CHAPTER XLVI

INTRODUCING A UNIVERSITY PRESIDENT

From the University of Minnesota we take the Chicago and Northwestern

Railroad, which has a Princeton trustee and a recent New York University

and Yale trustee for directors, and two National City Bank directors.

Overnight we come to Madison, Wisconsin, where for the first time we

find an institution of higher education which has partly emerged from

under the shadow of the White Terror. The reason for this is one

man—Senator LaFollette, who for forty years has been fighting the battle

of the people in his state. LaFollette has not always had his way; he

has been in again and out again half a dozen times; but the thought of

him is never out of the minds of the reactionaries, and many things they

have wished to do in their university they have not dared to do. So at

Wisconsin are two professors who are “rank” Socialists, and perhaps a

dozen others more or less on the way to “rankness.” Just now the state

administration is LaFollette’s, but the administration of the university

is reactionary, a relic of the war hysteria.

The grand duke of the plutocratic element of the board is Mr. A. J.

Horlick, whose contribution to American scholarship is a brand of malted

milk, with a picture of a cow from which the commodity is understood to

be derived. Quite recently the president of the University of Wisconsin

announced that no one would be permitted to address the university who

had not supported the government during the war. Mr. Horlick has proven

his right to be numbered among the hundred percent patriots, the firm of

which he is head having been indicted by the United States government

and fined fifty thousand dollars for the hoarding of flour. (Query: Is

malted milk made out of flour?)

The most active reactionary upon the board is Mr. Harry J. Butler, a

railroad attorney of Madison; he is ably seconded by Dr. Seaman, a

physician, anti-LaFollette candidate for governor last year; also by a

wholesale grocer, a manufacturer of bathroom fixtures, two other

attorneys, and a manufacturer’s wife. For many years the university had

a liberal president; since his death they have had an elderly zoologist

of reactionary temper, who deftly dodges trouble by “passing the buck”

to his board. The liberals, inside the university and out, are biding

their time; they strengthened their hold on the state at the recent

election, and now hope to get one or two more members of the board, so

that when a new president is chosen he may be of their kind.

Last winter it was rumored that I was coming East, and the students of

the Social Science Club asked if I would deliver an address at the

university. Before I had time to answer, I learned from newspaper

clippings that the president of the university had announced that I was

not a proper person to be heard by the students, and would not be

granted the use of a hall. I have to spend some time every day declining

invitations to deliver lectures, and the elderly Wisconsin zoologist

might have saved himself a lot of trouble if he had waited before he

spoke. Of course, when he told me I couldn’t come, I felt compelled to

go.

President Birge had stated in the Madison “Capital-Times” that “Upton

Sinclair’s attack on journalism could only be fairly expounded if a

representative of the Associated Press or other organized journalistic

body were present at the same time to answer.” Apparently it was the

president’s idea that I never talked on any subject but the newspapers,

which of course was underestimating the range of my discontent. However,

I wired the “Capital-Times,” asking them to convey to their president

the information, “I have been trying in every possible way to inveigle

the Associated Press into answering ‘The Brass Check’ in any manner they

might choose. I have publicly challenged them and their leading

representatives a dozen different times. If President Birge will

persuade the Associated Press to send a representative to debate with

me, he will confer upon me the greatest favor I could name.”

President Birge made no answer to this, and on Friday, April 28th, when

I arrived in Madison, I learned that the students of the Social Science

Club had arranged that the meeting should be held on the following

Monday in the high school auditorium. I thought it would be interesting

to collect a university president for this book, so the first thing I

did was to go and pay a call on Dr. Birge.

I am told that in his own line he is a distinguished scientist, and his

friends at the university explained that he is accustomed to being

treated with extreme deference. I am sorry to say that I missed this

point. I considered that I had been attacked in the newspapers entirely

without provocation, and I was not willing to be content with polite

evasions. In trying to get at the facts, I felt that I was acting in a

public cause, and I was not thinking about the personality of a

university president, any more than I was thinking about my own.

He is a rather small man, with small dark eyes, and he sat at his big

desk, watching me uncomfortably. I asked him what reasons he had for

pronouncing the ban upon me, and he could only say it was my reputation.

