376 Winter, “Die Kirchenvisitation von 1528 im Wittenberger Kreise”
(_Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie_, xxxiii. pp. 295-322);
and _Visitations Protocolle_ in _Neuen Mittheilungen des
thüring.-sächs. Geschichts-Verein zu Halle_, IX. ii. pp. 78 ff.
377 The Visitation of Bishop Hooper of the diocese of Gloucester, made
in 1551, disclosed a worse state of matters in England. The Visitor
put these simple questions to his clergy: “How many commandments are
there? Where are they to be found? Repeat them. What are the
Articles of the Christian Faith (the Apostles’ Creed)? Repeat them.
Prove them from Scripture. Repeat the Lord’s Prayer. How do you know
that it is the Lord’s? Where is it to be found?” Three hundred and
eleven clergymen were asked these questions, and only fifty answered
them all; out of the fifty, nineteen are noted as having answered
_mediocriter_. Eight could not answer a single one of them; and
while one knew that the number of the commandments was ten, he knew
nothing else [_English Historical Review_ for 1904 (Jan.), pp. 98
ff.].
378 Sehling, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts_
(Leipzig, 1902), I. i. 142 ff.
_ 379 Ibid._ I. i. 49.
380 The rites and ceremonies of worship in the Lutheran churches are
given in Daniel, _Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiæ Lutheranæ in epitomen
redactus_, which forms the second volume of his _Codex Liturgicus
Ecclesiæ Universæ_ (Leipzig, 1848).
381 The ordinance establishing the Wittenberg Consistory will be found
in Richter, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten
Jahrhunderts_ (Weimar, 1846), i. 367; and in Sehling, _Die
evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts_ (Leipzig,
1902), I. i. 200. Sehling sketches the history of its institution,
I. i. 55.
382 The first half of the first part of Sehling’s _Die evangelischen
Kirchenordnungen des 16 Jahrhunderts_ appeared in 1902, and the
second half of the first part in 1904.
383 Cf. article on “Kirchen-Ordnung” in the 3rd edition of Herzog’s
_Realencyclopädie fur protestantische Theologie_.
384 Richter, _Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen_, etc. i. 56 ff.
385 SOURCES: Baazius, _Inventarium Eccles. Sveogothorum_ (1642);
Pontoppidan, _Annales ecclesiæ Danicæ_, bks. ii., iii. (Copenhagen,
1744, 1747).
LATER BOOKS: Lau, _Geschichte der Reformation in Schleswig-Holstein_
(Hamburg, 1867); Willson, _History of Church and State in Norway_
(London, 1903); Watson, _The Swedish Revolution under Gustavus Vasa_
(Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1889); Wiedling, _Schwedische Geschichte
im Zeitalter der Reformation_ (Gotha, 1882); _Cambridge Modern
History_, II. xvii. (Cambridge, 1903).
386 Dorner, _History of Protestant Theology_ (Edinburgh, 1871); Köstlin,
_Luthers Theologie in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwickelung und in
ihrem innern Zusammenhange_ (Stuttgart, 1883); Theodor Harnack,
_Luthers Theologie mit besonderer Beziehung auf seine
Versöhnungs-und Erlösungslehre_ (Erlangen, 1862-1886); A. Ritschl,
_The Christian Doctrine of Justification and Reconciliation_
(Edinburgh, 1872); A. Harnack, _History of Dogma_, vii. (London,
1899); Loofs, _Leitfaden zum Studium der Dogmengeschichte_ (Halle,
1893); Herrmann, _Communion with God_ (London, 1895); Hering, _Die
Mystik Luthers in Zusammenhang seiner Theologie_ (Leipzig, 1879);
Denifle, _Luther und Lutherthum in der ersten Entwicklung_, vol. i.
(Mainz, 1904), vol. ii. (1905); Walther, _Fur Luther wider Rum_
(Halle, 1906).
387 Loofs, _Leitfaden_, etc. p. 345.
_ 388 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xxxi. 273; in _Die Kleine
Antwort auf Herzog Georgen nähestes Buch_.
_ 389 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xxxi. 278, 279.
390 Harnack, _History of Dogma_, vii. 182.
391 Loofs, _Leitfaden_, etc. p. 346.
_ 392 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xxii. 15. Cf. xlviii. 5: “If
thou holdest faith to be simply a thought concerning God, then that
thought is as little able to give eternal life as ever a monkish
cowl could give it.”
