WASHINGTON, July 18, 1804.

MY DEAR SIR,--It is very long, I know, since I wrote you. So constant

is the pressure of business that there is never a moment, scarcely, that

something of public importance is not waiting for me. I have, therefore,

on a principle of conscience, thought it my duty to withdraw almost

entirely from all private correspondence, and chiefly the trans-Atlantic;

I scarcely write a letter a year to any friend beyond sea. Another

consideration has led to this, which is the liability of my letters

to miscarry, be opened, and made ill use of. Although the great body

of our country are perfectly returned to their ancient principles, yet

there remains a phalanx of old tories and monarchists, more envenomed,

as all their hopes become more desperate. Every word of mine which they

can get hold of, however innocent, however orthodox even, is twisted,

tormented, perverted, and, like the words of holy writ, are made to mean

everything but what they were intended to mean. I trust little, therefore,

unnecessarily in their way, and especially on political subjects. I

shall not, therefore, be free to answer all the several articles of your

letters.

On the subject of treaties, our system is to have none with any nation,

as far as can be avoided. The treaty with England has therefore not

been renewed, and all overtures for treaty with other nations have been

declined. We believe, that with nations as with individuals, dealings may

be carried on as advantageously, perhaps more so, while their continuance

depends on a voluntary good treatment, as if fixed by a contract, which,

when it becomes injurious to either, is made, by forced constructions,

to mean what suits them, and becomes a cause of war instead of a bond of

peace. We wish to be on the closest terms of friendship with Naples, and

we will prove it by giving to her citizens, vessels and goods all the

privileges of the most favored nation; and while we do this voluntarily,

we cannot doubt they will voluntarily do the same for us. Our interests

against the Barbaresques being also the same, we have little doubt she

will give us every facility to insure them, which our situation may ask

and hers admit. It is not, then, from a want of friendship that we do

not propose a treaty with Naples, but because it is against our system to

embarrass ourselves with treaties, or to entangle ourselves at all with

the affairs of Europe. The kind offices we receive from that government

are more sensibly felt, as such, than they would be, if rendered only as

due to us by treaty.

Five fine frigates left the Chesapeake the 1st instant for Tripoli, which,

in addition to the force now there, will, I trust, recover the credit

which Commodore Morris' two years' sleep lost us, and for which he has

been broke. I think they will make Tripoli sensible, that they mistake

their interest in choosing war with us; and Tunis also, should she have

declared war as we expect, and almost wish.

Notwithstanding this little diversion, we pay seven or eight millions of

dollars annually of our public debt, and shall completely discharge it in

twelve years more. That done, our annual revenue, now thirteen millions

of dollars, which by that time will be twenty-five, will pay the expenses

of any war we may be forced into, without new taxes or loans. The spirit

of republicanism is now in almost all its ancient vigor, five-sixths of

the people being with us. Fourteen of the seventeen States are completely

with us, and two of the other three will be in one year. We have now got

back to the ground on which you left us. I should have retired at the end

of the first four years, but that the immense load of tory calumnies which

have been manufactured respecting me, and have filled the European market,

have obliged me to appeal once more to my country for a justification. I

have no fear but that I shall receive honorable testimony by their verdict

on those calumnies. At the end of the next four years I shall certainly

retire. Age, inclination and principle all dictate this. My health, which

at one time threatened an unfavorable turn, is now firm. The acquisition

of Louisiana, besides doubling our extent, and trebling our quantity

of fertile country, is of incalculable value, as relieving us from the

danger of war. It has enabled us to do a handsome thing for Fayette. He

had received a grant of between eleven and twelve thousand acres north

of Ohio, worth, perhaps, a dollar an acre. We have obtained permission

of Congress to locate it in Louisiana. Locations can be found adjacent to

the city of New Orleans, in the island of New Orleans and in its vicinity,

the value of which cannot be calculated. I hope it will induce him to come

over and settle there with his family. Mr. Livingston having asked leave

to return, General Armstrong, his brother-in-law, goes in his place: he is

of the first order of talents.

* * * * *

Remarkable deaths lately, are, Samuel Adams, Edmund Pendleton, Alexander

Hamilton, Stephens Thompson Mason, Mann Page, Bellini, and Parson Andrews.

To these I have the inexpressible grief of adding the name of my youngest

daughter, who had married a son of Mr. Eppes, and has left two children.

My eldest daughter alone remains to me, and has six children. This loss

has increased my anxiety to retire, while it has dreadfully lessened

the comfort of doing it. Wythe, Dickinson, and Charles Thompson are

all living, and are firm republicans. You informed me formerly of your

marriage, and your having a daughter, but have said nothing in your late

letters on that subject. Yet whatever concerns your happiness is sincerely

interesting to me, and is a subject of anxiety, retaining as I do, cordial

sentiments of esteem and affection for you. Accept, I pray you, my sincere

assurances of this, with my most friendly salutations.

TO MRS. ADAMS.

WASHINGTON, July 22, 1804.

DEAR MADAM,--Your favor of the 1st instant was duly received, and I would

not have again intruded on you, but to rectify certain facts which seem

not to have been presented to you under their true aspect. My charities

to Callendar are considered as rewards for his calumnies. As early, I

think, as 1796, I was told in Philadelphia that Callendar, the author

of the Political Progress of Britain, was in that city, a fugitive from

persecution for having written that book, and in distress. I had read

and approved the book; I considered him as a man of genius, unjustly

persecuted. I knew nothing of his private character, and immediately

expressed my readiness to contribute to his relief, and to serve him. It

was a considerable time after, that, on application from a person who

thought of him as I did, I contributed to his relief, and afterwards

repeated the contribution. Himself I did not see till long after, nor

ever more than two or three times. When he first began to write, he told

some useful truths in his coarse way; but nobody sooner disapproved of his

writing than I did, or wished more that he would be silent. My charities

to him were no more meant as encouragements to his scurrilities, than

those I give to the beggar at my door are meant as rewards for the vices

of his life, and to make them chargeable to myself. In truth, they would

have been greater to him, had he never written a word after the work for

which he fled from Britain. With respect to the calumnies and falsehoods

which writers and printers at large published against Mr. Adams, I

was as far from stooping to any concern or approbation of them, as Mr.

Adams was respecting those of Porcupine, Fenno, or Russel, who published

volumes against me for every sentence vended by their opponents against

Mr. Adams. But I never supposed Mr. Adams had any participation in the

atrocities of these editors, or their writers. I knew myself incapable of

that base warfare, and believed him to be so. On the contrary, whatever

I may have thought of the acts of the administration of that day, I

have ever borne testimony to Mr. Adams' personal worth; nor was it ever

impeached in my presence, without a just vindication of it on my part.

I never supposed that any person who knew either of us, could believe

that either of us meddled in that dirty work. But another fact is, that

I "liberated a wretch who was suffering for a libel against Mr. Adams."

I do not know who was the particular wretch alluded to; but I discharged

every person under punishment or prosecution under the sedition law,

because I considered, and now consider, that law to be a nullity, as

absolute and as palpable as if Congress had ordered us to fall down and

worship a golden image; and that it was as much my duty to arrest its

execution in every stage, as it would have been to have rescued from the

fiery furnace those who should have been cast into it for refusing to

worship the image. It was accordingly done in every instance, without

asking what the offenders had done, or against whom they had offended, but

whether the pains they were suffering were inflicted under the pretended

sedition law. It was certainly possible that my motives for contributing

to the relief of Callendar, and liberating sufferers under the sedition

law, might have been to protect, encourage, and reward slander; but they

may also have been those which inspire ordinary charities to objects of

distress, meritorious or not, or the obligation of an oath to protect

the Constitution, violated by an unauthorized act of Congress. Which of

these were my motives, must be decided by a regard to the general tenor

of my life. On this I am not afraid to appeal to the nation at large, to

posterity, and still less to that Being who sees himself our motives, who

will judge us from his own knowledge of them, and not on the testimony of

Porcupine or Fenno.

You observe, there has been one other act of my administration personally

unkind, and suppose it will readily suggest itself to me. I declare on my

honor, Madam, I have not the least conception what act was alluded to. I

never did a single one with an unkind intention. My sole object in this

letter being to place before your attention, that the acts imputed to me

are either such as are falsely imputed, or as might flow from good as well

as bad motives, I shall make no other addition, than the assurances of my

continued wishes for the health and happiness of yourself and Mr. Adams.

TO JAMES MADISON.

MONTICELLO, August 15, 1804.

DEAR SIR,--Your letter dated the 7th should probably have been of the

14th, as I received it only by that day's post. I return you Monroe's

letter, which is of an awful complexion; and I do not wonder the

communications it contains made some impression on him. To a person placed

in Europe, surrounded by the immense resources of the nations there,

and the greater wickedness of their courts, even the limits which nature

imposes on their enterprises are scarcely sensible. It is impossible that

France and England should combine for any purpose; their mutual distrust

and deadly hatred of each other admit no co-operation. It is impossible

that England should be willing to see France re-possess Louisiana, or get

footing on our continent, and that France should willingly see the United

States re-annexed to the British dominions. That the Bourbons should

be replaced on their throne and agree to any terms of restitution, is

possible; but that they and England joined, could recover us to British

dominion, is impossible. If these things are not so, then human reason

is of no aid in conjecturing the conduct of nations. Still, however, it

is our unquestionable interest and duty to conduct ourselves with such

sincere friendship and impartiality towards both nations, as that each

may see unequivocally, what is unquestionably true, that we may be very

possibly driven into her scale by unjust conduct in the other. I am so

much impressed with the expediency of putting a termination to the right

of France to patronize the rights of Louisiana, which will cease with

their complete adoption as citizens of the United States, that I hope to

see that take place on the meeting of Congress. I enclosed you a paragraph

from a newspaper respecting St. Domingo, which gives me uneasiness.

Still I conceive the British insults in our harbor as more threatening.

We cannot be respected by France as a neutral nation, nor by the world

ourselves as an independent one, if we do not take effectual measures to

support, at every risk, our authority in our own harbors. I shall write to

Mr. Wagner directly (that a post may not be lost by passing through you)

to send us blank commissions for Orleans and Louisiana, ready sealed, to

be filled up, signed and forwarded by us. Affectionate salutations and

constant esteem.

TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE.

MONTICELLO, August 13, 1804.

DEAR SIR,--Various circumstances of delay have prevented my forwarding

till now, the general arrangements of the government of the territory

of Orleans. Enclosed herewith you will receive the commissions. Among

these is one for yourself as Governor. With respect to this I will

enter into frank explanations. This office was originally destined

for a person[20] whose great services and established fame would have

rendered him peculiarly acceptable to the nation at large. Circumstances,

however, exist, which do not now permit his nomination, and perhaps may

not at any time hereafter. That, therefore, being suspended and entirely

contingent, your services have been so much approved as to leave no

desire to look elsewhere to fill the office. Should the doubts you have

sometimes expressed, whether it would be eligible for you to continue,

still exist in your mind, the acceptance of the commission gives you time

to satisfy yourself by further experience, and to make the time and manner

of withdrawing; should you ultimately determine on that, agreeable to

yourself. Be assured that whether you continue or retire, it will be with

every disposition on my part to be just and friendly to you.

* * * * *

I salute you with friendship and respect.

FOOTNOTE:

[20] [In the margin is written by the author, "La Fayette."]

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

MONTICELLO, September 8, 1804.

DEAR SIR,--As we shall have to lay before Congress the proceedings of the

British vessels at New York, it will be necessary for us to say to them

with certainty which specific aggressions were committed within the common

law, which within the admiralty jurisdiction, and which on the high seas.

The rule of the common law is that wherever you can see from land to land,

all the water within the line of sight is in the body of the adjacent

county and within common law jurisdiction. Thus, if in this curvature

[Illustration: Sketch of curve with points marked a, b, and c.] you

can see from _a_ to_ b_, all the water within the line of sight is within

common law jurisdiction, and a murder committed at _c_ is to be tried as

at common law. Our coast is generally visible, I believe, by the time you

get within about twenty-five miles. I suppose that at New York you must be

some miles out of the Hook before the opposite shores recede twenty-five

miles from each other. The three miles of maritime jurisdiction is always

to be counted from this line of sight. It will be necessary we should be

furnished with the most accurate chart to be had of the shores and waters

in the neighborhood of the Hook; and that we may be able to ascertain on

it the spot of every aggression. I presume it would be within the province

of Mr. Gelston to procure such a chart, and to ascertain the positions of

the offending vessels. If I am right in this, will you be so good as to

instruct him so to do?

I think the officers of the federal government are meddling too much

with the public elections. Will it be best to admonish them privately

or by proclamation? This for consideration till we meet. I shall be at

Washington by the last day of the month. I salute you with affection and

respect.

TO MRS. ADAMS.

MONTICELLO, September 11, 1804.

Your letter, Madam, of the 18th of August has been some days received,

but a press of business has prevented the acknowledgment of it: perhaps,

indeed, I may have already trespassed too far on your attention. With

those who wish to think amiss of me, I have learned to be perfectly

indifferent; but where I know a mind to be ingenuous, and to need only

truth to set it to rights, I cannot be as passive. The act of personal

unkindness alluded to in your former letter, is said in your last to have

been the removal of your eldest son from some office to which the judges

had appointed him. I conclude then he must have been a commissioner of

bankruptcy. But I declare to you, on my honor, that this is the first

knowledge I have ever had that he was so. It may be thought, perhaps,

that I ought to have inquired who were such, before I appointed others.

But it is to be observed, that the former law permitted the judges

to name commissioners occasionally only, for every case as it arose,

and not to make them permanent officers. Nobody, therefore, being in

office, there could be no removal. The judges, you well know, have been

considered as highly federal; and it was noted that they confined their

nominations exclusively to federalists. The Legislature, dissatisfied with

this, transferred the nomination to the President, and made the offices

permanent. The very object in passing the law was, that he should correct,

not confirm, what was deemed the partiality of the judges. I thought

it therefore proper to inquire, not whom they had employed, but whom I

ought to appoint to fulfil the intentions of the law. In making these

appointments, I put in a proportion of federalists, equal, I believe, to

the proportion they bear in numbers through the Union generally. Had I

known that your son had acted, it would have been a real pleasure to me

to have preferred him to some who were named in Boston, in what was deemed

the same line of politics. To this I should have been led by my knowledge

of his integrity, as well as my sincere dispositions towards yourself and

Mr. Adams.

You seem to think it devolved on the judges to decide on the validity of

the sedition law. But nothing in the Constitution has given them a right

to decide for the executive, more than to the executive to decide for

them. Both magistrates are equally independent in the sphere of action

assigned to them. The judges, believing the law constitutional, had a

right to pass a sentence of fine and imprisonment; because the power was

placed in their hands by the Constitution. But the executive, believing

the law to be unconstitutional, were bound to remit the execution of it;

because that power has been confided to them by the Constitution. That

instrument meant that its coordinate branches should be checks on each

other. But the opinion which gives to the judges the right to decide what

laws are constitutional, and what not, not only for themselves in their

own sphere of action, but for the Legislature and executive also, in their

spheres, would make the judiciary a despotic branch. Nor does the opinion

of the unconstitutionality, and consequent nullity of that law, remove all

restraint from the overwhelming torrent of slander, which is confounding

all vice and virtue, all truth and falsehood, in the United States. The

power to do that is fully possessed by the several State Legislatures.

It was reserved to them, and was denied to the General Government, by

the Constitution, according to our construction of it. While we deny

that Congress have a right to control the freedom of the press, we have

ever asserted the right of the States, and their exclusive right, to do

so. They have accordingly, all of them, made provisions for punishing

slander, which those who have time and inclination, resort to for the

vindication of their characters. In general, the State laws appear to have

made the presses responsible for slander as far as is consistent with its

useful freedom. In those States where they do not admit even the truth of

allegations to protect the printer, they have gone too far.

The candor manifested in your letter, and which I ever believed you to

possess, has alone inspired the desire of calling your attention, once

more, to those circumstances of fact and motive by which I claim to be

judged. I hope you will see these intrusions on your time to be, what

they really are, proofs of my great respect for you. I tolerate with the

utmost latitude the right of others to differ from me in opinion without

imputing to them criminality. I know too well the weakness and uncertainty

of human reason to wonder at its different results. Both of our political

parties, at least the honest part of them, agree conscientiously in the

same object--the public good; but they differ essentially in what they

deem the means of promoting that good. One side believes it best done by

one composition of the governing powers; the other, by a different one.

One fears most the ignorance of the people; the other, the selfishness

of rulers independent of them. Which is right, time and experience will

prove. We think that one side of this experiment has been long enough

tried, and proved not to promote the good of the many; and that the

other has not been fairly and sufficiently tried. Our opponents think

the reverse. With whichever opinion the body of the nation concurs, that

must prevail. My anxieties on this subject will never carry me beyond

the use of fair and honorable means, of truth and reason; nor have they

ever lessened my esteem for moral worth, nor alienated my affections from

a single friend, who did not first withdraw himself. Whenever this has

happened, I confess I have not been insensible to it; yet have ever kept

myself open to a return of their justice. I conclude with sincere prayers

for your health and happiness, that yourself and Mr. Adams may long enjoy

the tranquillity you desire and merit, and see in the prosperity of your

family what is the consummation of the last and warmest of human wishes.

TO J. F. MERCER, ESQ.

WASHINGTON, October 9, 1804.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of September 28th, in behalf of Mr. Harwood, was

duly received; the grounds on which one of the competitors stood, set

aside of necessity all hesitation. Mr. Hall's having been a member of

the Legislature, a Speaker of the Representatives, and a member of the

Executive Council, were evidences of the respect of the State towards

him, which our respect for the State could not neglect. You say you are

forcibly led to say something on another subject very near your heart,

which you defer to another opportunity. I presume it to be on your

political situation, and perhaps the degree in which it may bear on our

friendship. In the first case I declare to you that I have never suffered

political opinion to enter into the estimate of my private friendships;

nor did I ever abdicate the society of a friend on that account till he

had first withdrawn from mine. Many have left me on that account, but

with many I still preserve affectionate intercourse, only avoiding to

speak on politics, as with a Quaker or Catholic I would avoid speaking

on religion. But I do not apply this to you; for however confidently it

has been affirmed, I have not supposed that you have changed principles.

What in fact is the difference of principle between the two parties here?

The one desires to preserve an entire independence of the executive and

legislative branches on each other, and the dependence of both on the same

source--the free election of the people. The other party wishes to lessen

the dependence of the Executive and of one branch of the Legislature on

the people, some by making them hold for life, some hereditary, and some

even for giving the Executive an influence by patronage or corruption

over the remaining popular branch, so as to reduce the elective franchise

to its minimum. I shall not believe you gone over to the latter opinions

till better evidence than I have had. Yet were it the case, I repeat my

declaration that exclusive of political coincidence of opinion, I have

found a sufficiency of other qualities in you to value and cherish your

friendship.

TO MR. LITHSON.

WASHINGTON, January 4, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of December 4th has been duly received. Mr. Duane

informed me that he meant to publish a new edition of the Notes on

Virginia, and I had in contemplation some particular alterations which

would require little time to make. My occupations by no means permit me at

this time to revise the text, and make those changes in it which I should

now do. I should in that case certainly qualify several expressions in

the nineteenth chapter, which have been construed differently from what

they were intended. I had under my eye when writing, the manufacturers

of the great cities in the old countries, at the time present, with whom

the want of food and clothing necessary to sustain life, has begotten a

depravity of morals, a dependence and corruption, which renders them an

undesirable accession to a country whose morals are sound. My expressions

looked forward to the time when our own great cities would get into the

same state. But they have been quoted as if meant for the present time

here. As yet our manufacturers are as much at their ease, as independent

and moral as our agricultural inhabitants, and they will continue so as

long as there are vacant lands for them to resort to; because whenever it

shall be attempted by the other classes to reduce them to the minimum of

subsistence, they will quit their trades and go to laboring the earth. A

first question is, whether it is desirable for us to receive at present

the dissolute and demoralized handicraftsmen of the old cities of Europe?

