with the two volumes on the relations between the physical and moral
faculties of man. This has ever been a subject of great interest to
the inquisitive mind, and it could not have got into better hands for
discussion than yours. That thought may be a faculty of our material
organization, has been believed in the gross; and though the "modus
operandi" of nature, in this, as in most other cases, can never be
developed and demonstrated to beings limited as we are, yet I feel
confident you will have conducted us as far on the road as we can go, and
have lodged us within reconnoitering distance of the citadel itself. While
_here_, I have time to read nothing. But our annual recess for the months
of August and September is now approaching, during which time I shall be
at the Montrials, where I anticipate great satisfaction in the presence
of these volumes. It is with great satisfaction, too, I recollect the
agreeable hours I have past with yourself and M. de La Roche, at the house
of our late excellent friend, Madame Helvetius, and elsewhere; and I am
happy to learn you continue your residence there. Antevil always appeared
to me a delicious village, and Madame Helvetius's the most delicious
spot in it. In those days how sanguine we were! and how soon were the
virtuous hopes and confidence of every good man blasted! and how many
excellent friends have we lost in your efforts towards self-government,
_et cui bono?_ But let us draw a veil over the dead, and hope the best
for the living. If the hero who has saved you from a combination of
enemies, shall also be the means of giving you as great a portion of
liberty as the opinions, habits and character of the nation are prepared
for, progressive preparation may fit you for progressive portions of that
first of blessings, and you may in time attain what we erred in supposing
could be hastily seized and maintained, in the present state of political
information among your citizens at large. In this way all may end well.
You are again at war, I find. But we, I hope, shall be permitted to run
the race of peace. Your government has wisely removed what certainly
endangered collision between us. I now see nothing which need ever
interrupt the friendship between France and this country. Twenty years
of peace, and the prosperity so visibly flowing from it, have but
strengthened our attachment to it, and the blessings it brings, and we do
not despair of being always a peaceable nation. We think that peaceable
means may be devised of keeping nations in the path of justice towards
us, by making justice their interest, and injuries to react on themselves.
Our distance enables us to pursue a course which the crowded situation of
Europe renders perhaps impracticable there.
Be so good as to accept for yourself and M. de La Roche, my friendly
salutations, and assurances of great consideration and respect.
TO DANIEL CLARKE, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, July 17, 1803.
DEAR SIR,--You will be informed by a letter from the Secretary of State
of the terms and the extent of the cession of Louisiana by France to the
United States, a cession which I hope will give as much satisfaction to
the inhabitants of that province as it does to us, and the more as the
title being lawfully acquired and with consent of the power conveying,
can never be hereafter reclaimed under any pretense of force. In order to
procure a ratification in good time, I have found it necessary to convene
Congress as early as the 17th of October. It is essential that before
that period we should obtain all the information respecting the province
which may be necessary to enable Congress to make the best arrangements
for its tranquillity, security and government. It is only on the spot that
this information can be obtained, and to obtain it there, I am obliged
to ask your agency; for this purpose I have proposed a set of questions,
now enclosed, answers to which in the most exact terms practicable, I
am to ask you to procure. It is probable you may be able to answer some
of them yourself; however, it will doubtless be necessary for you to
distribute them among the different persons best qualified to answer them
respectively. As you will not have above six weeks, from the receipt of
them till they should be sent off to be here by the meeting of Congress,
it will be the more necessary to employ different persons on different
parts of them. This is left to your own judgment, and your best exertions
to obtain them in time are desired. You will be so good as to engage the
persons who undertake them, to complete them in time, and to accept such
recompense as you shall think reasonable, which shall be paid on your
draft on the Secretary of State. We rely that the friendly dispositions
of the Spanish government will give such access to the archives of the
province as may facilitate information, equally desirable by Spain on
parting with her ancient subjects, as by us on receiving them. This favor
therefore will, I doubt not, be granted on your respectful application.
Accept my salutations and assurances of esteem and respect.
TO MR. BRECKENRIDGE.
MONTICELLO, August 12, 1803.
DEAR SIR,--The enclosed letter, though directed to you, was intended to
me also, and was left open with a request, that when forwarded, I would
forward it to you. It gives me occasion to write a word to you on the
subject of Louisiana, which being a new one, an interchange of sentiments
may produce correct ideas before we are to act on them.
Our information as to the country is very incomplete; we have taken
measures to obtain it full as to the settled part, which I hope to receive
in time for Congress. The boundaries, which I deem not admitting question,
are the high lands on the western side of the Mississippi enclosing all
its waters, the Missouri of course, and terminating in the line drawn from
the northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods to the nearest source of
the Mississippi, as lately settled between Great Britain and the United
States. We have some claims, to extend on the sea coast westwardly to
the Rio Norte or Bravo, and better, to go eastwardly to the Rio Perdido,
between Mobile and Pensacola, the ancient boundary of Louisiana. These
claims will be a subject of negotiation with Spain, and if, as soon as
she is at war, we push them strongly with one hand, holding out a price in
the other, we shall certainly obtain the Floridas, and all in good time.
In the meanwhile, without waiting for permission, we shall enter into the
exercise of the natural right we have always insisted on with Spain, to
wit, that of a nation holding the upper part of streams, having a right of
innocent passage through them to the ocean. We shall prepare her to see us
practise on this, and she will not oppose it by force.
Objections are raising to the eastward against the vast extent of our
boundaries, and propositions are made to exchange Louisiana, or a part
of it, for the Floridas. But, as I have said, we shall get the Floridas
without, and I would not give one inch of the waters of the Mississippi
to any nation, because I see in a light very important to our peace the
exclusive right to its navigation, and the admission of no nation into
it, but as into the Potomac or Delaware, with our consent and under
our police. These federalists see in this acquisition the formation
of a new confederacy, embracing all the waters of the Mississippi, on
both sides of it, and a separation of its eastern waters from us. These
combinations depend on so many circumstances which we cannot foresee,
that I place little reliance on them. We have seldom seen neighborhood
produce affection among nations. The reverse is almost the universal
truth. Besides, if it should become the great interest of those nations
to separate from this, if their happiness should depend on it so strongly
as to induce them to go through that convulsion, why should the Atlantic
States dread it? But especially why should we, their present inhabitants,
take side in such a question? When I view the Atlantic States, procuring
for those on the eastern waters of the Mississippi friendly instead of
hostile neighbors on its western waters, I do not view it as an Englishman
would the procuring future blessings for the French nation, with whom
he has no relations of blood or affection. The future inhabitants of
the Atlantic and Mississippi States will be our sons. We leave them in
distinct but bordering establishments. We think we see their happiness
in their union, and we wish it. Events may prove it otherwise; and if
they see their interest in separation, why should we take side with our
Atlantic rather than our Mississippi descendants? It is the elder and the
younger son differing. God bless them both, and keep them in union, if it
be for their good, but separate them, if it be better. The inhabited part
of Louisiana, from Point Coupée to the sea, will of course be immediately
a territorial government, and soon a State. But above that, the best use
we can make of the country for some time, will be to give establishments
in it to the Indians on the east side of the Mississippi, in exchange for
their present country, and open land offices in the last, and thus make
this acquisition the means of filling up the eastern side, instead of
drawing off its population. When we shall be full on this side, we may lay
off a range of States on the western bank from the head to the mouth, and
so, range after range, advancing compactly as we multiply.
This treaty must of course be laid before both Houses, because both
have important functions to exercise respecting it. They, I presume,
will see their duty to their country in ratifying and paying for it,
so as to secure a good which would otherwise probably be never again
in their power. But I suppose they must then appeal to _the nation_ for
an additional article to the Constitution, approving and confirming an
act which the nation had not previously authorized. The Constitution
has made no provision for our holding foreign territory, still less for
incorporating foreign nations into our Union. The executive in seizing
the fugitive occurrence which so much advances the good of their country,
have done an act beyond the Constitution. The Legislature in casting
behind them metaphysical subtleties, and risking themselves like faithful
servants, must ratify and pay for it, and throw themselves on their
country for doing for them unauthorized, what we know they would have done
for themselves had they been in a situation to do it. It is the case of
a guardian, investing the money of his ward in purchasing an important
adjacent territory; and saying to him when of age, I did this for your
good; I pretend to no right to bind you: you may disavow me, and I must
get out of the scrape as I can: I thought it my duty to risk myself
for you. But we shall not be disavowed by the nation, and their act of
indemnity will confirm and not weaken the Constitution, by more strongly
marking out its lines.
We have nothing later from Europe than the public papers give. I hope
yourself and all the western members will make a sacred point of being at
the first day of the meeting of Congress; for _vestra res regitur_.
Accept my affectionate salutations and assurances of esteem and respect.
TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE.
MONTICELLO, August 25, 1803.
DEAR SIR,--Your two favors of the 18th and 20th were received on the
21st. The letters of Livingston and Monroe were sent to Mr. Gallatin as
you proposed. That of Simpson to Mr. Smith for the purpose of execution.
All of them will be returned. Thornton's, Clarke's, Charles's, Picnau's,
Appleton's, Davis's, Newton's, and Dericure's letters are now enclosed.
With respect to the impressment of our seamen I think we had better
propose to Great Britain to act on the stipulations which had been
agreed to between that Government and Mr. King, as if they had been
signed. I think they were, that they would forbid impressments at sea,
and that we should acquiesce in the search in their harbors necessary
to prevent concealments of their citizens. Mr. Thornton's attempt to
justify his nation in using our ports as cruising stations on our friends
and ourselves, renders the matter so serious as to call, I think, for
answer. That we ought, in courtesy and friendship, to extend to them
all the rights of hospitality is certain, that they should not use our
hospitality to injure our friends or ourselves is equally enjoined by
morality and honor. After the rigorous exertions we made in Genet's time
to prevent this abuse on his part, and the indulgencies extended by Mr.
Adams to the British cruisers even after our pacification with France,
by ourselves also from an unwillingness to change the course of things
as the war was near its close, I did not expect to hear from that quarter
charges of partiality. In the Mediterranean we need ask from no nation but
the permission to refresh and repair in their ports. We do not wish our
vessels to lounge in their ports. In the case at Gibraltar, if they had
disapproved, our vessels ought to have left the port. Besides, although
nations have treated with the piratical States, they have not, in malice,
ever been considered as entitled to all the favors of the laws of nations.
Thornton says they watch our trade only to prevent contraband. We say it
is to plunder under pretext of contraband, for which, though so shamefully
exercised, they have given us no satisfaction but by confessing the
fact in new modifying their courts of Admiralty. Certainly the evils we
experience from it, and the just complaints which France may urge, render
it indispensable that we restrain the English from abusing the rights of
hospitality to their prejudice as well as our own.
Graham's letter manifests a degree of imprudence, which I had not expected
from him. His pride has probably been hurt at some of the regulations of
that court, and has had its part in inspiring the ill temper he shows.
