CHAPTER LIII

THE UNIVERSITY OF JUDGE GARY

There is another great ruling class munition-factory in the vicinity of

Chicago, Northwestern University, at Evanston, Illinois. It is one of

those terrible places, of which there are scores in the United States,

which began as little church institutions, and by the grace of graft

have grown to enormous size. Northwestern is Methodist, and has some ten

thousand strictly pious students, and over six hundred instructors, and

not a rag of an idea to cover its bare bones. The man who was until last

year its president fitted himself for that office by being the

university’s “Director of the Bureau of Salesmanship Research.” The

first vice-president of the university is the general counsel of the

Illinois Steel Company; the third vice-president is vice-president of

the Illinois Steel Company; while the grand duke is the very grandest of

all grand dukes in the United States—that prince of open shoppers and

potentate of reaction, Judge Gary, chairman of the United States Steel

Corporation!

For many years previously the leading grand duke was James A. Patten,

the grain speculator, whose million dollar corner in wheat was the

sensation of my boyhood. Mr. Patten began life as a clerk in a country

store, and his claim to direct a great educational institution is based

upon his acquaintance with the grain commission business, one of the

most thoroughly organized of American swindles. Mr. Patten is director

of two national banks, a trust company, a grain company, and an Edison

company. He is a malignant “open shopper,” and during his reign at

Northwestern waged incessant war upon two or three liberals who got into

the place.

One of these men was Professor Gray, whom we have already met at the

University of Minnesota. Gray managed to stick at Northwestern for

sixteen years. He taught economics; a liberal colleague taught

psychology, and the president of the university remarked to a friend of

mine that these were the two hardest departments he had to administer,

because one touched on religion and the other on the pocket-book! Gray

was handicapped in the usual way by low salaries and lack of promotion

for himself and his assistants. For many years he tried to get Harry

Ward as assistant, but could never manage it.

Mr. Patten was twice elected mayor of Evanston, and when he ran again,

Professor Gray, who was a Progressive, talked against him, and led the

Progressive forces in the legislature that drove Patten’s chairman out.

Naturally, that caused Mr. Patten intense annoyance. He had given the

university a gymnasium, and a generous share of the millions he had

extracted from the bread supply of the American people. So he demanded

that the president should support him; and the president sent for Gray,

and proceeded to administer a rebuke. Gray asked: “Are you speaking

officially or as an individual?”

The climax of the affair was that Gray asked to meet Patten and thresh

the matter out face to face. They met at luncheon, and Patten presented

his complaint. He was sore because Gray had quoted him as saying with

regard to the pious students of the university—“it had cost more to get

out the Bible vote than any other.” “But,” said Gray, “you did say that,

didn’t you?” Patten admitted that he had said it, so Professor Gray

finally offered to settle the matter by writing a letter to both the

Evanston newspapers, stating exactly what Mr. Patten admitted he had

said, and exactly what he denied; but Patten was not satisfied with this

settlement of the difficulty!

A little later Professor Gray was appointed by the National Civic

Federation as one of a committee of economists to investigate municipal

ownership in Europe. They were all supposed to be reactionaries, and

their findings were supposed to be what they knew the National Civic

Federation wanted; but Professor Gray had the wretched taste to become

converted to the doctrines of municipal ownership by the facts he

observed in Europe, and he so stated in his report. When he got a proof

of this report he found that it had been doctored in the office of Mr.

Ralph Easley, the very ardent “open shopper” and hundred per cent

plutocratic secretary of that organization. The professor had to

threaten a law-suit against the National Civic Federation in order to

force them to correct the report.

Also, Gray had a “run-in” with Charles Deering, Harvester Trust magnate,

the second grand duke of the board. Deering asked Gray to speak against

a strike of the Harvester Trust workers, and said that he purposed to

put this strike down with guns. “Yes, Mr. Deering,” said the professor,

“but suppose the day comes when you are under the sod and the other

fellow has the guns.” Needless to say, the authorities of Northwestern

were glad when this too popular professor received an offer from the

University of Minnesota, which had come for the moment under a liberal

administration. A friend of mine was present at a private luncheon, at

which Mr. Patten made the statement that he had got rid of Gray, and was

now going to get rid of another man.