_ 393 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), xiii. 301.
_ 394 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lxiii. 125.
395 The case of Bernard of Clairvaux is especially interesting, for we
might almost call him a _doppel-gänger_ (as the Germans would
say)—two men in one. In his experimental moods, when he is the great
revivalist preacher, exhibited in his sermons on the _Song of Songs_
and elsewhere, everything that the Christian can do, say, or think,
comes from the revelation of God’s grace within the individual,
while in his more purely theological works he scarcely ever frees
himself from the entanglements of Scholastic Theology. The
doubleness in Bernard has been dwelt upon by A. Ritschl in his
_Critical History of the Christian Doctrine of Justification and
Reconciliation_ (Edinburgh, 1872), pp. 95-101.
396 These annotations, glosses, and notes of lectures have been
collected and published in volumes iii. and iv. of the Weimar
edition of _Luther’s Works_. The most important phrases have been
carefully extracted by Loofs in his _Leitfaden_, pp. 345-352.
397 A. Harnack, _History of Dogma_, vii. 183.
_ 398 Ibid._ vii. 184.
_ 399 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), xv. 540.
_ 400 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), xv. 542.
_ 401 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), xiv. 294.
402 Dilthey, _Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie_, v. ii. 358.
_ 403 Examen Concilii Tridentini_ (Geneva, 1641), pp. 134 f.
404 The mediæval fourfold sense in Scripture was explained by Nicholas
de Lyra in the distich:
“_Litera_ gesta docet, quid credas _Allegoria_,
_Moralis_ quid agas, quo tendas _Anagogia_.”
It is expounded succinctly by Thomas Aquinas, _Summa Theologiæ_, I.
i. 10.
405 Matt. xiii. 31.
406 Song of Songs, ii. 15.
_ 407 Lettres à jeunes gens_, à Eugene l’hermite (Paris, 1863).
408 Cf. above, p. 200.
409 Cf. above, p. 151.
410 Luther is continually reproached for having called the Epistle of
James an Epistle of straw; it is forgotten that he uses the term
comparatively (_Prefaces to the New Testament; Works_ (Erlangen
edition), lxiii. 115): “Summa, Sanct Johannis Evangelium, und seine
erste Epistel, Sanct Paulus Epistel, sonderlich die zu Römern,
Galatern, Ephesern, und Sanct Peters erste Epistel, das sind die
Bücher, die dir Christum zeigen und alles lehren, das dir zu wissen
noth und selig ist, ob du schon kein ander Buch noch Lehre
nimmermehr sehest noch hörist. Darumb ist Sanct Jakobs Epistel ein
recht strohern Epistel _gegen sie_, denn sie doch kein evangelisch
Art an ihr hat.”
_ 411 De Libertate_ (Erlangen edition, Latin), xxxv. 222; Rom. i. 1-3.
_ 412 Genevan Catechism; Institutio_, III. ii. 6: “The word itself,
_however conveyed to us_, is a mirror in which faith may behold
God”; _Second Geneva Catechism._
413 (Dunlop), _A Collection of Confessions of Faith_, ii. 26.
_ 414 Zurich Articles of 1523_, i. ii.
_ 415 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lvii. 34.
_ 416 Scots Confession_, Art. xix.; (Dunlop), _A Collection of
Confessions_, p. 73.
_ 417 Institutio_, I. vii. 5.
_ 418 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), lvii. 35.
_ 419 Ibid._ lxii. 132.
_ 420 Ibid._ (2nd Erlangen edition), viii. 23.
421 It maybe useful to note the statements about the authority of
Scripture in the earlier Reformation creeds. The Lutherans, always
late in discerning the true doctrinal bearings of their religious
certainties, did not deem it needful to assert dogmatically the
supreme authority of Scripture until the second generation of
Protestantism. The Schmalkald Articles and the Augsburg Confession
expressly assert that human traditions are among abuses that ought
to be done away with; but they do not condemn them as authorities
set up by their opponents in opposition to the word of God, only as
things that burden the conscience and incline men to false ways of
trying to be at peace with God (_Augsburg Confession_, as given in
Schaff, _The Creeds of the Evangelical Protestant Churches_, p. 65;
_Schmalkald Articles_, xv.). It was not until 1576, in the Torgau
Book, and in 1580 in the _Formula Concordiæ_, that they felt the
necessity of declaring dogmatically and in opposition to the Roman
Catholics that “the only standard by which all dogmas and all
teachers must be valued and judged is no other than the prophetic
and apostolic writings of the Old and of the New Testaments” (§ 1).