If you understand him as serious in asking leave to return, I see no
great objection to it. At the date of your letter you had not received
mine on the subject of Dovieux's claim. I still think the limits therein
stated reasonable. I think a guinea a day till he leaves Washington would
be as low an allowance as we could justify, and should not be opposed
to anything not exceeding the allowance to Dawson. Fix between these as
you please. I suppose Monroe will touch on the limits of Louisiana only
incidentally, inasmuch as its extension to Perdido curtails Florida, and
renders it of less worth. I have used my spare moments to investigate,
by the help of my books here, the subject of the limits of Louisiana. I
am satisfied our right to the Perdido is substantial, and can be opposed
by a quibble on form only; and our right westwardly to the Bay of St.
Bernard, may be strongly maintained. I will use the first leisure to make
a statement of the facts and principles on which this depends. Further
reflection on the amendment to the Constitution necessary in the case of
Louisiana, satisfies me it will be better to give general powers, with
specified exceptions, somewhat in the way stated below. Mrs. Madison
promised us a visit about the last of this month. I wish you could
have met with General Page here, whom, with his family, I expect in a
day or two, and will pass a week with us. But in this consult your own
convenience, as that will increase the pleasure with which I shall or may
see you here. Accept my affectionate salutations and constant attachment.
P. S. Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is made a
part of the United States. Its white inhabitants shall be citizens, and
stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the same footing with other
citizens of the United States in analogous situations.
Save only that as to the portion thereof lying north of the latitude
of the mouth of Oreansa river, no new State shall be established, nor
any grants of land made therein, other than to Indians, in exchange for
equivalent portions of land occupied by them, until amendment to the
Constitution shall be made for these purposes.
Florida also, whensoever it may be rightfully obtained, shall become
a part of the United States. Its white inhabitants shall thereupon be
citizens, and shall stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the
same footing with other citizens of the United States in analogous
circumstances.
TO LEVI LINCOLN.
MONTICELLO, August 30, 1803.
DEAR SIR,--The enclosed letter came to hand by yesterday's post. You will
be sensible of the circumstances which make it improper that I should
hazard a formal answer, as well as of the desire its friendly aspect
naturally excites, that those concerned in it should understand that
the spirit they express is friendly viewed. You can judge also from your
knowledge of the ground, whether it may be usefully encouraged. I take the
liberty, therefore, of availing myself of your neighborhood to Boston,
and of your friendship to me, to request you to say to the captain and
others verbally whatever you think would be proper, as expressive of my
sentiments on the subject. With respect to the day on which they wish
to fix their anniversary, they may be told, that disapproving myself
of transferring the honors and veneration for the great birthday of our
republic to any individual, or of dividing them with individuals, I have
declined letting my own birthday be known, and have engaged my family not
to communicate it. This has been the uniform answer to every application
of the kind.
On further consideration as to the amendment to our Constitution
respecting Louisiana, I have thought it better, instead of enumerating the
powers which Congress may exercise, to give them the same powers they have
as to other portions of the Union generally, and to enumerate the special
exceptions, in some such form as the following:
"Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is made a part of
the United States, its white inhabitants shall be citizens, and stand, as
to their rights and obligations, on the same footing with other citizens
of the United States in analogous situations. Save only that as to the
portion thereof lying north of an east and west line drawn through the
mouth of Arkansas river, no new State shall be established, nor any grants
of land made, other than to Indians, in exchange for equivalent portions
of land occupied by them, until an amendment of the Constitution shall be
made for these purposes.
"Florida also, whensoever it may be rightfully obtained, shall become
a part of the United States, its white inhabitants shall thereupon be
citizens, and shall stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the
same footing with other citizens of the United States, in analogous
situations."
I quote this for your consideration, observing that the less that is
said about any constitutional difficulty, the better; and that it will
be desirable for Congress to do what is necessary, _in silence_. I find
but one opinion as to the necessity of shutting up the country for some
time. We meet in Washington the 25th of September to prepare for Congress.
Accept my affectionate salutations, and great esteem and respect.
TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.
MONTICELLO, September 7, 1803.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 3d was delivered me at court; but we were
much disappointed at not seeing you here, Mr. Madison and the Governor
being here at the time. I enclose you a letter from Monroe on the subject
of the late treaty. You will observe a hint in it, to do without delay
what we are bound to do. There is reason, in the opinion of our ministers,
to believe, that if the thing were to do over again, it could not be
obtained, and that if we give the least opening, they will declare the
treaty void. A warning amounting to that has been given to them, and
an unusual kind of letter written by their minister to our Secretary of
State, direct. Whatever Congress shall think it necessary to do, should
be done with as little debate as possible, and particularly so far as
respects the constitutional difficulty. I am aware of the force of the
observations you make on the power given by the Constitution to Congress,
to admit new States into the Union, without restraining the subject to
the territory then constituting the United States. But when I consider
that the limits of the United States are precisely fixed by the treaty of
1783, that the Constitution expressly declares itself to be made for the
United States, I cannot help believing the intention was not to permit
Congress to admit into the Union new States, which should be formed
out of the territory for which, and under whose authority alone, they
were then acting. I do not believe it was meant that they might receive
England, Ireland, Holland, &c. into it, which would be the case on your
construction. When an instrument admits two constructions, the one safe,
the other dangerous, the one precise, the other indefinite, I prefer
that which is safe and precise. I had rather ask an enlargement of power
from the nation, where it is found necessary, than to assume it by a
construction which would make our powers boundless. Our peculiar security
is in the possession of a written Constitution. Let us not make it a
blank paper by construction. I say the same as to the opinion of those
who consider the grant of the treaty making power as boundless. If it is,
then we have no Constitution. If it has bounds, they can be no others than
the definitions of the powers which that instrument gives. It specifies
and delineates the operations permitted to the federal government, and
gives all the powers necessary to carry these into execution. Whatever of
these enumerated objects is proper for a law, Congress may make the law;
whatever is proper to be executed by way of a treaty, the President and
Senate may enter into the treaty; whatever is to be done by a judicial
sentence, the judges may pass the sentence. Nothing is more likely than
that their enumeration of powers is defective. This is the ordinary case
of all human works. Let us go on then perfecting it, by adding, by way of
amendment to the Constitution, those powers which time and trial show are
still wanting. But it has been taken too much for granted, that by this
rigorous construction the treaty power would be reduced to nothing. I had
occasion once to examine its effect on the French treaty, made by the old
Congress, and found that out of thirty odd articles which that contained,
there were one, two, or three only which could not now be stipulated under
our present Constitution. I confess, then, I think it important, in the
present case, to set an example against broad construction, by appealing
for new power to the people. If, however, our friends shall think
differently, certainly I shall acquiesce with satisfaction; confiding,
that the good sense of our country will correct the evil of construction
when it shall produce ill effects.
No apologies for writing or speaking to me freely are necessary. On the
contrary, nothing my friends can do is so dear to me, and proves to me
their friendship so clearly, as the information they give me of their
sentiments and those of others on interesting points where I am to act,
and where information and warning is so essential to excite in me that due
reflection which ought to precede action. I leave this about the 21st, and
shall hope the District Court will give me an opportunity of seeing you.
Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of cordial esteem and
respect.
TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH.
WASHINGTON, October 4, 1803.
DEAR SIR,--No one would more willingly than myself pay the just tribute
due to the services of Captain Barry, by writing a letter of condolence
to his widow, as you suggest. But when one undertakes to administer
justice, it must be with an even hand, and by rule; what is done for one,
must be done for every one in equal degree. To what a train of attentions
would this draw a President? How difficult would it be to draw the line
between that degree of merit entitled to such a testimonial of it, and
that not so entitled? If drawn in a particular case differently from
what the friends of the deceased would judge right, what offence would
it give, and of the most tender kind? How much offence would be given by
accidental inattentions, or want of information? The first step into such
an undertaking ought to be well weighed. On the death of Dr. Franklin,
the King and Convention of France went into mourning. So did the House of
Representatives of the United States: the Senate refused. I proposed to
General Washington that the executive department should wear mourning; he
declined it, because he said he should not know where to draw the line,
if he once began that ceremony. Mr. Adams was then Vice President, and I
thought General Washington had his eye on him, whom he certainly did not
love. I told him the world had drawn so broad a line between himself and
Dr. Franklin, on the one side, and the residue of mankind, on the other,
that we might wear mourning for them, and the question still remain new
and undecided as to all others. He thought it best, however, to avoid
it. On these considerations alone, however well affected to the merit of
Commodore Barry, I think it prudent not to engage myself in a practice
which may become embarrassing.
Tremendous times in Europe! How mighty this battle of lions and tigers!
With what sensations should the common herd of cattle look on it? With
no partialities, certainly. If they can so far worry one another as to
destroy their power of tyrannizing, the one over the earth, the other the
waters, the world may perhaps enjoy peace, till they recruit again.
Affectionate and respectful salutations.
TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS.
WASHINGTON, November 1, 1803.
MY DEAR SIR,--Your favors of April the 6th, and June the 27th, were duly
received, and with the welcome which everything brings from you. The
treaty which has so happily sealed the friendship of our two countries,
has been received here with general acclamation. Some inflexible
federalists have still ventured to brave the public opinion. It will fix
their character with the world and with posterity, who, not descending
to the other points of difference between us, will judge them by this
fact, so palpable as to speak for itself in all times and places. For
myself and my country, I thank you for the aids you have given in it; and
I congratulate you on having lived to give those aids in a transaction
replete with blessings to unborn millions of men, and which will mark the
face of a portion on the globe so extensive as that which now composes the
United States of America. It is true that at this moment a little cloud
hovers in the horizon. The government of Spain has protested against the
right of France to transfer; and it is possible she may refuse possession,
and that this may bring on acts of force. But against such neighbors as
France there, and the United States here, what she can expect from so
gross a compound of folly and false faith, is not to be sought in the
book of wisdom. She is afraid of her enemies in Mexico; but not more than
we are. Our policy will be, to form New Orleans, and the country on both
sides of it on the Gulf of Mexico, into a State; and, as to all above
that, to transplant our Indians into it, constituting them a Marechaussée
to prevent emigrants crossing the river, until we shall have filled up
all the vacant country on this side. This will secure both Spain and us
as to the mines of Mexico, for half a century, and we may safely trust the
provisions for that time to the men who shall live in it.
I have communicated with Mr. Gallatin on the subject of using your house
in any matters of consequence we may have to do at Paris. He is impressed
with the same desire I feel to give this mark of our confidence in you,
and the sense we entertain of your friendship and fidelity. Mr. Behring
informs him that none of the money which will be due from us to him, as
the assignee of France, will be wanting at Paris. Be assured that our
dispositions are such as to let no occasion pass unimproved of serving
you, where occurrences will permit it.
Present my respects to Madame Dupont, and accept yourself assurances of my
constant and warm friendship.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
WASHINGTON, November 4, 1803.
DEAR SIR,--A report reaches us this day from Baltimore, (on probable,
but not certain grounds,) that Mr. Jerome Bonaparte, brother of the
First Consul, was yesterday[18] married to Miss Patterson, of that city.