A second and more difficult one is, when even good handicraftsmen arrive

here, is it better for them to set up their trade, or go to the culture

of the earth? Whether their labor in their trade is worth more than their

labor on the soil, increased by the creative energies of the earth? Had I

time to revise that chapter, this question should be discussed, and other

views of the subject taken, which are presented by the wonderful changes

which have taken place here since 1781, when the Notes on Virginia were

written. Perhaps when I retire, I may amuse myself with a serious review

of this work; at present it is out of the question. Accept my salutations

and good wishes.

TO J. TAYLOR, ESQ.

WASHINGTON, January 6, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of December 26th has been duly received, as a proof

of your friendly partialities to me, of which I have so often had reason

to be sensible. My opinion originally was that the President of the United

States should have been elected for seven years, and forever ineligible

afterwards. I have since become sensible that seven years is too long to

be irremovable, and that there should be a peaceable way of withdrawing

a man in midway who is doing wrong. The service for eight years, with

a power to remove at the end of the first four, comes nearly to my

principle as corrected by experience; and it is in adherence to that,

that I determine to withdraw at the end of my second term. The danger

is that the indulgence and attachments of the people will keep a man in

the chair after he becomes a dotard, that re-election through life shall

become habitual, and election for life follow that. General Washington

set the example of voluntary retirement after eight years. I shall follow

it. And a few more precedents will oppose the obstacle of habit to any

one after awhile who shall endeavor to extend his term. Perhaps it may

beget a disposition to establish it by an amendment of the Constitution.

I believe I am doing right therefore in pursuing my principle. I had

determined to declare my intention, but I have consented to be silent on

the opinion of friends, who think it best not to put a continuance out

of my power in defiance of all circumstances. There is, however, but one

circumstance which could engage my acquiescence in another election; to

wit, such a division about a successor, as might bring in a monarchist.

But that circumstance is impossible. While, therefore, I shall make no

formal declaration to the public of my purpose, I have freely let it be

understood in private conversation. In this I am persuaded yourself and

my friends generally will approve of my views. And should I, at the end

of a second term, carry into retirement all the favor which the first

has acquired, I shall feel the consolation of having done all the good

in my power, and expect with more than composure the termination of a

life no longer valuable to others or of importance to myself. Accept my

affectionate salutations and assurances of great esteem and respect.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

January 26, 1805.

The question arising on Mr. Simons' letter of January 10th is whether

sea-letters shall be given to the vessels of citizens neither born nor

residing in the United States. Sea-letters are the creatures of treaties.

No act of the ordinary Legislature requires them. The only treaties now

existing with us, and calling for them, are those with Holland, Spain,

Prussia, and France. In the two former we have stipulated that when the

other party shall be at war, the vessels belonging to our people shall

be furnished with sea-letters; in the two latter that the _vessels of

the neutral_ party shall be so furnished. France being now at war, the

sea-letter is made necessary for our vessels; and consequently it is our

duty to furnish them. The laws of the United States confine registers

to _home-built_ vessels belonging to citizens; but they do not make it

unlawful for citizens to own foreign-built vessels; and the treaties give

the right of sea-letters to all vessels belonging to citizens.

But who are citizens? The laws of registry consider a citizenship obtained

by a foreigner who comes merely for that purpose, and returns to reside

in his own country, as fraudulent, and deny a register to such an one,

even owning home-built vessels. I consider the distinction as sound and

safe, and that we ought not to give sea-letters to a vessel belonging to

such a pseudo-citizen. It compromises our peace, by lending our flag to

cover the goods of one of the belligerents to the injury of the other.

It produces vexatious searches on the vessels of our real citizens, and

gives to others the participation of our neutral advantages, which belong

to the real citizen only. And inasmuch as an uniformity of rule between

the different branches of the government is convenient and proper, I would

propose as a rule that sea-letters be given to all vessels _belonging_ to

citizens under whose ownership of a registered vessel such vessel would be

entitled to the benefits of her register. Affectionate salutations.

TO MR. NICHOLSON.

WASHINGTON, January 29, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--Mr. Eppes has this moment put into my hands your letter of

yesterday, asking information on the subject of the gunboats proposed

to be built. I lose no time in communicating to you fully my whole views

respecting them, premising a few words on the system of fortifications.

Considering the harbors which, from their situation and importance, are

entitled to defence, and the estimates we have seen of the fortifications

planned for some of them, this system cannot be completed on a moderate

scale for less than fifty millions of dollars, nor manned in time of

war, with less than fifty thousand men, and in peace, two thousand.

And when done they avail little; because all military men agree, that

wherever a vessel may pass a fort without tacking under her guns, which

is the case at all our seaport towns, she may be annoyed more or less,

according to the advantages of the position, but can never be prevented.

Our own experience during the war proved this on different occasions. Our

predecessors have, nevertheless, proposed to go into this system, and had

commenced it. But no law requiring us to proceed, we have suspended it.

If we cannot hinder vessels from entering our harbors, we should turn our

attention to the putting it out of their power to lie, or come to, before

a town, to injure it. Two means of doing this may be adopted in aid of

each other. 1. Heavy cannon on travelling carriages, which may be moved to

any point on the bank or beach most convenient for dislodging the vessel.

A sufficient number of these should be lent to each seaport town, and

their militia trained to them. The executive is authorized to do this; it

has been done in a small degree, and will now be done more competently.

2. Having cannon on floating batteries or boats, which may be so stationed

as to prevent a vessel entering the harbor, or force her, after entering,

to depart. There are about fifteen harbors in the United States which

ought to be in a state of substantial defence. The whole of these would

require, according to the best opinions, two hundred and forty gun-boats.

Their cost was estimated by Captain Rogers at two thousand dollars

each; but we had better say four thousand dollars. The whole would

cost one million of dollars. But we should allow ourselves ten years to

complete it, unless circumstances should force it sooner. There are three

situations in which the gun-boat may be. 1. Hauled up under a shed, in

readiness to be launched and manned by the seamen and militia of the town

on short notice. In this situation she costs nothing but an enclosure,

or a sentinel to see that no mischief is done to her. 2. Afloat, and with

men enough to navigate her in harbor and take care of her, but depending

on receiving her crew from the town on short warning. In this situation,

her annual expense is about two thousand dollars, as by an official

estimate at the end of this letter. 3. Fully manned for action. Her

annual expense in this situation is about eight thousand dollars, as per

estimate subjoined. When there is general peace, we should probably keep

about six or seven afloat in the second situation; their annual expense

twelve to fourteen thousand dollars; the rest all hauled up. When France

and England are at war, we should keep, at the utmost, twenty-five in the

second situation; their annual expense, fifty thousand dollars. When we

should be at war ourselves, some of them would probably be kept in the

third situation, at an annual expense of eight thousand dollars; but how

many, must depend on the circumstances of the war. We now possess ten,

built and building. It is the opinion of those consulted, that fifteen

more would enable us to put every harbor under our view into a respectable

condition; and that this should limit the views of the present year. This

would require an appropriation of sixty thousand dollars; and I suppose

_that_ the best way of limiting it, without declaring the number, as

perhaps that sum would build more. I should think it best not to give a

detailed report, which exposes our policy too much. A bill, with verbal

explanations, will suffice for the information of the House. I do not

know whether General Wilkinson would approve the printing his paper. If he

would, it would be useful.

Accept affectionate and respectful salutations.

TO MR. VOLNEY.

WASHINGTON, February 8, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--Your letter of November the 26th came to hand May the 14th; the

books some time after, which were all distributed according to direction.

The copy for the East Indies went immediately by a safe conveyance.

The letter of April the 28th, and the copy of your work accompanying

that, did not come to hand till August. That copy was deposited in the

Congressional library. It was not till my return here from my autumnal

visit to Monticello, that I had an opportunity of reading your work. I

have read it, and with great satisfaction. Of the first part I am less a

judge than most people, having never travelled westward of Staunton, so as

to know anything of the face of the country; nor much indulged myself in

geological inquiries, from a belief that the skin-deep scratches which we

can make or find on the surface of the earth, do not repay our time with

as certain and useful deductions as our pursuits in some other branches.

The subject of our winds is more familiar to me. On that, the views you

have taken are always great, supported in their outlines by your facts;

and though more extensive observations, and longer continued, may produce

some anomalies, yet they will probably take their place in this first

great canvas which you have sketched. In no case, perhaps, does habit

attach our choice or judgment more than in climate. The Canadian glows

with delight in his sleigh and snow; the very idea of which gives me the

shivers. The comparison of climate between Europe and North America,

taking together its corresponding parts, hangs chiefly on three great

points. 1. The changes between heat and cold in America are greater

and more frequent, and the extremes comprehend a greater scale on the

thermometer in America than in Europe. Habit, however, prevents these

from affecting us more than the smaller changes of Europe affect the

European. But he is greatly affected by ours. 2. Our sky is always clear;

that of Europe always cloudy. Hence a greater accumulation of heat here

than there, in the same parallel. 3. The changes between wet and dry are

much more frequent and sudden in Europe than in America. Though we have

double the rain, it falls in half the time. Taking all these together, I

prefer much the climate of the United States to that of Europe. I think

it a more cheerful one. It is our cloudless sky which has eradicated

from our constitutions all disposition to hang ourselves, which we might

otherwise have inherited from our English ancestors. During a residence of

between six and seven years in Paris, I never, but once, saw the sun shine

through a whole day, without being obscured by a cloud in any part of it;

and I never saw the moment, in which, viewing the sky through its whole

hemisphere, I could say there was not the smallest speck of a cloud in it.

I arrived at Monticello, on my return from France, in January; and during

only two months' stay there, I observed to my daughters, who had been with

me to France, that, twenty odd times within that term, there was not a

speck of a cloud in the whole hemisphere. Still I do not wonder that an

European should prefer his gray to our azure sky. Habit decides our taste

in this, as in most other cases.

The account you give of the yellow fever, is entirely agreeable to what

we then knew of it. Further experience has developed more and more its

peculiar character. Facts appear to have established that it is originated

here by a local atmosphere, which is never generated but in the lower,

closer, and dirtier parts of our large cities, in the neighborhood of

the water: and that, to catch the disease, you must enter the local

atmosphere. Persons having taken the disease in the infected quarter, and

going into the country, are nursed and buried by their friends, without

an example of communicating it. A vessel going from the infected quarter,

and carrying its atmosphere in its hold into another State, has given the

disease to every person who there entered her. These have died in the arms

of their families, without a single communication of the disease. It is

certainly, therefore, an epidemic, not a contagious disease; and calls on

the chemists for some mode of purifying the vessel by a decomposition of

its atmosphere, if ventilation be found insufficient. In the long scale

of bilious fevers, graduated by many shades, this is probably the last

and most mortal term. It seizes the native of the place equally with

strangers. It has not been long known in any part of the United States.