This especially pious university is the one we mentioned as having

established a rule that only bachelors are to be accepted as teachers;

also the one which we found officially declaring that excellence in a

college professor lies, not in his being able to teach, but in his

diligence in raking in the dust-heaps of history. Last spring they gave

their grand duke the usual honorary degree, and took occasion to have

him instruct their ten thousand students in the principles of American

piety. A copy of the address lies before me, one of those beautifully

but mysteriously printed pamphlets which bear the name of no publisher

and no purchase price, but manage to get circulated by hundreds of

thousands of copies all over the country.

The subject of Judge Gary’s address is “Ethics in Business,” and he

begins by making some curious admissions. There was a time, “not many

years ago, perhaps not much more than a score,” when in American

business “the rule of might over right prevailed.... Competition was

tyrannical and destructive. Weaker competitors were forced out of

business, often by means not only unethical but severe and brutal. The

graves of insolvents were strewn along the paths of industrial

development and operation. The financially strong grew stronger and

richer.”

Of course you understand what all this means; it is an amiable

preliminary to the statement which Judge Gary is going to make, that now

all these evil things have changed, this wicked time has passed! But I

would like to put to Judge Gary the question: how did it happen to pass?

Who brought it about, and what were you, Judge Gary, doing at the time?

Were you going about the country, telling boys and girls in colleges

about the need of business reform? The question answers itself. At that

time Judge Gary was head of the Federal Steel Company, and busily

engaged in organizing the Steel Trust, the most perfect illustration in

America of the evils he refers to. Also he was engaged in denouncing as

agitators and disturbers of the public peace the very men, from Theodore

Roosevelt down, whose labors on behalf of reform he now pretends to

justify and accept.

In those wicked days, he tells the students, the masters of industry

“did not give to employes just consideration. The wage rates were

adjusted strictly in accordance with the laws of supply and demand. The

welfare of the workmen was decided almost entirely from the standpoint

of utility and profit.” But now, all that is over. “The large majority

of business men now conduct their affairs” on the basis “that employes

are associates rather than servants, and should be treated

accordingly.... Conscientious treatment of employes which secures their

respect and confidence will tend to increase their loyalty and

efficiency.” And this from the man who continues to maintain throughout

the greatest industry in America a twelve-hour day, with a

twenty-four-hour day once a week! Who uses all the power of his colossal

organization to deny to his employes the most essential of all

industrial rights—the right to organize for their own protection! Who,

as an incident to this policy, maintains the most widespread and most

infamous system of espionage and terrorism that has ever been known in

an Anglo-Saxon country! This man, who pays more money to spies and

provocateurs in one year than the czar of all the Russians paid in

ten—this man, whose hands are slimy with the blood of union organizers

shot down in cold blood, whose lips are foul with ten thousand lies,

told about his wage-slaves during the last steel strike—this man has the

insolence to stand up before a commencement audience at a “Christian”

university, and declare that justice and kindness now prevail in

American big business, and that wage rates are no longer “adjusted

strictly in accordance with the laws of supply and demand!”

Such is the state of social conscience in the greatest educational

institution of the Methodist church in America; but, thank God, the

entire church no longer applauds this re-crucifixion of Jesus. The

Inter-church Federation has issued a report on the steel strike; and if

you want to know just how honest a man Judge Gary is, take the trouble

to read their account of the handling of this strike by his Pittsburgh

newspapers. After that you will be able to get the full humor of the

comment of Bishop McConnell of the Methodist church upon the giving of

the degree to Gary. At the “Evanston Conference” the bishop said that

the conferring of this degree did not mean any intellectual attainments

on the part of the recipient; “it merely means that for certain specific

and well-known purposes you are giving him a degree.” In other words,

you are selling your soul for the price of a building!

The Goose-step: A Study of American Education · 第 53 / 93 章