The effect of this measure on the mind of the First Consul, is not for
me to suppose; but as it might occur to him, _primâ facie_, that the
Executive of the United States ought to have prevented it, I have thought
it advisable to mention the subject to you, that, if necessary, you may
by explanations set that idea to rights. You know that by our laws, all
persons are free to enter into marriage, if of twenty-one years of age,
no one having a power to restrain it, not even their parents; and that
under that age, no one can prevent it but the parent or guardian. The
lady is under age, and the parents, placed between her affections, which
were strongly fixed, and the considerations opposing the measure, yielded
with pain and anxiety to the former. Mr. Patterson is the President of the
Bank of Baltimore, the wealthiest man in Maryland, perhaps in the United
States, except Mr. Carroll; a man of great virtue and respectability;
the mother is the sister of the lady of General Samuel Smith; and,
consequently, the station of the family in society is with the first of
the United States. These circumstances fix rank in a country where there
are no hereditary titles.
Your treaty has obtained nearly a general approbation. The federalists
spoke and voted against it, but they are now so reduced in their numbers
as to be nothing. The question on its ratification in the Senate was
decided by twenty-four against seven, which was ten more than enough.
The vote in the House of Representatives for making provision for its
execution was carried by eighty-nine against twenty-three, which was
a majority of sixty-six, and the necessary bills are going through the
Houses by greater majorities. Mr. Pichon, according to instructions from
his government, proposed to have added to the ratification a protestation
against any failure in time or other circumstances of execution, on
our part. He was told, that in that case we should annex a counter
protestation, which would leave the thing exactly where it was. That this
transaction had been conducted, from the commencement of the negociation
to this stage of it, with a frankness and sincerity honorable to both
nations, and comfortable to the heart of an honest man to review; that
to annex to this last chapter of the transaction such an evidence of
mutual distrust, was to change its aspect dishonorably for us both, and
contrary to truth as to us; for that we had not the smallest doubt that
France would punctually execute its part; and I assured Mr. Pichon that
I had more confidence in the word of the First Consul than in all the
parchment we could sign. He saw that we had ratified the treaty; that both
branches had passed, by great majorities, one of the bills for execution,
and would soon pass the other two; that no circumstances remained that
could leave a doubt of our punctual performance; and like an able and an
honest minister, (which he is in the highest degree,) he undertook to do
what he knew his employers would do themselves, were they here spectators
of all the existing circumstances, and exchanged the ratifications purely
and simply: so that this instrument goes to the world as an evidence of
the candor and confidence of the nations in each other, which will have
the best effects. This was the more justifiable, as Mr. Pichon knew that
Spain had entered with us a protestation against our ratification of the
treaty, grounded, first, on the assertion that the First Consul had not
executed the conditions of the treaties of cession; and, secondly, that
he had broken a solemn promise not to alienate the country to any nation.
We answered, that these were private questions between France and Spain,
which they must settle together; that we derived our title from the
First Consul, and did not doubt his guarantee of it; and we, four days
ago, sent off orders to the Governor of the Mississippi territory and
General Wilkinson to move down with the troops at hand to New Orleans,
to receive the possession from Mr. Laussat. If he is heartily disposed
to carry the order of the Consul into execution, he can probably command
a volunteer force at New Orleans, and will have the aid of ours also, if
he desires it, to take the possession, and deliver it to us. If he is not
so disposed, _we_ shall take the possession, and it will rest with the
government of France, by adopting the act as their own, and obtaining the
confirmation of Spain, to supply the non-execution of their stipulation to
deliver, and to entitle themselves to the complete execution of our part
of the agreements. In the meantime, the Legislature is passing the bills,
and we are preparing everything to be done on our part towards execution;
and we shall not avail ourselves of the three months' delay after
possession of the province, allowed by the treaty for the delivery of
the stock, but shall deliver it the moment that possession is known here,
which will be on the eighteenth day after it has taken place.
* * * * *
Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of my constant esteem
and respect.
FOOTNOTE:
[18] November 8. It is now said that it did not take place on the
3d, but will this day.
TO DAVID WILLIAMS.
WASHINGTON, November 14, 1803.
SIR,--I have duly received the volume on the claims of literature, which
you did me the favor to send me through Mr. Monroe, and have read with
satisfaction the many judicious reflections it contains, on the condition
of the respectable class of literary men. The efforts for their relief,
made by a society of private citizens, are truly laudable; but they are,
as you justly observe, but a palliation of an evil, the cure of which
calls for all the wisdom and the means of the nation. The greatest evils
of populous society have ever appeared to me to spring from the vicious
distribution of its members among the occupations called for. I have
no doubt that those nations are essentially right, which leave this to
individual choice, as a better guide to an advantageous distribution
than any other which could be devised. But when, by a blind concourse,
particular occupations are ruinously overcharged, and others left in want
of hands, the national authorities can do much towards restoring the
equilibrium. On the revival of letters, learning became the universal
favorite. And with reason, because there was not enough of it existing
to manage the affairs of a nation to the best advantage, nor to advance
its individuals to the happiness of which they were susceptible, by
improvements in their minds, their morals, their health, and in those
conveniences which contribute to the comfort and embellishment of life.
All the efforts of the society, therefore, were directed to the increase
of learning, and the inducements of respect, ease, and profit were held up
for its encouragement. Even the charities of the nation forgot that misery
was their object, and spent themselves in founding schools to transfer
to science the hardy sons of the plough. To these incitements were added
the powerful fascinations of great cities. These circumstances have long
since produced an overcharge in the class of competitors for learned
occupation, and great distress among the supernumerary candidates; and
the more, as their habits of life have disqualified them for re-entering
into the laborious class. The evil cannot be suddenly, nor perhaps ever
entirely cured: nor should I presume to say by what means it may be cured.
Doubtless there are many engines which the nation might bring to bear on
this object. Public opinion, and public encouragement are among these.
The class principally defective is that of agriculture. It is the first
in utility, and ought to be the first in respect. The same artificial
means which have been used to produce a competition in learning, may be
equally successful in restoring agriculture to its primary dignity in
the eyes of men. It is a science of the very first order. It counts among
its handmaids the most respectable sciences, such as Chemistry, Natural
Philosophy, Mechanics, Mathematics generally, Natural History, Botany.
In every College and University, a professorship of agriculture, and the
class of its students, might be honored as the first. Young men closing
their academical education with this, as the crown of all other sciences,
fascinated with its solid charms, and at a time when they are to choose
an occupation, instead of crowding the other classes, would return to
the farms of their fathers, their own, or those of others, and replenish
and invigorate a calling, now languishing under contempt and oppression.
The charitable schools, instead of storing their pupils with a lore which
the present state of society does not call for, converted into schools of
agriculture, might restore them to that branch qualified to enrich and
honor themselves, and to increase the productions of the nation instead
of consuming them. A gradual abolition of the useless offices, so much
accumulated in all governments, might close this drain also from the
labors of the field, and lessen the burthens imposed on them. By these,
and the better means which will occur to others, the surcharge of the
learned, might in time be drawn off to recruit the laboring class of
citizens, the sum of industry be increased, and that of misery diminished.
Among the ancients, the redundance of population was sometimes checked
by exposing infants. To the moderns, America has offered a more humane
resource. Many, who cannot find employment in Europe, accordingly come
here. Those who can labor do well, for the most part. Of the learned class
of emigrants, a small portion find employments analogous to their talents.
But many fail, and return to complete their course of misery in the scenes
where it began. Even here we find too strong a current from the country to
the towns; and instances beginning to appear of that species of misery,
which you are so humanely endeavoring to relieve with you. Although we
have in the old countries of Europe the lesson of their experience to warn
us, yet I am not satisfied we shall have the firmness and wisdom to profit
by it. The general desire of men to live by their heads rather than their
hands, and the strong allurements of great cities to those who have any
turn for dissipation, threaten to make them here, as in Europe, the sinks
of voluntary misery. I perceive, however, that I have suffered my pen to
run into a disquisition, when I had taken it up only to thank you for the
volume you had been so kind as to send me, and to express my approbation
of it. After apologizing, therefore, for having touched on a subject so
much more familiar to you, and better understood, I beg leave to assure
you of my high consideration and respect.
TO CAPTAIN LEWIS.
WASHINGTON, November 16, 1803.
DEAR SIR,--I have not written to you since the 11th and 15th of July,
since which yours of July 18, 22, 25, September 8, 13, and October 3,
have been received. The present has been long delayed by an expectation
daily of getting the enclosed account of Louisiana through the press.
The materials are received from different persons, of good authority. I
enclose you also copies of the treaties for Louisiana, the act for taking
possession, a letter from Dr. Wistar, and some information obtained
by myself from Truteau's journal in MS., all of which may be useful to
you. The act for taking possession passed with only some small verbal
variations from that enclosed, of no consequence. Orders went from hence
signed by the King of Spain and the first consul of France, so as to
arrive at Natchez yesterday evening, and we expect the delivery of the
province at New Orleans will take place about the close of the ensuing
week, say about the 26th instant. Governor Claiborne is appointed to
execute the powers of Commandant and Intendant, until a regular government
shall be organized here. At the moment of delivering over the ports in the
vicinity of New Orleans, orders will be despatched from thence to those in
upper Louisiana to evacuate and deliver them immediately. You can judge
better than I can when they may be expected to arrive at these ports,
considering how much you have been detained by the low waters, how late it
will be before you can leave Cahokia, how little progress up the Missouri
you can make before the freezing of the river; that your winter might
be passed in gaining much information, by making Cahokia or Caskaskia
your head quarters, and going to St. Louis and the other Spanish forts,
that your stores, &c. would thereby be spared for the winter, as your
men would draw their military rations. All danger of Spanish opposition
avoided, we are strongly of opinion here that you had better not enter
the Missouri till the spring. But as you have a view of all circumstances
on the spot, we do not pretend to enjoin it, but leave it to your own
judgment in which we have entire confidence. One thing, however, we are
decided in; that you must not undertake the winter excursion which you
propose in yours of October 3d. Such an excursion will be more dangerous
than the main expedition up the Missouri, and would by an accident to
you, hazard our main object, which, since the acquisition of Louisiana,
interests everybody in the highest degree. The object of your mission
is single, the direct water communication from sea to sea formed by the
bed of the Missouri, and perhaps the Oregon; by having Mr. Clarke with
you we consider the expedition as double manned, and therefore the less
liable to failure; for which reason neither of you should be exposed to
risks by going off of your line. I have proposed in conversation, and it
seems generally assented to, that Congress shall appropriate ten or twelve
thousand dollars for exploring the principal waters of the Mississippi
and Missouri. In that case, I should send a party up the Red river to its
head, then to cross over to the head of the Arkansas, and come down that.