The shade next above it, called the stranger's fever, has been coëval

with the settlement of the larger cities in the Southern parts, to wit,

Norfolk, Charleston, New Orleans. Strangers going to these places in the

months of July, August, or September, find this fever as mortal as the

genuine yellow fever. But it rarely attacks those who have resided in

them some time. Since we have known that kind of yellow fever which is

no respecter of persons, its name has been extended to the stranger's

fever, and every species of bilious fever which produces a black vomit,

that is to say, a discharge of very dark bile. Hence we hear of yellow

fever on the Alleghany mountains, in Kentucky, &c. This is a matter of

definition only; but it leads into error those who do not know how loosely

and how interestedly some physicians think and speak. So far as we have

yet seen, I think we are correct in saying, that the yellow fever, which

seizes on all indiscriminately, is an ultimate degree of bilious fever

never known in the United States till lately, nor farther South, as yet,

than Alexandria; and that what they have recently called the yellow fever

in New Orleans, Charleston and Norfolk, is what has always been known in

those places as confined chiefly to strangers, and nearly as mortal _to

them_, as the other is to _all_ its subjects. But both grades are local;

the stranger's fever less so, as it sometimes extends a little into the

neighborhood; but the yellow fever rigorously so, confined within narrow

and well-defined limits, and not communicable out of those limits. Such

a constitution of atmosphere being requisite to originate this disease as

is generated only in low, close, and ill-cleansed parts of a town, I have

supposed it practicable to prevent its generation by building our cities

on a more open plan. Take, for instance, the chequer board for a plan.

Let the black squares only be building squares, and the white ones be left

open, in turf and trees. Every square of houses will be surrounded by four

open squares, and every house will front an open square. The atmosphere

of such a town would be like that of the country, insusceptible of the

miasmata which produce yellow fever. I have accordingly proposed that

the enlargements of the city of New Orleans, which must immediately take

place, shall be on this plan. But it is only in ease of enlargements to

be made, or of cities to be built, that this means of prevention can be

employed.

The _genus irritabile vatum_ could not let the author of the Ruins publish

a new work, without seeking in it the means of discrediting that puzzling

composition. Some one of those holy calumniators has selected from your

new work every scrap of a sentence, which, detached from its context,

could displease an American reader. A cento has been made of these, which

has run through a particular description of newspapers, and excited a

disapprobation even in friendly minds, which nothing but the reading of

the book will cure. But time and truth will at length correct error.

Our countrymen are so much occupied in the busy scenes of life, that they

have little time to write or invent. A good invention here, therefore,

is such a rarity as it is lawful to offer to the acceptance of a friend.

A Mr. Hawkins of Frankford, near Philadelphia, has invented a machine

which he calls a polygraph, and which carries two, three, or four pens.

That of two pens, with which I am now writing, is best; and is so perfect

that I have laid aside the copying-press, for a twelve month past, and

write always with the polygraph. I have directed one to be made, of which

I ask your acceptance. By what conveyance I shall send it while Havre is

blockaded, I do not yet know. I think you will be pleased with it, and

will use it habitually as I do; because it requires only that degree of

mechanical attention which I know you to possess. I am glad to hear that

M. Cabanis is engaged in writing on the reformation of medicine. It needs

the hand of a reformer, and cannot be in better hands than his. Will you

permit my respects to him and the Abbe de la Roche to find a place here?

A word now on our political state. The two parties which prevailed with so

much violence when you were here, are almost wholly melted into one. At

the late Presidential election I have received one hundred and sixty-two

votes against fourteen only. Connecticut is still federal by a small

majority; and Delaware on a poise, as she has been since 1775, and will

be till Anglomany with her yields to Americanism. Connecticut will be

with us in a short time. Though the people in mass have joined us, their

leaders had committed themselves too far to retract. Pride keeps them

hostile; they brood over their angry passions, and give them vent in the

newspapers which they maintain. They still make as much noise as if they

were the whole nation. Unfortunately, these being the mercantile papers,

published chiefly in the sea-ports, are the only ones which find their

way to Europe, and make very false impressions there. I am happy to hear

that the late derangement of your health is going off, and that you are

re-established. I sincerely pray for the continuance of that blessing, and

with my affectionate salutations, tender you assurances of great respect

and attachment.

P. S. The sheets which you receive are those of the copying-pen of the

polygraph, not of the one with which I have written.

TO JUDGE TYLER.

MONTICELLO, March 29, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 17th found me on a short visit to this place,

and I observe in it with great pleasure a continuance of your approbation

of the course we are pursuing, and particularly the satisfaction you

express with the last inaugural address. The first was, from the nature of

the case, all profession and promise. Performance, therefore, seemed to be

the proper office of the second. But the occasion restricted me to mention

only the most prominent heads, and the strongest justification of these in

the fewest words possible. The crusade preached against philosophy by the

modern disciples of steady habits, induced me to dwell more in showing its

effect with the Indians than the subject otherwise justified.

The war with Tripoli stands on two grounds of fact. 1st. It is made known

to us by our agents with the three other Barbary States, that they only

wait to see the event of this, to shape their conduct accordingly. If

the war is ended by additional tribute, they mean to offer us the same

alternative. 2dly. If peace was made, we should still, and shall ever,

be obliged to keep a frigate in the Mediterranean to overawe rupture,

or we must abandon that market. Our intention in sending Morris with a

respectable force, was to try whether peace could be forced by a coercive

enterprise on their town. His inexecution of orders baffled that effort.

Having broke him, we try the same experiment under a better commander.

If in the course of the summer they cannot produce peace, we shall recall

our force, except one frigate and two small vessels, which will keep up a

perpetual blockade. Such a blockade will cost us no more than a state of

peace, and will save us from increased tributes, and the disgrace attached

to them. There is reason to believe the example we have set, begins

already to work on the dispositions of the powers of Europe to emancipate

themselves from that degrading yoke. Should we produce such a revolution

there, we shall be amply rewarded for what we have done. Accept my

friendly salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem.

TO DOCTOR LOGAN.

WASHINGTON, May 11, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--* * * * *

I see with infinite pain the bloody schism which has taken place among

our friends in Pennsylvania and New York, and will probably take place

in other States. The main body of both sections mean well, but their good

intentions will produce great public evil. The minority, whichever section

shall be the minority, will end in coalition with the federalists, and

some compromise of principle; because these will not sell their aid for

nothing. Republicanism will thus lose, and royalism gain, some portion

of that ground which we thought we had rescued to good government. I

do not express my sense of our misfortunes from any idea that they are

remediable. I know that the passions of men will take their course, that

they are not to be controlled but by despotism, and that this melancholy

truth is the pretext for despotism. The duty of an upright administration

is to pursue its course steadily, to know nothing of these family

dissensions, and to cherish the good principles of both parties. The war

_ad internecionem_ which we have waged against federalism, has filled

our latter times with strife and unhappiness. We have met it, with pain

indeed, but with firmness, because we believed it the last convulsive

effort of that Hydra, which in earlier times we had conquered in the

field. But if any degeneracy of principle should ever render it necessary

to give ascendancy to one of the rising sections over the other, I thank

my God it will fall to some other to perform that operation. The only

cordial I wish to carry into my retirement, is the undivided good will of

all those with whom I have acted.

Present me affectionately to Mrs. Logan, and accept my salutations, and

assurances of constant friendship and respect.

TO JUDGE SULLIVAN.

WASHINGTON, May 21, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--An accumulation of business, which I found on my return here

from a short visit to Monticello, has prevented till now my acknowledgment

of your favor of the 14th ultimo. This delay has given time to see the

result of the contest in your State, and I cannot but congratulate you on

the advance it manifests, and the certain prospect it offers that another

year restores Massachusetts to the general body of the nation. You have

indeed received the federal unction of lying and slandering. But who has

not? Who will ever again come into eminent office, unanointed with this

chrism? It seems to be fixed that falsehood and calumny are to be their

ordinary engines of opposition; engines which will not be entirely without

effect. The circle of characters equal to the first stations is not

too large, and will be lessened by the voluntary retreat of those whose

sensibilities are stronger than their confidence in the justice of public

opinion. I certainly have known, and still know, characters eminently

qualified for the most exalted trusts, who could not bear up against the

brutal hackings and hewings of these heroes of Billingsgate. I may say,

from intimate knowledge, that we should have lost the services of the

greatest character of our country, had he been assailed with the degree of

abandoned licentiousness now practised. The torture he felt under rare and

slight attacks, proved that under those of which the federal bands have

shown themselves capable, he would have thrown up the helm in a burst of

indignation. Yet this effect of sensibility must not be yielded to. If we

suffer ourselves to be frightened from our post by mere lying, surely the

enemy will use that weapon; for what one so cheap to those of whose system

of politics morality makes no part? The patriot, like the Christian,

must learn that to bear revilings and persecutions is a part of his

duty; and in proportion as the trial is severe, firmness under it becomes

more requisite and praiseworthy. It requires, indeed, self-command. But

that will be fortified in proportion as the calls for its exercise are

repeated. In this I am persuaded we shall have the benefit of your good

example. To the other falsehoods they have brought forward, should they

add, as you expect, insinuations of want of confidence in you from the

administration generally, or myself particularly, it will, like their

other falsehoods, produce in the public mind a contrary inference.

* * * * *

I tender you my friendly and respectful salutations.

TO MR. DUNBAR.