I asked him where he had got his impression of my reputation, and of

course he had to admit that he had got it from the capitalist

newspapers. I asked if he had read any book of mine, and at first he

said he had not, then he thought he had read “The Jungle,” but had

forgotten it.

“Oh, no, President Birge,” I answered. “Nobody that has read ‘The

Jungle’ has ever forgotten it.” And I could see that this was not the

answer he had expected.

I asked him on what he based his impression that I had exaggerated in

“The Brass Check.” He admitted that he had not read the book; whereat I

remarked: “You have spoiled my score!” I explained that I had traveled

from Pasadena to Madison, and stopped at nine cities on the way, and in

each place I had talked to from ten to twenty educators—school teachers

and college professors—and so far every person had read “The Brass

Check.” “I thought I was going to get to New York with a hundred percent

record!” President Birge murmured sympathetically.

“You will realize,” I added, “that it strikes me as significant that the

one person who thinks the book isn’t true is the person who hasn’t read

it.”

I went on to tell about the many and various efforts I had made to lure

the Associated Press into the arena. Before publishing the book I had

submitted to Mr. Melville E. Stone, then general manager of the

Associated Press, four questions for him to answer. He had previously

written that he would be glad to answer any questions, but he fell

silent when he read the questions I sent. I had written to Mr. Stone’s

assistant, now general manager, calling his attention to the book, and

asking for an answer on various points. At the annual convention of the

Associated Press, held in New York in April, 1921, after “The Brass

Check” had been out more than a year, it was officially announced in the

“Editor and Publisher,” and also in the New York “Evening Post,” that

the Associated Press had a committee investigating “The Brass Check,”

and was shortly to issue a complete report upon the book. A couple of

months later, when this report failed to appear, I wrote the Associated

Press asking what had become of it, and when they failed to reply, I

published my letter and sent a copy of it to the managing editor of

every Associated Press newspaper in the United States—but without

getting a reply from a single one!

Only a couple of weeks before I met President Birge, another annual

convention of the Associated Press took place in New York, and I

repeated my challenge to this gathering, and sent a copy to every

managing editor, and also every publisher, of the thirteen hundred

Associated Press newspapers in the United States. No attention was paid

to these communications, and not one single Associated Press newspaper

was willing to demand that the Associated Press should produce the

report on “The Brass Check,” which it had officially announced it was

preparing.

I showed President Birge also how the students of his own Social Science

Club had tried in vain to get the Associated Press to answer me. Their

first request, that the Associated Press should send a representative to

meet me on a university platform, had met with no reply; a second and

very sharp letter had brought the response that no responsible newspaper

man would be willing to meet me on a platform. Any newspaper man will

realize the absurdity of this statement. The A. P. could find a man in

any city—if they could furnish him with the facts!

Then I set forth to President Birge my qualifications as an orator in

university halls; as it happened, I came within his specifications, in

that I had supported the government during the war. I came of a long

line of American ancestors; my grandfather and my great-grandfather had

been captains in the United States Navy, and my great-great-grandfather

had commanded the frigate “Constitution.” I had had nine years of

college and university life, and was a married man of good moral

character. Also, I mentioned that it was not my intention to discuss the

newspapers, but to lecture on “The College Student and the Modern

Crisis.” All these facts the elderly zoologist politely received, and

told me that if I would embody them in a letter to him he would oblige

me by a reply not later than noon of the next day.

I wrote the letter, and received the reply, which was that President

Birge would not change his decision, but that if the board of regents

saw fit to grant my request, they would be at liberty to do so.

Thereupon I gave to the press my letter to President Birge and his

reply, and also an interview in which I stated that the president had

afforded me an exceedingly good example of my thesis “that educational

institutions are controlled by special privilege,” and that I would give

up my intention of lecturing on “The College Student and the Modern

Crisis” in Madison, and instead would discuss the subject of free speech

in universities. The effect of which announcement was that the

superintendent of the high school took fright, and withdrew permission

for me to speak in his auditorium!

The Goose-step: A Study of American Education · 第 46 / 93 章