A second party for the Pani and Padouca rivers, and a third, perhaps, for
the Morsigona and St. Peter's. As the boundaries of interior Louisiana are
the high lands enclosing all the waters which run into the Mississippi
or Missouri directly or indirectly, with a quarter breadth on the Gulf
of Mexico, it becomes interesting to fix with precision by celestial
observations the longitude and latitude of the sources of these rivers, so
providing points in the contour of our new limits. This will be attempted
distinctly from your mission, which we consider as of major importance,
and therefore, not to be delayed or hazarded by any episodes whatever.
The votes of both Houses on ratifying and carrying the treaties into
execution, have been precisely party votes, except that General Dayton has
separated from his friends on these questions, and voted for the treaties.
I will direct the Aurora National Intelligencer to be forwarded to you
for six months at Cadokie or Kaskaskia, on the presumption you will be
there. Your friends and acquaintances here, and in Albemarle, are all
well, so far as I have heard; and I recollect no other small news worth
communicating. Present my friendly salutations to Mr. Clarke, and accept
them affectionately yourself.
TO JOHN RANDOLPH.
WASHINGTON, December 1, 1803.
DEAR SIR,--The explanations in your letter of yesterday were quite
unnecessary to me. I have had too satisfactory proofs of your friendly
regard, to be disposed to suspect anything of a contrary aspect. I
understood perfectly the expressions stated in the newspaper to which you
allude, to mean, that "though the proposition came from the _republican
quarter_ of the House, yet you should not concur with it." I am aware that
in parts of the Union, and even with persons to whom Mr. Eppes and Mr.
Randolph are unknown, and myself little known, it will be presumed from
their connection, that what comes from them comes from me. No men on earth
are more independent in their sentiments than they are, nor any one less
disposed than I am to influence the opinions of others. We rarely speak
of politics, or of the proceedings of the House, but merely historically,
and I carefully avoid expressing an opinion on them, in their presence,
that we may all be at our ease. With other members, I have believed that
more unreserved communications would be advantageous to the public. This
has been, perhaps, prevented by mutual delicacy. I have been afraid to
express opinions unasked, lest I should be suspected of wishing to direct
the legislative action of members. They have avoided asking communications
from me, probably, lest they should be suspected of wishing to fish out
executive secrets. I see too many proofs of the imperfection of human
reason, to entertain wonder or intolerance at any difference of opinion on
any subject; and acquiesce in that difference as easily as on a difference
of feature or form; experience having long taught me the reasonableness
of mutual sacrifices of opinion among those who are to act together for
any common object, and the expediency of doing what good we can, when we
cannot do all we would wish.
Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
WASHINGTON, December 13, 1803.
The Attorney General having considered and decided that the prescription
in the law for establishing a bank, that the officers in the subordinate
offices of discount and deposit, shall be appointed "on the same terms
and in the same manner practised in the principal bank," does not extend
to them the principle of rotation, established by the Legislature in the
body of directors in the principal bank, it follows that the extension
of that principle has been merely a voluntary and prudential act of the
principal bank, from which they are free to depart. I think the extension
was wise and proper on their part, because the Legislature having deemed
rotation useful in the principal bank constituted by them, there would be
the same reason for it in the subordinate banks to be established by the
principal. It breaks in upon the _esprit du corps_ so apt to prevail in
permanent bodies; it gives a chance for the public eye penetrating into
the sanctuary of those proceedings and practices, which the avarice of
the directors may introduce for their personal emolument, and which the
resentments of excluded directors, or the honesty of those duly admitted,
might betray to the public; and it gives an opportunity at the end of the
year, or at other periods, of correcting a choice, which, on trial, proves
to have been unfortunate; an evil of which themselves complain in their
distant institutions. Whether, however, they have a power to alter this,
or not, the executive has no right to decide; and their consultation with
you has been merely an act of complaisance, or from a desire to shield so
important an innovation under the cover of executive sanction. But ought
we to volunteer our sanction in such a case? Ought we to disarm ourselves
of any fair right of animadversion, whenever that institution shall be a
legitimate subject of consideration? I own, I think the most proper answer
would be, that we do not think ourselves authorized to give an opinion on
the question.
From a passage in the letter of the President, I observe an idea of
establishing a branch bank of the United States in New Orleans. This
institution is one of the most deadly hostility existing, against the
principles and form of our Constitution. The nation is, at this time,
so strong and united in its sentiments, that it cannot be shaken at this
moment. But suppose a series of untoward events should occur, sufficient
to bring into doubt the competency of a republican government to meet
a crisis of great danger, or to unhinge the confidence of the people in
the public functionaries; an institution like this, penetrating by its
branches every part of the Union, acting by command and in phalanx, may,
in a critical moment, upset the government. I deem no government safe
which is under the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities, or any
other authority than that of the nation, or its regular functionaries.
What an obstruction could not this bank of the United States, with all
its branch banks, be in time of war? It might dictate to us the peace we
should accept, or withdraw its aids. Ought we then to give further growth
to an institution so powerful, so hostile? That it is so hostile we know,
1, from a knowledge of the principles of the persons composing the body
of directors in every bank, principal or branch; and those of most of the
stockholders: 2, from their opposition to the measures and principles of
the government, and to the election of those friendly to them: and 3, from
the sentiments of the newspapers they support. Now, while we are strong,
it is the greatest duty we owe to the safety of our Constitution, to bring
this powerful enemy to a perfect subordination under its authorities.
The first measure would be to reduce them to an equal footing only with
other banks, as to the favors of the government. But, in order to be
able to meet a general combination of the banks against us, in a critical
emergency, could we not make a beginning towards an independent use of our
own money, towards holding our own bank in all the deposits where it is
received, and letting the treasurer give his draft or note, for payment at
any particular place, which, in a well-conducted government, ought to have
as much credit as any private draft, or bank note, or bill, and would give
us the same facilities which we derive from the banks? I pray you to turn
this subject in your mind, and to give it the benefit of your knowledge
of details; whereas, I have only very general views of the subject.
Affectionate salutations.
TO GOVERNOR CLINTON.
WASHINGTON, December 31, 1803.
DEAR SIR,--I received last night your favor of the 22d, written on the
occasion of the libellous pamphlet lately published with you. I began to
read it, but the dulness of the first page made me give up the reading
for a dip into here and there a passage, till I came to what respected
myself. The falsehood of that gave me a test for the rest of the work,
and considering it always useless to read lies, I threw it by. As to
yourself, be assured no contradiction was necessary. The uniform tenor
of a man's life furnishes better evidence of what he has said or done on
any particular occasion than the word of an enemy, and of an enemy too
who shows that he prefers the use of falsehoods which suit him to truths
which do not. Little squibs in certain papers had long ago apprized me of
a design to sow tares between particular republican characters, but to
divide those by lying tales whom truths cannot divide, is the hackneyed
policy of the gossips of every society. Our business is to march straight
forward to the object which has occupied us for eight and twenty years,
without either turning to the right or left. My opinion is that two or
three years more will bring back to the fold of republicanism all our
wandering brethren whom the cry of "wolf" scattered in 1798. Till that
is done, let every man stand to his post, and hazard nothing by change.
And when that is done, you and I may retire to the tranquillity which our
years begin to call for, and revise with satisfaction the efforts of the
age we happened to be born in, crowned with complete success. In the hour
of death we shall have the consolation to see established in the land of
our fathers the most wonderful work of wisdom and disinterested patriotism
that has ever yet appeared on the globe.
In confidence that you will not be weary in well doing, I tender my wishes
that your future days may be as happy as your past ones have been useful,
and pray you to accept my friendly salutations and assurances of high
consideration and respect.
TO CAPTAIN MERIWETHER LEWIS.
WASHINGTON, January 22, 1804.
DEAR SIR,--My letters since your departure have been of July 11th and
15th, November 16th, and January 13th. Yours received are of July 8th,
15th, 22d, and 25th, September 25th and 30th, and October 3d. Since the
date of the last we have no certain information of your movements. With
mine of November 16th, I sent you some extracts made by myself from the
journal of an agent of the trading company of St. Louis up the Missouri. I
now enclose a translation of that journal in full for your information. In
that of the 13th instant I enclosed you a map of a Mr. Evans, a Welshman,
employed by the Spanish government for that purpose, but whose original
object I believe had been to go in search of the Welsh Indians, said
to be up the Missouri. On this subject a Mr. Rees, of the same nation,
established in the western part of Pennsylvania, will write to you. New
Orleans was delivered to us on the 20th of December, and our garrisons
and government established there. The orders for the delivery of the
upper ports were to leave New Orleans on the 28th, and we presume all
those ports will be occupied by our troops by the last day of the present
month. When your instructions were penned, this new position was not so
authentically known as to affect the complexion of your instructions.
Being now become sovereigns of the country, without, however, any
diminution of the Indian rights of occupancy, we are authorized to
propose to them in direct terms the institution of commerce with them.
It will now be proper you should inform those through whose country you
will pass, or whom you may meet, that their late fathers, the Spaniards,
have agreed to withdraw all their troops from all the waters and country
of the Mississippi and Missouri. That they have surrendered to us all
their subjects, Spanish and French, settled there and all their posts and
lands; that henceforward we become their fathers and friends, and that
we shall endeavor that they shall have no cause to lament the change;
that we have sent you to inquire into the nature of the country and the
nations inhabiting it, to know at what places and times we must establish
stores of goods among them, to exchange for their peltries; that as soon
as you return with the necessary information, we shall prepare supplies
of goods and persons to carry them, and make the proper establishments;
that in the meantime the same traders who reside among us visit them, and
who now are a part of us, will continue to supply them as usual; that
we shall endeavor to become acquainted with them as soon as possible;
and that they will find in us faithful friends and protectors. Although
you will pass through no settlements of the Sioux (except seceders) yet
you will probably meet with parties of them. On that nation we wish most
particularly to make a friendly impression, because of their immense
power, and because we learn that they are very desirous of being on the
most friendly terms with us.
I enclose you a letter, which I believe is from some one on the part of
the Philosophical Society. They have made you a member, and your diploma
is lodged with me; but I suppose it safest to keep it here and not to send
it after you. Mr. Harvie departs to-morrow for France, as the bearer of
the Louisiana stock to Paris. Captain William Brent takes his place with
me. Congress will probably continue in session through the month of March.
Your friends here and in Albemarle, as far as I recollect, are well.
Trist will be the collector of New Orleans, and his family will go to him
in the spring. Dr. Bache is now in Philadelphia, and probably will not
return to New Orleans. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of
affectionate esteem and respect.
TO TIMOTHY BLOODWORTH, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, January 29, 1804.