WASHINGTON, May 25, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--Your several letters, with the portions of your journals,

forwarded at different times, have been duly received; and I am now

putting the journal into the hands of a person properly qualified to

extract the results of your observations, and the various interesting

information contained among them, and bring them into such a compass as

may be communicated to the Legislature. Not knowing whether you might not

intend to make a map yourself, of the course of the river, he will defer

that to the last part of his work, on the possibility that we may receive

it from yourself. Your observations on the difficulty of transporting

baggage from the head of the Red river to that of the Arkansas, with

the dangers from the seceding Osages residing on the last river, have

determined me to confine the ensuing mission to the ascent of the Red

river to its source, and to descend the same river again, which will

give an opportunity of better ascertaining that which, in truth, next

to the Missouri, is the most interesting water of the Mississippi. You

will accordingly receive instructions to this effect, from the Secretary

of War. Dr. Hunter does not propose to take a part in this mission, and

we suppose that Mr. George Davis, a deputy of Mr. Briggs, will be the

fittest person to take the direction of the expedition, and Col. Freeman

as an assistant, and successor, in case of accident, to the principal.

Still, these propositions are submitted to your control, as being better

acquainted with both characters. I write to Gov. Claiborne, to endeavor

to get a passport from the Marquis of Casa-Calvo, for our party, as a

protection from any Spaniards who may be fallen in with on the route. We

offer to receive one or two persons, to be named by him, and subsisted by

us into the party, as a proof that the expedition is merely scientific,

and without any views to which Spain could take exception. The best

protection against the Indians will be the authority to confer with them

on the subject of commerce. Such conferences should be particularly held

with the Arkansas and Panis, residing on the Red river, and everything

possible be done to attach them to us affectionately. In the present

state of things between Spain and us, we should spare nothing to secure

the friendship of the Indians within reach of her. While Capt. Lewis'

mission was preparing, as it was understood that his reliance for his

longitudes must be on the lunar observations taken, as at sea, with the

aid of a time-keeper, and I knew that a thousand accidents might happen

to that in such a journey as his, and thus deprive us of the principal

object of the expedition, to wit, the ascertaining the geography of that

river, I set myself to consider whether in making observations at land,

that furnishes no resource which may dispense with the time-keeper, so

necessary at sea. It occurred to me that as we can always have a meridian

at land, that would furnish what the want of it at sea obliges us to

supply by the time-keeper. Supposing Capt. Lewis then furnished with

a meridian, and having the requisite tables and nautical almanac with

him,--first, he might find the right ascension of the moon, when on the

meridian of Greenwich, on any given day; then find by observation when

the moon should attain that right ascension (by the aid of a known star),

and measure her distance in that moment from his meridian. This distance

would be the difference of longitude between Greenwich and the place of

observation. Or secondly, observe the moon's passage over his meridian,

and her right ascension at that moment. See by the tables the time at

Greenwich when she had that right ascension. That gives her distance

from the meridian of Greenwich, when she was on his meridian. Or thirdly,

observe the moon's distance from his meridian at any moment, and her right

ascension at that moment; and find from the tables her distance from the

meridian of Greenwich, when she had that right ascension, which will give

the distance of the two meridians. This last process will he simplified

by taking, for the moment of observation, that of an appulse of the

moon and a known star, or when the moon and a known star are in the same

vertical. I suggested this to Mr. Briggs, who considered it as correct

and practicable, and proposed communicating it to the Philosophical

Society; but I observed that it was too obvious not to have been thought

of before, and supposed it had not been adopted in practice, because

of no use at sea, where a meridian cannot be had, and where alone the

nations of Europe had occasion for it. Before his confirmation of the

idea, however, Capt. Lewis was gone. In conversation afterwards with Baron

Humboldt, he observed that the idea was correct, but not new; that I would

find it in the third volume of Delalande. I received two days ago the

third and fourth volumes of Montuela's History of Mathematics, finished

and edited by Delalande; and find, in fact, that Morin and Vanlangren,

in the seventeenth century, proposed observations of the moon on the

meridian, but it does not appear whether they meant to dispense with the

time-keeper. But a meridian at sea being too impracticable, their idea was

not pursued. The purpose of troubling you with these details, is to submit

to your consideration and decision whether any use can be made of them

advantageously in our future expeditions, and particularly that up the Red

river.

Your letter on the current of the Mississippi, and paper on the same

subject, corrected at once my doubts on your theory of the currents

of that river. Constant employment in a very different line permits

me to turn to philosophical subjects only when some circumstance

forces them on my attention. No occurrence had called my mind to this

subject, particularly since I had first been initiated into the original

Torricellian doctrine of the velocities at different depths, being in

the sub-duplicate ratio of the depths. And though Buat had given me his

book while at Paris, your letter was the first occasion of my turning

to it, and getting my mind set to rights to a certain degree. There is a

subsequent work by Bernard, which is said to have furnished corrections

and additions to Buat; but I have never seen it.

The work we are now doing is, I trust, done for posterity, in such a way

that they need not repeat it. For this we are much indebted to you, not

only for the labor and time you have devoted to it, but for the excellent

method of which you have set the example, and which I hope will be the

model to be followed by others. We shall delineate with correctness the

great arteries of this great country. Those who come after us will extend

the ramifications as they become acquainted with them, and fill up the

canvas we begin. With my acknowledgments for your zealous aid in this

business, accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem

and respect.

TO DOCTOR SIBLEY.

WASHINGTON, May 27, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--I have been some time a debtor for your letters of March

20th and September 2d, of the last year. A constant pressure of things

which will not admit delay, prevents my acknowledging with punctuality

the letters I receive, although I am not insensible to the value of

the communications, and the favor done me in making them. To these

acknowledgments I propose to add a solicitation of a literary kind,

to which I am led by your position, favorable to this object, and by a

persuasion that you are disposed to make to science those contributions

which are within your convenience. The question whether the Indians of

America have emigrated from another continent, is still undecided. Their

vague and imperfect traditions can satisfy no mind on that subject. I

have long considered their languages as the only remaining monument of

connection with other nations, or the want of it, to which we can now have

access. They will likewise show their connections with one another. Very

early in life, therefore, I formed a vocabulary of such objects as, being

present everywhere, would probably have a name in every language; and my

course of life having given me opportunities of obtaining vocabularies

of many Indian tribes, I have done so on my original plan, which though

far from being perfect, has the valuable advantage of identity, of thus

bringing the languages to the same points of comparison. A letter from you

to General Dearborne, giving valuable information respecting the Indians

west of the Mississippi and south of the Arkansas, presents a much longer

list of tribes than I had expected; and the relations in which you stand

with them, and the means of intercourse these will furnish, induce me to

hope you will avail us of your means of collecting their languages for

this purpose. I enclose you a number of my blank vocabularies, to lessen

your trouble as much as I can. I observe you mention several tribes which,

having an original language of their own, nevertheless have adopted

some other, common to other tribes. But it is their original languages

I wish to obtain. I am in hopes you will find persons situated among

or near most of the tribes, who will take the trouble of filling up a

vocabulary. No matter whether the orthography used be English, Spanish,

French, or any other, provided it is stated what the orthography is. To

save unnecessary trouble, I should observe that I already possess the

vocabularies of the Attacapas and Chetimachas, and no others within the

limits before mentioned. I have taken measures for obtaining those north

of the Arcansa, and already possess most of the languages on this side

the Mississippi. A similar work, but on a much greater scale, has been

executed under the auspices of the late empress of Russia, as to the red

nations of Asia, which, however, I have never seen. A comparison of our

collection with that will probably decide the question of the sameness

or difference of origin, although it will not decide which is the mother

country, and which the colony. You will receive from Gen. Dearborne some

important instructions with respect to the Indians. Nothing must be spared

to convince them of the justice and liberality we are determined to use

towards them, and to attach them to us indissolubly. Accept my apologies

for the trouble I am giving you, with my salutations and assurances of

respect.

TO THOMAS PAINE.

WASHINGTON, June 5, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--Your letters, Nos. 1, 2, 3, the last of them dated April the

20th, were received April the 26th. I congratulate you on your retirement

to your farm, and still more that it is of a character so worthy of your

attention. I much doubt whether the open room on your second story will

answer your expectations. There will be a few days in the year in which it

will be delightful, but not many. Nothing but trees, or Venetian blinds,

can protect it from the sun. The semi-cylindrical roof you propose will

have advantages. You know it has been practised on the cloth market at

Paris. De Lorme, the inventor, shows many forms of roofs in his book

to which it is applicable. I have used it at home for a dome, being one

hundred and twenty degrees of an oblong octagon, and in the capitol we

unite two quadrants of a sphere by a semi-cylinder; all framed in De

Lorme's manner. How has your planing machine answered? Has it been tried

and persevered in by any workmen?

France has become so jealous of our conduct as to St. Domingo (which in

truth is only the conduct of our merchants), that the offer to become a

mediator would only confirm her suspicions. Bonaparte, however, expressed

satisfaction at the paragraph in my message to Congress on the subject of

that commerce. With respect to the German redemptioners, you know I can do

nothing unless authorized by law. It would be made a question in Congress,

whether any of the enumerated objects to which the Constitution authorizes

the money of the Union to be applied, would cover an expenditure for

importing settlers to Orleans. The letter of the revolutionary sergeant

was attended to by General Dearborne, who wrote to him informing him how

to proceed to obtain his land.

Doctor Eustis' observation to you, that "certain paragraphs in the

National Intelligencer" respecting my letter to you, "supposed to be

under Mr. Jefferson's direction, had embarrassed Mr. Jefferson's friends

in Massachusetts; that they appeared like a half denial of the letter,

or as if there was something in it not proper to be owned, or that needed

an apology," is one of those mysterious half confidences difficult to be

understood. That tory printers should think it advantageous to identify me

with that paper, the Aurora, &c., in order to obtain ground for abusing

me, is perhaps fair warfare. But that any one who knows me personally

should listen one moment to such an insinuation, is what I did not expect.

I neither have, nor ever had, any more connection with those papers than

our antipodes have; nor know what is to be in them until I see it in

them, except proclamations and other documents sent for publication. The

friends in Massachusetts who could be embarrassed by so weak a weapon

as this, must be feeble friends indeed. With respect to the letter, I

never hesitated to avow and to justify it in conversation. In no other

way do I trouble myself to contradict anything which is said. At that

time, however, there were certain anomalies in the motions of some of our

friends, which events have at length reduced to regularity.