Zwingli, with the clearer dogmatic insight which he always showed,
felt the need of a statement about the theological place of
Scripture very early, and declared in the _First Helvetic
Confession_ (1536) that “Canonic Scripture, the word of God, given
by the Holy Spirit and set forth to the world by the prophets and
apostles, the most perfect and ancient of all philosophies, alone
contains perfectly all piety and the whole rule of life.” The
various Reformed Confessions, inspired by Calvin, followed Zwingli’s
example, and the supreme authority of Scripture was set forth in all
the symbolical books of the Reformed Churches of Switzerland,
France, England, the Netherlands, Scotland, etc.—_The Geneva
Confession_ of 1536 (Art. 1), _The Second Helvetic Confession_ of
1562 (Art. 1), _The French Confession_ of 1559 (Arts. 3-6), _The
Belgic Confession_ of 1561 (Arts. 4-7), _The Thirty-nine Articles
of_ 1563 and 1571 (Art. 6), _The Scots Confession_ of 1560 (Art.
19). It is instructive, however, to note how this is done. The key
to the central note in all these dogmatic statements is to be found
in the first and second of _The Sixty-seven Theses_ published in
1523 by Zwingli at Zurich, where it is declared that all who say
that the Evangel is of no value apart from its confirmation by the
Church err and blaspheme against God, and where the sum of the
Evangel is “that our Lord Jesus Christ, very Son of God, has
revealed to us the will of the heavenly Father, and with His
innocence has redeemed us from death and has reconciled us to God.”
The main thought, therefore, in all these Confessions is not to
assert the formal supremacy of Scripture over Tradition, but rather
to declare the supreme value of Scripture which reveals God’s good
will to us in Jesus Christ to be received by faith alone over all
human traditions which would lead us astray from God and from true
faith. The Reformers had before them not simply the theological
desire to define precisely the nature of that authority to which all
Christian teaching appeals, but the religious need to cling to the
divinely revealed way of salvation and to turn away from all human
interposition and corruption. They desire to make known that they
trust God rather than man. Hence almost all of them are careful to
express clearly the need for the Witness of the Holy Spirit.
422 Compare especially the discussions in the first part of the Second
Book of the _Summa_.
423 Harnack, _History of Dogma_, vii. 173-174.
_ 424 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), Latin, xxxvi. 506: “Quodsi odit
anima mea vocem homoousion, et nolim ea uti, non ero hæreticus, quis
enim me coget uti, modo rem teneam, quæ in concilio per scripturas
definita est?” It may be remarked that Athanasius himself did not
like the word that has become so associated with his name.
_ 425 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), vi. 358: “Dreyfaltigkeit
ist ein recht böse Deutsch, denn in der Gottheit ist die höchste
Einigkeit. Etliche nennen es Dreyheit; aber das lautet
allzuspöttisch”; he says that the expression is not in Scripture,
and adds: “darum lautet es auch kalt and viel besser spräch man Gott
denn die Dreyfaltigkeit” (xii. 408).
_ 426 Ibid._ v. 236.
_ 427 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xlvii. 3, 4.
_ 428 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xlix. 183, 184.
_ 429 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), xii. 244.
_ 430 Ibid._ xii. 259.
431 Calvin, _Opera omnia_ (Amsterdam, 1667), viii. 38, 39.
_ 432 Augsburg Confession_, Art. xxi.
433 Müller, _Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche_, pp. 935
f.
434 Müller, _Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche_, pp. 34
ff.
435 Luther’s gradual progress towards his final view of the Church is
traced minutely by Loofs, _Leitfaden_, pp. 359 ff.
436 Enders, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefwechsel_, ii. 345.
437 Enders, _Dr. Martin Luthers Briefwechsel_, i. 253.
_ 438 Luther’s Works_ (Weimar edition), i. 190.
_ 439 Luther’s Works_ (Erlangen edition), xii. 249.
440 Calvin, _Institutio_, IV. i. 12.
441 Herrmann, _Communion with God_, p. 149.
_ 442 Luther’s Works_ (2nd Erlangen edition), x. 162.