DEAR SIR,--I thank you for the seed of the fly-trap. It is the first
I have ever been able to obtain, and shall take great care of it. I am
well pleased to hear of the progress of republicanism with you. To do
without a land tax, excise, stamp tax and the other internal taxes, to
supply their place by economies, so as still to support the government
properly, and to apply $7,300,000 a year steadily to the payment of the
public debt; to discontinue a great portion of the expenses on armies and
navies, yet protect our country and its commerce with what remains; to
purchase a country as large and more fertile than the one we possessed
before, yet ask neither a new tax, nor another soldier to be added, but
to provide that that country shall by its own income, pay for itself
before the purchase money is due; to preserve peace with all nations, and
particularly an equal friendship to the two great rival powers France and
England, and to maintain the credit and character of the nation in as high
a degree as it has ever enjoyed, are measures which I think must reconcile
the great body of those who thought themselves our enemies; but were in
truth only the enemies of certain Jacobinical, atheistical, anarchical,
imaginary caricatures, which existed only in the land of the raw head
and bloody bones, beings created to frighten the credulous. By this time
they see enough of us to judge our characters by what we do, and not by
what we never did, nor thought of doing, but in the lying chronicles of
the newspapers. I know indeed there are some characters who have been
too prominent to retract, too proud and impassioned to relent, too greedy
after office and profit to relinquish their longings, and who have covered
their devotion to monarchism under the mantle of federalism, who never
can be cured of their enmities. These are incurable maniacs, for whom the
hospitable doors of Bedlam are ready to open, but they are permitted to
walk abroad while they refrain from personal assault.
The applications for Louisiana are so numerous that it would be immoral to
give a hope to the friends you mention. The rage for going to that country
seems universal. Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of
great esteem and respect.
TO DOCTOR PRIESTLEY.
WASHINGTON, January 29, 1804.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of December the 12th came duly to hand, as did the
second letter to Doctor Linn, and the treatise on Phlogiston, for which
I pray you to accept my thanks. The copy for Mr. Livingston has been
delivered, together with your letter to him, to Mr. Harvie, my secretary,
who departs in a day or two for Paris, and will deliver them himself
to Mr. Livingston, whose attention to your matter cannot be doubted. I
have also to add my thanks to Mr. Priestley, your son, for the copy of
your Harmony, which I have gone through with great satisfaction. It is
the first I have been able to meet with, which is clear of those long
repetitions of the same transaction, as if it were a different one because
related with some different circumstances.
I rejoice that you have undertaken the task of comparing the moral
doctrines of Jesus with those of the ancient Philosophers. You are so
much in possession of the whole subject, that you will do it easier and
better than any other person living. I think you cannot avoid giving, as
preliminary to the comparison, a digest of his moral doctrines, extracted
in his own words from the Evangelists, and leaving out everything relative
to his personal history and character. It would be short and precious.
With a view to do this for my own satisfaction, I had sent to Philadelphia
to get two testaments (Greek) of the same edition, and two English, with a
design to cut out the morsels of morality, and paste them on the leaves of
a book, in the manner you describe as having been pursued in forming your
Harmony. But I shall now get the thing done by better hands.
I very early saw that Louisiana was indeed a speck in our horizon which
was to burst in a tornado; and the public are unapprised how near this
catastrophe was. Nothing but a frank and friendly development of causes
and effects on our part, and good sense enough in Bonaparte to see that
the train was unavoidable, and would change the face of the world, saved
us from that storm. I did not expect he would yield till a war took place
between France and England, and my hope was to palliate and endure, if
Messrs. Ross, Morris, &c. did not force a premature rupture, until that
event. I believed the event not very distant, but acknowledge it came on
sooner than I had expected. Whether, however, the good sense of Bonaparte
might not see the course predicted to be necessary and unavoidable, even
before a war should be imminent, was a chance which we thought it our
duty to try; but the immediate prospect of rupture brought the case to
immediate decision. The _denouement_ has been happy; and I confess I look
to this duplication of area for the extending a government so free and
economical as ours, as a great achievement to the mass of happiness which
is to ensue. Whether we remain in one confederacy, or form into Atlantic
and Mississippi confederacies, I believe not very important to the
happiness of either part. Those of the western confederacy will be as much
our children and descendants as those of the eastern, and I feel myself
as much identified with that country, in future time, as with this; and
did I now foresee a separation at some future day, yet I should feel the
duty and the desire to promote the western interests as zealously as the
eastern, doing all the good for both portions of our future family which
should fall within my power.
Have you seen the new work of Malthus on population? It is one of the
ablest I have ever seen. Although his main object is to delineate the
effects of redundancy of population, and to test the poor laws of England,
and other palliations for that evil, several important questions in
political economy, allied to his subject incidentally, are treated with
a masterly hand. It is a single octavo volume, and I have been only able
to read a borrowed copy, the only one I have yet heard of. Probably our
friends in England will think of you, and give you an opportunity of
reading it. Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of great
esteem and respect.
TO MR. SAY.
WASHINGTON, February 1, 1804.
DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your obliging letter, and
with it, of two very interesting volumes on Political Economy. These found
me engaged in giving the leisure moments I rarely find, to the perusal of
Malthus' work on population, a work of sound logic, in which some of the
opinions of Adam Smith, as well as of the economists, are ably examined.
I was pleased, on turning to some chapters where you treat the same
questions, to find his opinions corroborated by yours. I shall proceed to
the reading of your work with great pleasure. In the meantime, the present
conveyance, by a gentlemen of my family going to Paris, is too safe to
hazard a delay in making my acknowledgments for this mark of attention,
and for having afforded to me a satisfaction, which the ordinary course of
literary communications could not have given me for a considerable time.
The differences of circumstance between this and the old countries of
Europe, furnish differences of fact whereon to reason, in questions of
political economy, and will consequently produce sometimes a difference
of result. There, for instance, the quantity of food is fixed, or
increasing in a slow and only arithmetical ratio, and the proportion is
limited by the same ratio. Supernumerary births consequently add only
to your mortality. Here the immense extent of uncultivated and fertile
lands enables every one who will labor to marry young, and to raise a
family of any size. Our food, then, may increase geometrically with our
laborers, and our births, however multiplied, become effective. Again,
there the best distribution of labor is supposed to be that which places
the manufacturing hands alongside the agricultural; so that the one
part shall feed both, and the other part furnish both with clothes and
other comforts. Would that be best here? Egoism and first appearances
say yes. Or would it be better that all our laborers should be employed
in agriculture? In this case a double or treble portion of fertile lands
would be brought into culture; a double or treble creation of food be
produced, and its surplus go to nourish the now perishing births of
Europe, who in return would manufacture and send us in exchange our
clothes and other comforts. Morality listens to this, and so invariably
do the laws of nature create our duties and interests, that when they seem
to be at variance, we ought to suspect some fallacy in our reasonings. In
solving this question, too, we should allow its just weight to the moral
and physical preference of the agricultural, over the manufacturing, man.
My occupations permit me only to ask questions. They deny me the time, if
I had the information, to answer them. Perhaps, as worthy the attention
of the author of the Traité d'Economie Politique, I shall find them
answered in that work. If they are not, the reason will have been that
you wrote for Europe; while I shall have asked them because I think for
America. Accept, Sir, my respectful salutations, and assurances of great
consideration.
TO RUFUS KING, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, February 17, 1804.
DEAR SIR,--I now return you the manuscript history of Bacon's rebellion,
with many thanks for the communication. It is really a valuable morsel
in the history of Virginia. That transaction is the more marked, as it
was the only rebellion or insurrection which had ever taken place in the
colony before the American Revolution. Neither its cause nor course have
been well understood, the public records containing little on the subject.
It is very long since I read the several histories of Virginia, but the
impression remaining on my mind was not at all that which the writer
gives; and it is impossible to refuse assent to the candor and simplicity
of history. I have taken the liberty of copying it, which has been the
reason of the detention of it. I had an opportunity, too, of communicating
it to a person who was just putting into the press a history of Virginia,
but all in a situation to be corrected. I think it possible that among the
ancient manuscripts I possess at Monticello, I may be able to trace the
author. I shall endeavor to do it the first visit I make to that place,
and if with success, I will do myself the pleasure of communicating it
to you. From the public records there is no hope, as they were destroyed
by the British, I believe, very completely, during their invasion of
Virginia. Accept my salutations, and assurances of high consideration and
respect.
TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.
February 19, 1804.
Doctor Stevens having been sent by the preceding administration, in
1798, to St. Domingo, with the commission of consul-general, and also
with authorities as an agent additional to the consular powers, under a
stipulation that his expenses should be borne; an account of these is now
exhibited to the Secretary of State, and the questions arise whether the
payment can be authorized by the Executive, and out of what fund?
The Constitution has made the Executive the organ for managing our
intercourse with foreign nations. It authorizes him to appoint and receive
ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls. The term minister
being applicable to other agents as well as diplomatic, the constant
practice of the government, considered as a commentary, established this
broad meaning; and the public interest approves it; because it would be
extravagant to employ a diplomatic minister for a business which a mere
rider would execute. The Executive being thus charged with the foreign
intercourse, no law has undertaken to prescribe its specific duties.
The permanent act of 1801, however, first, where he uses the agency of
a minister plenipotentiary, or chargé, restricts him in the sums to be
allowed for outfit, salary, return, and a secretary; and second, when
any law has appropriated a sum for the _contingent_ expenses of foreign
intercourse, leaves to his discretion to dispense with the exhibition of
the vouchers of its expenditure in the public offices. Under these two
standing provisions there is annually a sum appropriated for the expenses
of intercourse with foreign nations. The _purposes_ of the appropriation
being expressed by the _law_, in terms as general as the _duties_ are by
the _Constitution_, the application of the money is left as much to the
discretion of the Executive, as the performance of the duties, saving
always the provisions of 1801.
It is true that this appropriation is usually made on an estimate, given
by the Secretary of State to the Secretary of the Treasury, and by him
reported to Congress. But Congress, aware that too minute a specification
has its evil as well as a too general one, does not make the estimate
a part of their law, but gives a sum in gross, trusting the Executive
discretion for that year and that sum only; so in other departments, as
of war for instance, the estimate of the Secretary specifies all the items
of clothing, subsistence, pay, &c., of the army. And Congress throws this
into such masses as they think best, to wit, a sum in gross for clothing,
another for subsistence, a third for pay, &c., binding up the Executive
discretion only by the sum, and the object generalized to a certain
degree. The minute details of the estimate are thus dispensed with in
point of obligation, and the discretion of the officer is enlarged to the
limits of the classification, which Congress thinks it best for the public
interest to make. In the case before us, then, the sum appropriated may
be applied to any agency with a foreign nation, which the Constitution
has made a part of the duty of the President, as the organ of foreign
intercourse.
The sum appropriated is generally the exact amount of the estimate, but
not always. In the present instance the estimate, being for 1803, was only
of $62,550, (including two outfits,) and the appropriation was of $75,562,
leaving a difference of $13,012. If indeed, there be not enough of this
appropriation left to pay Dr. Stevens' just demands, they cannot be paid
until Congress shall make some appropriation applicable to them. I say his
_just_ demands, because by the undertaking of the then administration to
pay his expenses, justice as well as law will understand his _reasonable_
expenses. These must be tried by the scale which law and usage have
established, whereon the Minister, Chargé, and Secretary, are given as
fixed terms of comparison. The undefined agency of Dr. Stevens must be
placed opposite to that term of the scale, with which it may fairly be
thought to correspond; and if he has gone beyond that, his expenses should
be reduced to it. I think them beyond it, and suppose that Dr. Stevens,
viewing himself as a merchant, as well as a public agent, found it
answer his purposes as a merchant to apply a part of his receipts in that
character in addition to what he might reasonably expect from the public,
not then meaning to charge to his public character the extraordinary
style of expense which he believed at the time he could afford out of his
mercantile profits.