It seems very difficult to find out what turns things are to take in

Europe. I suppose it depends on Austria, which, knowing it is to stand in

the way of receiving the first hard blows, is cautious of entering into

a coalition. As to France and England we can have but one wish, that they

may disable one another from injuring others.

Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect.

TO MR. MADISON.

MONTICELLO, August 7, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--On a view of our affairs with Spain, presented me in a letter

from C. Pinckney, I wrote you on the 23d of July, that I thought we should

offer them the _status quo_, but immediately proposed provincial alliance

with England. I have not yet received the whole correspondence. But the

portion of the papers now enclosed to you, confirm me in the opinion of

the expediency of a treaty with England, but make the offer of the _status

quo_ more doubtful. The correspondence will probably throw light on that

question; from the papers already received I infer a confident reliance

on the part of Spain on the omnipotence of Bonaparte, but a desire of

procrastination till peace in Europe shall leave us without an ally.

General Dearborne has seen all the papers. I will ask the favor of you to

communicate them to Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Smith. From Mr. Gallatin I shall

ask his first opinion, preparatory to the stating formal questions for

our ultimate decision. I am in hopes you can make it convenient to see

and consult with Mr. Smith and General Dearborne, unless the latter should

come on here where I can do it myself. On the receipt of your own ideas,

Mr. Smith's and the other gentlemen, I shall be able to form points for

our final consideration and determination.

I enclose you some communications from the Mediterranean. They show

Barron's understanding in a very favorable view. When you shall have

perused them, be so good as to enclose them to the Secretary of the Navy.

Accept my fervent wishes for the speedy recovery of Mrs. Madison, and your

speedy visit to this quarter.

TO MR. MADISON.

MONTICELLO, August 25, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--I confess that the enclosed letter from General Turreau excites

in me both jealousy and offence in undertaking, and without apology, to

say in what manner to receive and treat Moreau within our own country. Had

Turreau been here longer he would have known that the national authority

pays honors to no foreigners. That the State authorities, municipalities

and individuals, are free to render whatever they please, voluntarily,

and free from restraint, by us; and he ought to know that no part of the

criminal sentence of another country can have any effect here. The style

of that government in the Spanish business, was calculated to excite

indignation; but it was a case in which that might have done injury.

But the present is a case which would justify some notice in order to

let them understand we are not of those powers who will receive and

execute mandates. I think the answer should show independence as well as

friendship. I am anxious to receive the opinions of our brethren after

their review and consideration of the Spanish papers. I am strongly

impressed with a belief of hostile and treacherous intentions against

us on the part of France, and that we should lose no time in securing

something more than a mutual friendship with England.

Not having heard from you for some posts, I have had a hope you were

on the road, and consequently that Mrs. Madison was re-established. We

are now in want of rain, having had none in the last ten days. In your

quarter I am afraid they have been much longer without it. We hear great

complaints from F. Walker's, Lindsay's, Maury's, &c., of drought. Accept

affectionate salutations, and assurances of constant friendship.

P. S. I suppose Kuhn, at Genoa, should have new credentials.

TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE.

MONTICELLO, August 27, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 20th has been received, and in that a letter from

Casinore, and another from Mrs. Ciracchi; but those from Turreau and to

Upryo were not enclosed. Probably the former was what came to me by the

preceding post, respecting Moreau; if so, you have my opinion on it in my

last. Considering the character of Bonaparte, I think it material at once

to let him see that we are not of the powers who will receive his orders.

I think you have misconceived the nature of the treaty I thought we should

propose to England. I have no idea of committing ourselves immediately

or independently of our further will to the war. The treaty should be

provisional only, to come into force on the event of our being engaged

in war with either France or Spain during the present war in Europe.

In that event we should make common cause, and England should stipulate

not to make peace without our obtaining the objects for which we go to

war, to wit, the acknowledgment by Spain of the rightful boundaries of

Louisiana (which we should reduce to our minimum by a secret article) and

2, indemnification for spoliations, for which purpose we should be allowed

to make reprisal on the Floridas and _retain them_ as an indemnification.

Our co-operation in the war (if we should actually enter into it) would

be sufficient consideration for Great Britain to engage for its object;

and it being generally known to France and Spain that we had entered into

treaty with England, would probably ensure us a peaceable and immediate

settlement of both points. But another motive much more powerful would

indubitably induce England to go much further. Whatever ill-humor may at

times have been expressed against us by individuals of that country, the

first wish of every Englishman's heart is to see us once more fighting

by their sides against France; nor could the king or his ministers do an

act so popular as to enter into an alliance with us. The nation would not

weigh the consideration by grains and scruples. They would consider it as

the price and pledge of an indissoluble friendship. I think it possible

that for such a provisional treaty their general guarantee of Louisiana

and the Floridas. At any rate we might try them. A failure would not make

our situation worse. If such a one could be obtained we might await our

own convenience for calling up the _casus fœderis_. I think it important

that England should receive an overture as early as possible, as it

might prevent her listening to terms of peace. If I recollect rightly,

we had instructed Moreau, when he went to Paris, to settle the deposit;

if he failed in that object to propose a treaty to England immediately.

We could not be more engaged to secure the deposit then than we are

the country now, after paying fifteen millions for it. I do expect,

therefore, that, considering the present state of things as analogous to

that, and virtually within his instructions, he will very likely make the

proposition to England. I write my thoughts freely, wishing the same from

the other gentlemen, that seeing and considering the ground of each others

opinions we may come as soon as possible to a result. I propose to be in

Washington by the 2d of October. By that time I hope we shall be ripe for

some conclusion.

I have desired Mr. Barnes to pay my quota of expenses relating to the

Marseilles cargo, whatever you will be so good as to notify him that it

is. I wish I could have heard that Mrs. Madison's course of recovery were

more speedy. I now fear we shall not see you but in Washington. Accept for

her and yourself my affectionate salutations, and assurances of constant

esteem and respect.

TO MR. MADISON.

MONTICELLO, September 16, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--The enclosed letter from General Armstrong furnishes matter

for consideration. You know the French considered themselves entitled

to the Rio Bravo, and that Laussal declared his orders to be to receive

possession to that limit, but not to Perdido; and that France has to us

been always silent as to the western boundary, while she spoke decisively

as to the eastern. You know Turreau agreed with us that neither party

should strengthen themselves in the disputed country during negotiation;

and Armstrong, who says Monroe concurs with him, is of opinion, from the

character of the Emperor, that were we to restrict ourselves to taking

the posts on the west side of the Mississippi, and threaten a cessation of

intercourse with Spain, Bonaparte would interpose efficiently to prevent

the quarrel from going further. Add to these things the fact that Spain

has sent five hundred colonists to St. Antonio, and one hundred troops to

Nacogdoches, and probably has fixed or prepared a post at the Bay of St.

Bernard, at Matagordo. Supposing, then, a previous alliance with England

to guard us in the worst event, I should propose that Congress should

pass acts, 1, authorizing the executive to suspend intercourse with Spain

at discretion; 2, to dislodge the new establishments of Spain between

the Mississippi and Bravo; and 3, to appoint commissioners to examine

and ascertain all claims for spoliation that they might be preserved for

future indemnification. I commit these ideas merely for consideration, and

that the subject may be matured by the time of our meeting at Washington,

where I shall be myself on the 2d of October. I have for some time feared

I should not have the pleasure of seeing you either in Albemarle or

Orange, from a general observation of the slowness of surgical cases.

However, should Mrs. Madison be well enough for you to come to Orange, I

will call on you on my way to Washington, if I can learn you are at home.

General Dearborne is here. His motions depend on the stage. Accept for

Mrs. Madison and yourself affectionate salutations.

P. S. I am afraid Bowdoin's journey to England will furnish a ground for

Pinckney's remaining at Madrid. I think he should be instructed to leave

it immediately, and Bowdoin might as well, perhaps, delay going there till

circumstances render it more necessary.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

WASHINGTON, October 18, 1805.

DEAR SIR,--I had detained the letter of Mr. Merry on Foster's claims of

freedom from importing duties, in expectation that Mr. Madison's return

would enable him, you and myself, to confer on it. If the case presses,

I will express my opinion on it. Every person diplomatic _in his own

right_, is entitled to the privileges of the law of nations, in his own

right. Among these is the receipt of all packages unopened and unexamined

by the country which receives him. The usage of nations has established

that this shall liberate whatever is imported _bonâ fide_ for his own use,

from paying any duty. A government may control the number of diplomatic

characters it will receive; but if it receives them it cannot control

their rights while _bonâ fide_ exercised. Thus Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams,

Colonel Humphreys, and myself, all residing at Paris at the same time,

had all of us our importation duty free. Great Britain had an ambassador

and a minister plenipotentiary there, and an ambassador extra for several

years; all three had their entries free. In most countries this privilege

is permanent. Great Britain is niggardly, and allows it only on the first

arrival. But in this as she treats us only as _she does_ the most favored

nations, so we should treat her as _we do_ the most favored nations. If

these principles are right, Mr. Foster is duty free. If you concur, let it

be so settled. If you think differently, let it lie for Madison's opinion.

Colonel Monroe, in a letter of May, from Madrid, expressed impatience to

get back to London that he might get to America before the equinox. It was

the first I had heard of his having any thought of coming here, and though

equivocally expressed, I thought he meant only a visit. In subsequent

letters from Paris and London, down to August 16, he says nothing of

coming; on the contrary, he has re-opened a particular negotiation. The

motives which led him to wish to arrive before the equinox would prevent

his venturing between the equinox and winter. I think, therefore, he has

no fixed idea of coming away. Accept affectionate salutations.

TO DOCTORS ROGERS AND SLAUGHTER.

WASHINGTON, March 2, 1806.

GENTLEMEN,--I have received the favor of your letter of February the 2d,

and read with thankfulness its obliging expressions respecting myself.