[_Statement of Dr. Stevens' case, referred to in preceding letter._]
The Constitution having provided that the President should appoint
ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and all other officers
which shall be established by law, the first Congress which met passed
a law (July 1, 1790) authorizing him to draw from the treasury $40,000
annually for the support of such persons as he shall commission to serve
the United States in foreign parts, and for the expense incident to the
business in which they may be employed; with a proviso that, exclusive
of an outfit to a Minister Plenipotentiary or Chargé, not exceeding a
year's salary, he should allow to any Minister Plenipotentiary not more
than $9,000 a year, for all his personal services and other expenses;
to a Chargé not more than $4,500; to a Secretary not more than $1,350;
and with a second proviso as to the mode of settlement. This act, which
was temporary, was continued by those of 1793, February 9, 1794, March
20, 1796, May 30, 1798, March 19, till 1800, May 10, when they turned
the two provisos into enacting clauses, and made them permanent, and
the appropriating clause which made the body of the law before, is now
annually inserted in the general appropriating law. See 1800, May 7, 1801,
March 3, 1802, May 1, 1803, March 2, and 1804, March --. As Congress, in
order to limit the discretion of officers as far as is safe, is in the
practice of throwing the objects of appropriations into groups, _e. g._ to
the Secretary of State, and clerks, and other persons in that department
so much; Secretary of Treasury, &c., so much; clothing for the army so
much; subsistence so much; pay so much, &c. So they might have analysed
the foreign appropriation by allowing for outfits of ministers so much;
salaries of ministers so much; contingent expenses so much, &c. But they
chose to throw it all into one mass, only providing that no outfit should
exceed a year's salary, and no salary of a minister be more than $9,000;
of a Chargé $4,500; Secretary $1,350, &c.; leaving the President free to
give them less if he chose, and to give to Ambassadors, Envoys, and other
agents, what he thought proper. From the origin of the present government
to this day, the construction of the laws, and the practice under them,
has been to consider the whole fund (with only the limitations before
mentioned) as under the discretion of the President as to the persons he
should commission to serve the United States in foreign parts, and all
the expenses incident to the business in which they may be employed. The
grade consequently or character in which they should be employed, their
allowance, &c. Thus Governor Morris was appointed by General Washington
informally and without a commission to confer with the British ministers,
and was allowed for eight months (I think) $1,000. Colonel Humphreys was
appointed in 1790, to go as an agent to Madrid, and was allowed at the
rate of $2,250 per annum. Dumas was kept at the Hague many years as an
agent at $1,300 a year. Mr. Cutting was allowed disbursements for sailors
in London in 1791, $233 33. Presents were made to the Chevalier Luzerne,
on taking leave, worth $1,062. Van Berkel $697. Du Moustier $555, in 1791.
Mr. Short was sent to Amsterdam as an agent in 1792, and allowed $444 43.
James Blake was sent as agent to Madrid in 1793, and received an advance
of $800. I know not how much afterwards, as I left the office of Secretary
of State at the close of that year. In 1794, Mr. Jay was appointed Envoy
Extraordinary, a grade not particularly named in the Constitution, or
any law, yet General Washington fixed his allowance. During the present
administration Mr. Dawson and Lieutenant Leonard have been sent on special
agencies. From the beginning of the government it has been the rule when
one of our ministers is ordered to another place on a special business,
to allow his expenses on that special mission, his salary going on at
his residence where his family remains. Mr. Short's mission from Paris to
Amsterdam, from Paris to Madrid; Mr. Pinckney from London to Madrid; Mr.
Murray's from the Hague to Paris, and others not recollected by me, are
instances of this. These facts are stated to show that it has been the
uniform opinion and practice that the whole foreign fund was placed by the
Legislature on the footing of a contingent fund, in which they undertake
no specifications, but leave the whole to the discretion of the President.
The whole is but from forty to sixty or seventy thousand dollars. After
the establishment of the general fund for foreign intercourse, Congress
found it necessary to make a separate branch for the Barbary powers. This
was done covertly in the beginning, to wit, in 1792, they gave $50,000
additional to the foreign fund, in 1794, $1,000,000 additional without
limiting it to Barbary. Yet it was secretly understood by the President,
and his discretion was trusted. In 1796, they gave $260,000 for treaties
with the Mediterranean powers, in 1797, $280,259 03, for the expenses of
negotiation with Algiers. They did not undertake a more minute analysis
or specification, but left it to the President. The laws of 1796, May 6,
1797, March 3, 1799, March 2, give sums for specific purposes because
these purposes were simple and understood by the Legislature. But in
general, in this branch of the foreign expenses, as in the former one,
the Legislature has thought that to cramp the public service by too minute
specifications in cases which they could not foresee, might do more evil
than a temporary trust to the President, which could be put an end to if
abused.
In our western governments, heretofore established, they were so well
understood by Congress, that they could and did specify every item of
expense, except a very small residuum for which they made contingent
appropriations. But when they came to provide at this session for the
Louisiana government, with which they were not acquainted, they gave
twenty thousand dollars for compensation to the officers of the government
employed by the President, and for other civil expenses under the
direction of the President. And their first step towards the acquisition
of that country was to confide to the President two millions of dollars
under the general appropriation for foreign intercourse. These facts show
that so far from having experienced evil from confiding the forty thousand
dollars foreign fund to the discretion of the executive without a specific
analysis of its application, they have continued it on that footing, and
in many other great cases where analysis was difficult or inexpedient they
have given the sums in mass, and left the analysis to him, only requiring
an account to be rendered.
This statement has been made in order to place on its true ground the case
of Doctor Stevens. He was employed by Mr. Adams as Agent to St. Domingo,
and was to be allowed his expenses, though these were not limited, yet
the law limits them in such case to what were reasonable. Doubts have
arisen at the treasury whether the executive had a right to make such a
contract, and whether there be any fund out of which it can be paid? Some
doubt has been expressed whether an appropriation law gives authority
to pay for the purpose of the appropriation without some particular law
authorizing it. If this be the case, the forty thousand dollar fund has
been paid away without authority from its first establishment; for it
never has been given but by a clause of appropriation. The executive
believes this sufficient authority, and so we presume did the Legislature,
or they would have given authority in some other sufficient form. And
where is the rule of legal construction to be found which ascribes less
effect to the words of an appropriation law, than of any other law? It
is also doubted whether the estimate on which an appropriation is founded
does not restrain the application to the specific articles, their number
and amount as stated in the estimate? Were an appropriation law to come
before a judge would he decide its meaning from its text, or would he call
on the officer to produce their estimates as being a part of the law?
On the whole, the following questions are to be determined: 1. Whether
the laws do not justify the construction which has been uniformly given,
either strictly, or at least so ambiguously, that, as in judiciary cases,
the decisions which have taken place have fixed their meaning and made it
law? 2. Whether they are so palpably against law that the practice must
be arrested? 3. Whether it shall be arrested retrospectively as to moneys
engaged but not yet actually paid, or only as to future contracts? 4.
Whether any circumstances take Dr. Stevens' case out of the conditions and
rights of other foreign agencies?
March 23, 1804.
TO MR. LATROBE.
WASHINGTON, February 28, 1804.
DEAR SIR,--I am sorry the explanations attempted between Dr. Thornton
and yourself, on the manner of finishing the chamber of the House of
Representatives, have not succeeded. At the original establishment of this
place advertisements were published many months offering premiums for the
best plans for a Capitol and a President's house. Many were sent in. A
council was held by General Washington with the board of Commissioners,
and after very mature examination two were preferred, and the premiums
given to their authors, Doctor Thornton and Hobens, and the plans were
decided on. Hobens' has been executed. On Doctor Thornton's plan of the
Capitol the north wing has been extended, and the south raised one story.
In order to get along with any public undertaking it is necessary that
some stability of plan be observed--nothing impedes progress so much as
perpetual changes of design. I yield to this principle in the present case
more willingly because the plan begun for the Representative room will, in
my opinion, be more handsome and commodious than anything which can now
be proposed on the same area. And though the spheroidical dome presents
difficulties to the executor, yet they are not beyond his art; and it is
to overcome difficulties that we employ men of genius. While however I
express my opinion that we had better go through with this wing of the
Capitol on the plan which has been settled, I would not be understood to
suppose there does exist sufficient authority to control the original plan
in any of its parts, and to accommodate it to changes of circumstances.
I only mean that it is not advisable to change that of this wing in its
present stage. Though I have spoken of a spheroidical roof, that will
not be correct by the figure. Every rib will be a portion of a circle of
which the radius will be determined by the span and rise of each rib.
Would it not be best to make the internal columns of well-burnt brick,
moulded in portions of circles adapted to the diminution of the columns?
2d. Burlington, in his notes on Palladio, tells us that he found most of
the buildings erected under Palladio's direction, and described in his
architecture, to have their columns made of brick in this way and covered
over with stucco. I know an instance of a range of six or eight columns
in Virginia, twenty feet high, well proportioned and properly diminished,
executed by a common bricklayer. The bases and capitols would of course
be of hewn stone. I suggest this for your consideration, and tender you my
friendly salutations.
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
WASHINGTON, March 3, 1804.
DEAR SIR,--Although it is long since I received your favor of October the
27th, yet I have not had leisure sooner to acknowledge it. In the middle
and southern States, as great an union of sentiment has now taken place
as is perhaps desirable. For as there will always be an opposition, I
believe it had better be from avowed monarchists than republicans. New
York seems to be in danger of republican division; Vermont is solidly with
us; Rhode Island with us on anomalous grounds; New Hampshire on the verge
of the republican shore; Connecticut advancing towards it very slowly,
but with steady step; your State only uncertain of making port at all. I
had forgotten Delaware, which will be always uncertain, from the divided
character of her citizens. If the amendment of the Constitution passes
Rhode Island, (and we expect to hear in a day or two,) the election for
the ensuing four years seems to present nothing formidable. I sincerely
regret that the unbounded calumnies of the federal party have obliged
me to throw myself on the verdict of my country for trial, my great
desire having been to retire, at the end of the present term, to a
life of tranquillity; and it was my decided purpose when I entered into
office. They force my continuance. If we can keep the vessel of State as
steadily in her course for another four years, my earthly purposes will be
accomplished, and I shall be free to enjoy, as you are doing, my family,
my farm, and my books. That your enjoyments may continue as long as you
shall wish them, I sincerely pray, and tender you my friendly salutations,
and assurances of great respect and esteem.
TO WILLIAM DUNBAR, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, March 13, 1804.
[Illustration: Geometrical Drawing.]
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of January 28 has been duly received, and I have
read with great satisfaction your ingenuous paper on the subject of
the Mississippi, which I shall immediately forward to the Philosophical
Society, where it will be duly prized. To prove the value I set on it,
and my wish that it may go to the public without any imperfection about
it, I will take the liberty of submitting to your consideration the only
passage which I think may require it. You say, page 9, "The velocity of
rivers is greatest at the surface, and gradually diminishes downwards."
And this principle enters into some subsequent parts of the paper, and
has too much effect on the phenomena of that river not to merit mature
consideration. I can but suppose it at variance with the law of motion
in rivers. In strict theory, the velocity of water at any given depth
in a river is (in addition to its velocity at its surface) whatever a
body would have acquired by falling through a space equal to that depth.
If, in the middle of a river, we drop a vertical line, _a e_, from its
surface to its bottom, and (using a perch, or rather a measure of 16.125
feet, for our unit of measure) we draw, at the depths, _b c d e_, (which
suppose = 1.4 9.16 perch ordinates in the direction of the stream, equal
to the odd numbers, 3, 5, 7, 9 perch, these ordinates will represent the
additional velocities of the water per second of time, at the depth of
their respective abscissæ, and will terminate in a curve, _a f g h i_,)
which will represent the velocity of their current in every point, and
the whole mass of water passing on in a second of time.[19] This would
be the theory of the motion of rivers, were there no friction; but the
bottom being rough, its friction with the lower sheet or lamina of water
will retard that lamina; the friction or viscosity of the particles of
which, again, with those of the one next above, will retard that somewhat
less, the 2d retard the 3d, the 3d the 4th, and so on upwards, diminishing
till the retardation becomes insensible; and the theoretic curve will be
modified by that cause, as at _n o_, removing the maximum of motion from
the bottom somewhere upwardly. Again, the same circumstances of friction
and viscosity of the particles of water among themselves, will cause
the lamina at the surface to be accelerated by the quicker motion of the
one next below it, the 2d still more by the 3d, the 3d by the 4th, and
so on downwards, the acceleration always increasing till it reached the
lamina of greatest motion. The exact point of the maximum of motion cannot
be calculated, because it depends on friction; but it is probably much
nearer the bottom than top, because the greater power of the current there
sooner overcomes the effect of the friction. Ultimately, the curve will be
sensibly varied by being swelled outwardly above, and retracted inwardly
below, somewhat like _a k l m n o_, in the preceding diagram.
Indulging corollaries on this theory, let us suppose a plane surface, as
a large sheet of cast-iron, let down by a cable from a boat, and made to
present its surface to the current by a long vane fixed on its axis in
the direction of the current. Would not the current below, laying hold
of this plate, draw the boat down the stream with more rapidity than that
with which it otherwise moves on the surface of the water? Again, at the
cross current of the surface which flows into the Chafaleya, and endangers
the drawing boats into that river, as you mention, page 18, would not the
same plane surface, if let down into the under current, which moves in
the direction of the bed of the main river, have the effect of drawing the
vessel across the lateral current prevailing at its surface, and conduct
the boat with safety along the channel of the river?
The preceding observations are submitted to your consideration. By
drawing your attention to the subject, they will enable you, on further
reflection, to confirm or correct your first opinion. If the latter,
there would be time, before we print a volume, to make any alterations or
additions to your paper which you might wish. We were much indebted for
your communications on the subject of Louisiana. The substance of what was
received from you, as well as others, was digested together and printed,
without letting it be seen from whom the particulars came, as some were
of a nature to excite ill-will. Of these publications I sent you a copy.
On the subject of the limits of Louisiana, nothing was said therein,
because we thought it best first to have explanations with Spain. In the
first visit, after receiving the treaty, which I paid to Monticello, which
was in August, I availed myself of what I have there, to investigate the
limits. While I was in Europe, I had purchased everything I could lay
my hands on which related to any part of America, and particularly had
a pretty full collection of the English, French and Spanish authors, on
the subject of Louisiana. The information I got from these was entirely
satisfactory, and I threw it into a shape which would easily take the form
of a memorial. I now enclose you a copy of it. One single fact in it was
taken from a publication in a newspaper, supposed to be written by Judge
Bay, who had lived in West Florida. This asserted that the country from
the Iberville to the Perdido was to this day called Louisiana, and a part
of the government of Louisiana. I wrote to you to ascertain that fact, and
received the information you were so kind as to send me; on the receipt
of which, I changed the form of the assertion, so as to adapt it to what I
suppose to be the fact, and to reconcile the testimony I have received, to
wit, that though the name and division of West Florida have been retained;
and in strictness, that country is still called by that name; yet it
is also called Louisiana in common parlance, and even in some authentic
public documents. The fact, however, is not of much importance. It would
only have been an _argumentum ad hominem_. Although I would wish the paper
enclosed never to be seen by anybody but yourself, and that it should not
even be mentioned that the facts and opinions therein stated are founded
in public authority, yet I have no objections to their being freely
advanced in conversation, and as private and individual opinion, believing
it will be advantageous that the extent of our rights should be known to
the inhabitants of the country; and that however we may compromise on our
Western limits, we never shall on the Eastern.
I formerly acquainted you with the mission of Captain Lewis up the
Missouri, and across from its head to the Pacific. He takes about a dozen
men with him, is well provided with instruments, and qualified to give
us the geography of the line he passes along with astronomical accuracy.
He is now hutted opposite the mouth of the Missouri, ready to enter
it on the opening of the season. He will be at least two years on the
expedition. I propose to charge the Surveyor-general N. of Ohio, with a
survey of the Mississippi from its source to the mouth of the Ohio, and
with settling some other interesting points of geography in that quarter.
Congress will probably authorize me to explore the greater waters on the
western side of the Mississippi and Missouri, to their sources. In this
case I should propose to send one party up the Panis river to its source,
thence along the highlands to the source of the Radoneas river and down
it to its mouth, giving the whole course of both parties, corrected
by astronomical observation. These several surveys will enable us to
prepare a map of Louisiana, which in its contour and main waters will
be perfectly correct, and will give us a skeleton to be filled up with
details hereafter. For what lies north of the Missouri, we suppose British
industry will furnish that. As you live so near to the point of departure
of the lowest expedition, and possess and can acquire so much better
the information, which may direct that to the best advantage, I have
thought, if Congress should authorize the enterprise, to propose to you
the unprofitable trouble of directing it. The party would consist of ten
or twelve picked soldiers, volunteers with an officer, under the guidance
of one or two persons qualified to survey and correct by observations of
latitude and longitude, the latter lunar, and as well informed as we can
get them in the departments of botany, natural history, and mineralogy. I
am told there is a Mr. Walker in your town, and a Mr. Gillespie in North
Carolina, possessing good qualifications. As you know them both, you
can judge whether both are qualified, should two persons go, or which is
best, should but one be sent, or whether there is any other person better
qualified than either. Their pay would probably not exceed $1000 a year,
to which would be added their subsistence. All preparations would be to
be made at Natchez and New Orleans on your order. Instructions similar to
those of Captain Lewis would go from here, to be added to by what should
occur to yourself, and you would be the centre for the communications from
the party to the government. Still this is a matter of speculation only,
as Congress are hurrying over their business for adjournment, and may
leave this article of it unfinished. In that case what I have said will be
as if I had not said it.
There is such a difference of opinion in Congress as to the government
to be given to Louisiana, that they may continue the present one another
year. I hope and urge their not doing it, and the establishment of a
government on the spot capable of meeting promptly its own emergencies.
Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and
respect.
FOOTNOTE:
[19] These ordinates are arithmetical progressionals, each of
which is double the root of its abscissa, plus unit. The equation,
therefore, expressing the law of the curve is _y = 2 N x + 1_;
that is, the velocity of the water of any depth will be double the
root of that depth, plus unit. Were the line _a e a_ wall, and_ b
f e g d h e i_ troughs, along which water spouted from apertures
at _b c d e_, their intersections with the curve at _f g h i_
would mark the point in each trough to which the water would flow
in a second of time, abating for friction.
TO GIDEON GRANGER.
MONTICELLO, April 16, 1804.
DEAR SIR,--* * * * *
In our last conversation you mentioned a federal scheme afloat, of
forming a coalition between the federalists and republicans, of what
they called the seven eastern States. The idea was new to me, and after
time for reflection I had no opportunity of conversing with you again.
The federalists know, that _eo nomine_, they are gone forever. Their
object, therefore, is how to return into power under some other form.
Undoubtedly they have but one means, which is to divide the republicans,
join the minority, and barter with them for the cloak of their name. I
say, _join the minority_; because the majority of the republicans not
needing them, will not buy them. The minority, having no other means of
ruling the majority, will give a price for auxiliaries, and that price
must be principle. It is true that the federalists, needing their numbers
also, must also give a price, and principle is the coin they must pay in.
Thus a bastard system of federo-republicanism will rise on the ruins of
the true principles of our revolution. And when this party is formed, who
will constitute the majority of it, which majority is then to dictate?
Certainly the federalists. Thus their proposition of putting themselves
into gear with the republican minority, is exactly like Roger Sherman's
proposition to add Connecticut to Rhode Island. The idea of forming seven
eastern States is moreover clearly to form the basis of a separation of
the Union. Is it possible that real republicans can be gulled by such
a bait? And for what? What do they wish that they have not? Federal
measures? That is impossible. Republican measures? Have they them not? Can
any one deny, that in all important questions of principle, republicanism
prevails? But do they want that their individual will shall govern the
majority? They may purchase the gratification of this unjust wish, for
a little time, at a great price; but the federalists must not have the
passions of other men, if, after getting thus into the seat of power,
they suffer themselves to be governed by their minority. This minority may
say, that whenever they relapse into their own principles, they will quit
them, and draw the seat from under them. They may quit them, indeed, but,
in the meantime, all the venal will have become associated with them, and
will give them a majority sufficient to keep them in place, and to enable
them to eject the heterogeneous friends by whose aid they get again into
power. I cannot believe any portion of real republicans will enter into
this trap; and if they do, I do not believe they can carry with them the
mass of their States, advancing so steadily as we see them, to an union
of principle with their brethren. It will be found in this, as in all
other similar cases, that crooked schemes will end by overwhelming their
authors and coadjutors in disgrace, and that he alone who walks strict and
upright, and who, in matters of opinion, will be contented that others
should be as free as himself, and acquiesce when his opinion is fairly
overruled, will attain his object in the end. And that this may be the
conduct of us all, I offer my sincere prayers, as well as for your health
and happiness.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
May 30, 1804.