I regret that the object of a letter from persons whom I so much esteem,

and patronized by so many other respectable names, should be beyond the

law which a mature consideration of circumstances has prescribed for my

conduct. I deem it the duty of every man to devote a certain portion of

his income for charitable purposes; and that it is his further duty to

see it so applied as to do the most good of which it is capable. This

I believe to be best insured, by keeping within the circle of his own

inquiry and information the subjects of distress to whose relief his

contributions shall be applied. If this rule be reasonable in private

life, it becomes so necessary in my situation, that to relinquish it

would leave me without rule or compass. The applications of this kind from

different parts of our own, and from foreign countries, are far beyond any

resources within my command. The mission of Serampore, in the East Indies,

the object of the present application, is but one of many items. However

disposed the mind may feel to unlimited good, our means having limits,

we are necessarily circumscribed by them. They are too narrow to relieve

even the distresses under my own eye; and to desert these for others

which we neither see nor know, is to omit doing a certain good for one

which is uncertain. I know, indeed, there have been splendid associations

for effecting benevolent purposes in remote regions of the earth. But no

experience of their effect has proved that more good would not have been

done by the same means employed nearer home. In explaining, however, my

own motives of action, I must not be understood as impeaching those of

others. Their views are those of an expanded liberality. Mine may be too

much restrained by the law of usefulness. But it is a law to me, and with

minds like yours, will be felt as a justification. With this apology,

I pray you to accept my salutations, and assurances of high esteem and

respect.

TO MR. DUANE.

WASHINGTON, March 22, 1806.

I thank you, my good Sir, cordially, for your letter of the 12th, which

however I did not receive till the 20th. It is a proof of sincerity, which

I value above all things; as, between those who practise it, falsehood and

malice work their efforts in vain. There is an enemy somewhere endeavoring

to sow discord among us. Instead of listening first, then doubting, and

lastly believing anile tales handed round without an atom of evidence, if

my friends will address themselves to me directly, as you have done, they

shall be informed with frankness and thankfulness. There is not a truth

on earth which I fear or would disguise. But secret slanders cannot be

disarmed, because they are secret. Although you desire no answer, I shall

give you one to those articles admitting a short answer, reserving those

which require more explanation than the compass of a letter admits, to

conversation on your arrival here. And as I write this for your personal

satisfaction, I rely that my letter will, under no circumstances, be

communicated to any mortal, because you well know how every syllable from

me is distorted by the ingenuity of my political enemies.

In the first place, then, I have had less communication, directly or

indirectly, with the republicans of the east, this session, than I

ever had before. This has proceeded from accidental circumstances, not

from design. And if there be any coolness between those of the south

and myself, it has not been from me towards them. Certainly there has

been no other reserve than to avoid taking part in the divisions among

our friends. That Mr. R. has openly attacked the administration is

sufficiently known. We were not disposed to join in league with Britain,

under any belief that she is fighting for the liberties of mankind,

and to enter into war with Spain, and consequently France. The House

of Representatives were in the same sentiment, when they rejected Mr.

R.'s resolutions for raising a body of regular troops for the western

service. We are for a peaceable accommodation with all those nations,

if it can be effected honorably. This, perhaps, is not the only ground

of his alienation; but which side retains its orthodoxy, the vote of

eighty-seven to eleven republicans may satisfy you; but you will better

satisfy yourself on coming here, where alone the true state of things can

be known, and where you will see republicanism as solidly embodied on all

essential points, as you ever saw it on any occasion.

That there is only one minister who is not opposed to me, is

totally unfounded. There never was a more harmonious, a more cordial

administration, nor ever a moment when it has been otherwise. And while

differences of opinion have been always rare among us, I can affirm, that

as to present matters, there was not a single paragraph in my message to

Congress, or those supplementary to it, in which there was not a unanimity

of concurrence in the members of the administration. The fact is, that in

ordinary affairs every head of a department consults me on those of his

department, and where anything arises too difficult or important to be

decided between us, the consultation becomes general.

That there is an ostensible cabinet and a concealed one, a public

profession and concealed counteraction, is false.

That I have denounced republicans by the epithet of Jacobins, and declared

I would appoint none but those called moderates of both parties, and that

I have avowed or entertain any predilection for those called the third

party, or Quids, is in every tittle of it false.

That the expedition of Miranda was countenanced by me, is an absolute

falsehood, let it have gone from whom it might; and I am satisfied it is

equally so as to Mr. Madison. To know as much of it as we could was our

duty, but not to encourage it.

Our situation is difficult; and whatever we do is liable to the criticisms

of those who wish to represent it awry. If we recommend measures in a

public message, it may be said that members are not sent here to obey the

mandates of the President, or to register the edicts of a sovereign. If we

express opinions in conversation, we have then our Charles Jenkinsons, and

back-door counsellors. If we say nothing, "we have no opinions, no plans,

no cabinet." In truth it is the fable of the old man, his son and ass,

over again.

These are short facts which may suffice to inspire you with caution,

until you can come here and examine for yourself. No other information

can give you a true insight into the state of things; but you will have no

difficulty in understanding them when on the spot. In the meantime, accept

my friendly salutations and cordial good wishes.

INDEX TO VOL. IV.

ADAMS, JOHN--Opposition to his administration in connection with

war with France, 229.

The effects of his war policy, 234, 235.

Expenses of his administration, 259.

State of parties during his administration, 262, 263.

His appointments to office, 356, 383, 386.

Relations between him and Mr. Jefferson, 545, 555, 560.

Policy of his administration in relation to French war, 290, 291, 298.

AGRICULTURE--Profits of, in Virginia, 3.

ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS--Proposed, 237, 242, 244.

Objections to, 258.

Copy of Kentucky resolutions sent to Mr. Madison, 258.

Resolutions on, by Kentucky, 305.

ARMY--Reduction of, 430.

BACON'S REBELLION--528.

BALLS--Dissensions about birth-night balls, 218.

BARBARY STATES--War with Tripoli, 574.

BUREAU--The case of the, 405.

BONAPARTE--His expedition to Egypt, 278, 280.

Establishment of Consular government by, 315, 320.

His administrative talents, 320.

His character and purposes, 322.

Jerome Bonaparte's marriage with Miss Patterson, 510.

BOUNDARY--Difficulty between Virginia and Maryland in reference to, 162.

CALLENDAR--Mr. Jefferson's relations with, 445, 447, 448.

CAPITOL--Building of, 435.

CAROLINA, SOUTH--Notice of effort to excite insurrection among

negroes, 98.

CHARITIES--Principles on which bestowed, 589.

CLIMATE--Of Europe and America compared, 570.

(See Weather.)

COMMERCE--Condition of commerce of U. States in 1798, 213.

Commercial relations with Great Britain, 214.

French regulations in relation to, 220, 221.

CONSULS--One nation not bound to receive Consuls from another, 90.

How commissions for Consuls to U. States addressed, 91.

The limits of the Consular jurisdiction, 39.

No consuls permitted in British West Indies, 69.

Revocation of Exequater of French consul, 72.

Jurisdiction of, over prizes, 83, 84.

CONSTITUTION--Declaration of its principles desirable, 328.

Mode of construction by federalists, 329.

Its true principles, 330.

Principles of the eastern States, 331.

CONVENTION, FEDERAL--What done with journal of, 136.

DEARBORNE, LIEUT.--Made Secretary of War, 356.

DEPARTMENTS--Circular to Heads of, 315.

DUMOURIER, GENERAL--His desertion and character, 5.

EDUCATION--Proposition to remove College of Geneva to United States,

108, 113.

Importance of, 119.

System of schools and colleges proposed by Mr. Jefferson, 317.

ELECTIONS--Members of Congress should be elected by Districts and

not by general ticket, 308.

ENGLAND--Her refusal to surrender our military posts, 95.

Carries off negroes at end of Revolutionary war, 96.

Danger of war with, 102, 105.

Our dependence on, 172.

EUROPE--Condition of, in 1798, 217, 218.

EXCISE--The obnoxious character of, 112.

EXECUTIVES--Mode of communicating between State and Federal

governments, 401.

FEDERALISTS--Character of the party, 112, 139, 197, 448.

Their ascendancy, 140, 141.

The moderate portion of the party, 361.

Mr. Jefferson's policy towards, 451, 484, 542.

FINANCE--Reforms in, 428, 430.

FLORIDAS, THE--Their cession to France, 432.

FOREIGN POLICY--414.

FRANCE--Condition of, in 1793, 8.

Affection of our people for, 123.

Her victories in Europe, 182.

Danger of war with, in 1797, 181, 183, 184, 185, 189, 233, 265, 277.

Special mission to, to preserve peace, 187, 208, 232, 234.

War with, avoided, 189, 190.

Silence of Envoys to, favorable, 216.

Their negotiations in France, 232, 234, 251.

Talleyrand's intrigues with, 234, 235, 270.

Return of Envoys to United States, 250.

The X. Y. Z. delusion, 265, 271, 274.

Effect of, in United States, 275.

Conduct of Envoys, 271, 272.

Disposition of France to peace, 271, 275, 276, 288, 292, 293.

Establishment of the Consulate, 315.

Unfriendly feeling in, towards United States, 448.

Condition of, under Bonaparte, 452, 493, 496.

GENET, M.--His conduct, 7, 20, 31, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, 53, 64,

68, 84.

His recall asked, 50.

Petitions to have Mr. Jay prosecuted for libelling him, 97.

GERRY, ELBRIDGE--Letter from, on political condition of U. S. and

his mission to France, 273.

GOVERNMENT--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 114, 115.

Equilibrium between State and Federal governments necessary, 217.

GUN BOATS--567.

HAMILTON, ALEXANDER--His great talents, 121, 231.

His advocacy of Jay's treaty, 121.

His anonymous writings, 231.

HENRY, PATRICK--Court paid to him by federalists, 148.

HISTORY, NATURAL--Big bones of the west, 149, 337, 351.

Skeleton from Paraguay, 195.

The wild horses of the west, 253.

IMPEACHMENT--Introduction of trial by jury in cases of, 215.

IMPRESSMENT--Jefferson's views on, 133.

IMPROVEMENT, INTERNAL--Jefferson's views on, 131, 449, 478.

Post roads, 131.

Piers in the Delaware, 449, 478.

Light-houses, 450, 478.

INDIANS--Our efforts to keep them neutral in revolutionary war, 10.

Efforts to preserve peace with, 10, 11, 12.

Our policy towards, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 464, 467, 472, 489.

War with northwestern Indians, 86.

Cessions of land by, 464, 467, 472.

Their languages, 326, 580.

Their artistic skill, 310.

INSURRECTION--Of negroes in Virginia, 336.

JEFFERSON, THOMAS--His retirement from Secretaryship of State, 26,

28, 99, 100.

Consents to remain until December, 1792, 28.

His retirement from politics, 101.

His devotion to agricultural life, 103.

His farming system, 106, 143, 224.

Declares his purpose never to enter public life again, 110.

Does not desire the Presidential office, 110.

His relations with General Washington in 1796, 142, 171.

Prefers Mr. Adams to himself for Presidency, 150, 151, 153, 154.

His letter to J. Adams on the subject, 153.

His election to Vice-Presidency, 158, 163, 165, 168.

Mode of notifying his election, 160.

His views of duties of his new office, 161.

His relations with J. Adams, 161, 167.

Preparation of his Parliamentary manual, 163.

His account of the Mazzei letter, 193.

His opposition to war with France, 178, 181, 183, 184, 185, 198,

230, 254.

His political associates, 254.

Calumnies against him, 255, 333, 520, 576.

Summary of his political principles, 268.

His election over Burr to Presidency, 358.

His valedictory to Senate on termination of Vice-Presidency, 362.

His oath of office, 364.

Reformations in administration of government, 396, 399, 523.

His agency in forming Constitution, 441.

Principles of his administration, 452, 523, 548.

Candidate for second Presidential term, 536.

His early friends, 547.

Political differences no effect on private friendships, 562.

His purpose to retire at end of second term, 565.

His majority at second election, 573.

Unanimity of his Cabinet, 592.

JUDICIARY--The executive consults it, 22.

Limits to jurisdiction of federal judiciary, 199.

Jury trial and viva voce evidence in Chancery suits, 318.

JURISDICTION, TERRITORIAL--Extract of the Marine league, 75.

KENTUCKY--Resolutions of, on alien and sedition laws, 258, 305.

KING, RUFUS--Sent minister to Russia, 289.

KNOX, GENERAL--His bankruptcy, 262.

KOSCIUSKO, GENERAL--His return to Europe, 248.

LA FAYETTE--Greeting to his son on coming to U. S., 114.

LAND--Conveyances of, before revolution, 371.

LANGUAGES--Policy of the study of, 316.

The Indian languages, 326, 348, 580.

LAW, THE COMMON--No part of law of Federal government, 301, 306.

LAWS, MUNICIPAL--Derive their authority from the people, 302.

LAW, NATIONAL--Enemy's property in friend's vessel seizable, 24,

403, 408.

Arms are contraband, but government will not prohibit exportation

of, 87.

LEWIS, CAPTAIN M.--His expedition to explore west, 470, 492, 516, 540.

LIANCOURT, DUKE DE--A fugitive from French revolution, 145.

LITERATURE--Condition of literary men, 513.

LIVINGSTON, ROBERT R.--Secretaryship of Navy tendered him, 338.

Sent on mission to France, 360.

LOUISIANA--Its cession to France, 432, 435.

Efforts to purchase for U. S., 454, 457, 460.

Its acquisition, 494, 497, 503, 509, 510, 525.

Boundaries of, 498, 503, 539, 548, 550, 587.

Its unconstitutionality, 500, 503, 504, 506.

Cession of, opposed by Spain, 511.

Occupation of, 510, 514.

Organization of government of, 551, 558.

MADISON, JAMES--Jefferson wishes him to succeed Washington in

Presidency, 116, 117, 136, 150.

His report of debates in convention, 263.

MALTHUS--His work on population, 526, 527.

MARITIME JURISDICTION--Limits of, 73, 559.

MARSHALL, JOHN--His reception on return from mission to France, 249.

MESSAGES--Substituted for speeches, 426.

MILITIA--The discipline of, 469.

MINISTERS, FOREIGN--Their pay, 455.

Their right to import duty free, 588.

MONROE, JAMES--Jefferson advises him to come to Congress, 242.

Sent on special mission to France to negotiate for Louisiana and

Floridas, 454, 457, 460.

MONUMENTS--To living men objectionable, 335.

MOREAU, GEN.--His arrival in U. S., 584.

MORRIS, GOVERNEUR--Becomes unpopular in France, 93.

NEUTRALITY--Efforts to preserve it, 6.

Grounds on which proclamation of opposed, 18, 29.

Circumstances attending it, 18, 29, 30, 32.

Measures vindicating our neutrality, 18, 19, 27, 51, 55.

Violations of, by France, 27, 33, 45, 46, 55, 68.

Questions at issue between Genet and U. S., 34, 38, 41, 42, 43, 44.

Unlawful for the belligerents to arm and equip in our ports, 34.

In what cases our courts have jurisdiction over prizes, 38, 40.

Enemy's goods in neutral vessels liable to capture, 43.

Same rule extended to England as to other nations, though no

treaty with her, 57.

Violations of our neutrality by England, 59, 62.

What are the rights of neutral nations, 59.

Conditions of neutrality, 61.

Difference between England and France resulting from treaty, 65.

French prizes admitted, and English excluded by treaty, 66.

Right of vessels of belligerents to visit our ports, 66.

Territorial jurisdiction extends to the marine league, 75, 559.

In what cases our courts make restitution of prizes, 78.

NEW ENGLAND--Character of the people of, 247.

NEW ORLEANS--Difficulties in relation to rights of deposit at, 454,

457, 460.

Our policy in relation to, 483.

OFFICES--Principles on which distributed, 353, 368, 380, 391, 398,

402, 406, 451, 543.

Refuses offices to relations, 388.

PARTIES, POLITICAL--(See United States.)

PATRONAGE--(See Offices.)

PHILADELPHIA--The yellow fever there, 54, 64, 70, 74, 86.

PLOUGH--One invented by Mr. Jefferson, 147, 225.

POLYGRAPH--572.

POSTS, NORTH WESTERN--Failure of English to surrender, 95.

PRESIDENT--Has no power to change place of meeting of Congress, 72.

Removal of executive government to Germantown, 74, 86.

PRESIDENCY--Nominations for second Presidency, 100, 116, 150, 151,

153, 154.

Equality of vote between Burr and Jefferson, 340, 342, 344, 345,

349, 352, 354, 369.

PRESS--Freedom of, in U. S., 21.

PRIVATEERS--A merchant vessel armed for defence only is not a

privateer, 41.

PROCLAMATION OF NEUTRALITY--(See Neutrality.)

RANDOLPH, EDMUND--His character, 125.

RANDOLPH, JOHN--His relations to Jefferson's administration, 517.

RELIGION--Jefferson's views on, 422, 525.

His views on Christianity, 475, 477, 479.

His views of Jesus, 475, 477, 481.

Fastings and thanksgivings not proclaimed by him, 427.

REPUBLICAN PARTY--Split in, 591.

ROBBIN'S CASE--323, 324.

SEA LETTERS--To whom should be granted, 566.

SENATE--Functions of that body, 107.

J. Adams' views of, 215.

SHORT, WM.--His recall from Europe, 413.

SLAVES--Policy of emancipation, 196.

Numbers carried off by English at end of revolution, 96.

Plans of colonization, 420, 442.

SPAIN--Danger of war with, 7, 8, 16, 17, 21.

Summary of our relations with, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16.

Difficulties with, in respect to inciting Indians against us,

12, 13, 14.

SOCIETIES, DEMOCRATIC--Opposition of federalists to, 111, 133.

Efforts to suppress them, 111, 133.

STATE RIGHTS--Jefferson's views on, 331.

STEAM ENGINES--Employed to conduct water through houses, 296.

STEVENS, DR.--His case, 528.

ST. DOMINGO--Condition of fugitives from, 20.

Expulsion of whites from, 20.

Assistance rendered to, by United States, 49.

Condition of the Island, 251.

TALLEYRAND--His connection with the X. Y. Z. business, 436.

TREASURY--Financial reforms in, 428, 430.

TREATIES--Our policy in relation to, 552.

The unpopularity of Jay's treaty, 120.

Power of House of Representatives over, 125, 134, 135.

Passage of Jay's treaty, 148.

TURKEY, THE--A native of America, 346.

UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA--Its foundation, 313, 316, 462.

UNITED STATES--Excess of party spirit in, 176, 178, 184, 191,

241, 247, 286.

Danger of war with France, 178, 181, 183, 187.

State of parties in, 179, 184, 206, 224, 234, 246.

Preparations for war, 183, 185, 241.

Political complexion of different sections of U. S., 186, 246.

Importance of peace to, 187.

State of parties on question of war with France, 189, 190, 222,

227, 229, 239.

Majority against war, 190, 192, 210.

Our true policy in our foreign relations, 191, 414.

Proceedings in Congress, 205, 208, 210, 211, 237.

Political condition of, 256, 259, 265, 271, 281, 287, 295, 297,

300, 322, 328, 330.

Financial condition of, in 1798, 264, 277, 284.

Increase of Republican party, 288, 414, 437, 488.

Consolidation of republicans and moderate federalists under

Jefferson, 366, 367, 370, 378, 381, 382, 386, 389, 406, 437,

523, 542.

The political revolution of 1800, 373, 375, 376, 390, 425, 440,

467.

Relations with England and France, 586.

VIRGINIA--Profits of agriculture in, 3.

Height of mountains of, 147.

Proposition for State convention, 199.

Collection of statutes of, 128.

Loss of public documents of, 129.

Alteration in Notes on Virginia, 564.

WAR--Preparations for, 279, 283, 285, 290, 291, 299, 323.

Public opinion in relation to, 279, 295, 300.

War policy of J. Adams' administration, 290, 291, 298.

War unavoidable in Europe, 491.

Danger of war with France, 181, 183, 184, 185, 189, 233, 265, 277.

WASHINGTON, GEN.--Monument to, 82.

Influence of federalists over, 139, 140, 141.

His influence in the country, 169.

His relations with Jefferson, 142, 171.

Cost of Houdon's statue of, 310.

Monuments to great men while living objectionable, 335.

WASHINGTON CITY--Removal of government to, 201.

WEATHER--Extreme cold of, 1796-7, 157.

WEST, THE--Exploration of, by Captain Lewis, 470, 492, 516, 540.

Exploration of Red river, 577.

WINDS--Observations on, 159.

YELLOW FEVER--Its appearance at Philadelphia, 54, 64, 70, 74, 86.

Nature of, 570.