Although I know that it is best generally to assign no reason for a
removal from office, yet there are also times when the declaration of a
principle is advantageous. Such was the moment at which the New Haven
letter appeared. It explained our principles to our friends, and they
rallied to them. The public sentiment has taken a considerable stride
since that, and seems to require that they should know again where
we stand. I suggest therefore for your consideration, instead of the
following passage in your letter to Bowen, "I think it due to candor at
the same time to inform you, that I had for some time been determined to
remove you from office, although a successor has not yet been appointed by
the President, nor the precise time fixed for that purpose communicated
to me;" to substitute this, "I think it due to candor at the same time
to inform you, that the President considering that the patronage of
public office should no longer be confided to one who uses it for active
opposition to the national will, had, some time since, determined to place
your office in other hands. But a successor not being yet fixed on, I am
not able to name the precise time when it will take place."
My own opinion is, that the declaration of this principle will meet the
entire approbation of all moderate republicans, and will extort indulgence
from the warmer ones. Seeing that we do not mean to leave arms in the
hands of active enemies, they will care the less at our tolerance of the
inactive. Nevertheless, if you are strongly of opinion against such a
declaration, let the letter go as you had written it.
TO BARON DE HUMBOLDT.
June 9, 1804
Thomas Jefferson asks leave to observe to Baron de Humboldt that the
question of limits of Louisiana, between Spain and the United States is
this. They claim to hold to the river Mexicana or Sabine, and from the
head of that northwardly along the heads of the waters of the Mississippi,
to the head of the Red river and so on. We claim to the North river from
its mouth to the source either of its eastern or western branch, thence to
the head of Red river, and so on. Can the Baron inform me what population
may be between those lines, of white, red, or black people? And whether
any and what mines are within them? The information will be thankfully
received. He tenders him his respectful salutations.
TO MRS. ADAMS.
WASHINGTON, June 13, 1804.
DEAR MADAM,--The affectionate sentiments which you have had the goodness
to express in your letter of May the 20th, towards my dear departed
daughter, have awakened in me sensibilities natural to the occasion,
and recalled your kindnesses to her, which I shall ever remember with
gratitude and friendship. I can assure you with truth, they had made an
indelible impression on her mind, and that to the last, on our meetings
after long separations, whether I had heard lately of you, and how
you did, were among the earliest of her inquiries. In giving you this
assurance I perform a sacred duty for her, and, at the same time, am
thankful for the occasion furnished me, of expressing my regret that
circumstances should have arisen, which have seemed to draw a line of
separation between us, The friendship with which you honored me has ever
been valued, and fully reciprocated; and although events have been passing
which might be trying to some minds, I never believed yours to be of that
kind, nor felt that my own was. Neither my estimate of your character,
nor the esteem founded in that, has ever been lessened for a single
moment, although doubts whether it would be acceptable may have forbidden
manifestations of it.
Mr. Adams' friendship and mine began at an earlier date. It accompanied
us through long and important scenes. The different conclusions we had
drawn from our political reading and reflections, were not permitted to
lessen personal esteem; each party being conscious they were the result of
an honest conviction in the other. Like differences of opinion existing
among our fellow citizens, attached them to one or the other of us, and
produced a rivalship in their minds which did not exist in ours. We never
stood in one another's way; for if either had been withdrawn at any time,
his favorers would not have gone over to the other, but would have sought
for some one of homogeneous opinions. This consideration was sufficient
to keep down all jealousy between us, and to guard our friendship from
any disturbance by sentiments of rivalship; and I can say with truth, that
one act of Mr. Adams' life, and one only, ever gave me a moment's personal
displeasure. I did consider his last appointments to office as personally
unkind. They were from among my most ardent political enemies, from whom
no faithful co-operation could ever be expected; and laid me under the
embarrassment of acting through men whose views were to defeat mine, or to
encounter the odium of putting others in their places. It seems but common
justice to leave a successor free to act by instruments of his own choice.
If my respect for him did not permit me to ascribe the whole blame to
the influence of others, it left something for friendship to forgive, and
after brooding over it for some little time, and not always resisting the
expression of it, I forgave it cordially, and returned to the same state
of esteem and respect for him which had so long subsisted. Having come
into life a little later than Mr. Adams, his career has preceded mine, as
mine is followed by some other; and it will probably be closed at the same
distance after him which time originally placed between us. I maintain
for him, and shall carry into private life, an uniform and high measure of
respect and good will, and for yourself a sincere attachment.
I have thus, my dear Madam, opened myself to you without reserve, which
I have long wished an opportunity of doing; and without knowing how it
will be received, I feel relief from being unbosomed. And I have now
only to entreat your forgiveness for this transition from a subject of
domestic affliction, to one which seems of a different aspect. But though
connected with political events, it has been viewed by me most strongly
in its unfortunate bearings on my private friendships. The injury these
have sustained has been a heavy price for what has never given me equal
pleasure. That you may both be favored with health, tranquillity and long
life, is the prayer of one who tenders you the assurance of his highest
consideration and esteem.
TO GOVERNOR PAGE.
WASHINGTON, June 25, 1804.
Your letter, my dear friend, of the 25th ultimo, is a new proof of
the goodness of your heart, and the part you take in my loss marks an
affectionate concern for the greatness of it. It is great indeed. Others
may lose of their abundance, but I, of my want, have lost even the half
of all I had. My evening prospects now hang on the slender thread of
a single life. Perhaps I may be destined to see even this last cord of
parental affection broken! The hope with which I had looked forward to the
moment, when, resigning public cares to younger hands, I was to retire to
that domestic comfort from which the last great step is to be taken, is
fearfully blighted. When you and I look back on the country over which we
have passed, what a field of slaughter does it exhibit! Where are all the
friends who entered it with us, under all the inspiring energies of health
and hope? As if pursued by the havoc of war, they are strewed by the way,
some earlier, some later, and scarce a few stragglers remain to count the
numbers fallen, and to mark yet, by their own fall, the last footsteps
of their party. Is it a desirable thing to bear up through the heat of
the action, to witness the death of all our companions, and merely be the
last victim? I doubt it. We have, however, the traveller's consolation.
Every step shortens the distance we have to go; the end of our journey is
in sight, the bed wherein we are to rest, and to rise in the midst of the
friends we have lost. "We sorrow not then as others who have no hope;"
but look forward to the day which "joins us to the great majority." But
whatever is to be our destiny, wisdom, as well as duty, dictates that we
should acquiesce in the will of Him whose it is to give and take away,
and be contented in the enjoyment of those who are still permitted to
be with us. Of those connected by blood, the number does not depend on
us. But friends we have, if we have merited them. Those of our earliest
years stand nearest in our affections. But in this too, you and I have
been unlucky. Of our college friends (and they are the dearest) how few
have stood with us in the great political questions which have agitated
our country; and these were of a nature to justify agitation. I did not
believe the Lilliputian fetters of that day strong enough to have bound so
many. Will not Mrs. Page, yourself and family, think it prudent to seek
a healthier region for the months of August and September? And may we
not flatter ourselves that you will cast your eye on Monticello? We have
not many summers to live. While fortune places us then within striking
distance, let us avail ourselves of it, to meet and talk over the tales of
other times.
Present me respectfully to Mrs. Page, and accept yourself my friendly
salutations, and assurances of constant affection.
TO JUDGE TYLER.
WASHINGTON, June 28, 1801.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 10th instant has been duly received. Amidst
the direct falsehoods, the misrepresentations of truth, the calumnies
and the insults resorted to by a faction to mislead the public mind,
and to overwhelm those entrusted with its interests, our support is to
be found in the approving voice of our conscience and country, in the
testimony of our fellow citizens, that their confidence is not shaken by
these artifices. When to the plaudits of the honest multitude, the sober
approbation of the sage in his closet is added, it becomes a gratification
of an higher order. It is the sanction of wisdom superadded to the voice
of affection. The terms, therefore, in which you are so good as to express
your satisfaction with the course of the present administration cannot but
give me great pleasure. I may err in my measures, but never shall deflect
from the intention to fortify the public liberty by every possible means,
and to put it out of the power of the few to riot on the labors of the
many. No experiment can be more interesting than that we are now trying,
and which we trust will end in establishing the fact, that man may be
governed by reason and truth. Our first object should therefore be, to
leave open to him all the avenues to truth. The most effectual hitherto
found, is the freedom of the press. It is therefore, the first shut up by
those who fear the investigation of their actions. The firmness with which
the people have withstood the late abuses of the press, the discernment
they have manifested between truth and falsehood, show that they may
safely be trusted to hear everything true and false, and to form a correct
judgment between them. As little is it necessary to impose on their
senses, or dazzle their minds by pomp, splendor, or forms. Instead of this
artificial, how much surer is that real respect, which results from the
use of their reason, and the habit of bringing everything to the test of
common sense.
I hold it, therefore, certain, that to open the doors of truth, and to
fortify the habit of testing everything by reason, are the most effectual
manacles we can rivet on the hands of our successors to prevent their
manacling the people with their own consent. The panic into which they
were artfully thrown in 1798, the frenzy which was excited in them
by their enemies against their apparent readiness to abandon all the
principles established for their own protection, seemed for awhile to
countenance the opinions of those who say they cannot be trusted with
their own government. But I never doubted their rallying; and they did
rally much sooner than I expected. On the whole, that experiment on their
credulity has confirmed my confidence in their ultimate good sense and
virtue.
I lament to learn that a like misfortune has enabled you to estimate the
afflictions of a father on the loss of a beloved child. However terrible
the possibility of such another accident, it is still a blessing for you
of inestimable value that you would not even then descend childless to the
grave. Three sons, and hopeful ones too, are a rich treasure. I rejoice
when I hear of young men of virtue and talents, worthy to receive, and
likely to preserve the splendid inheritance of self-government, which we
have acquired and shaped for them.
The complement of midshipmen for the Tripoline squadron, is full; and
I hope the frigates have left the Capes by this time. I have, however,
this day, signed warrants of midshipmen for the two young gentlemen you
recommended. These will be forwarded by the Secretary of the Navy. He
tells me that their first services will be to be performed on board the
gun boats.
Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect.
TO J. MADISON.
July 5, 1804.
We did not collect the sense of our brethren the other day by regular
questions, but as far as I could understand from what was said, it
appeared to be,--1. That an acknowledgment of our right to the Perdido,
is a _sine qua non_, and no price to be given for it. 2. No absolute and
perpetual relinquishment of right is to be made of the country east of
the Rio Bravo del Norte, even in exchange for Florida. [I am not quite
sure that this was the opinion of all.] 3. That a country may be laid
off within which no further settlement shall be made by either party for
a given time, say thirty years. This country to be from the North river
eastwardly towards the Colorado, or even to, but not beyond the Mexican
or Sabine river. To whatever river it be extended, it might from its
source run north-west, as the most eligible direction; but a due north
line would produce no restraint that we should feel in twenty years. This
relinquishment, and two millions of dollars, to be the price of all the
Floridas east of the Perdido, or to be apportioned to whatever part they
will cede.
But on entering into conferences, both parties should agree that, during
their continuance, neither should strengthen their situation between the
Iberville, Mississippi, and Perdido, nor interrupt the navigation of the
rivers therein. If they will not give such an order instantly, they should
be told that we have for peace sake only, forborne till they could have
time to give such an order, but that as soon as we receive notice of their
refusal to give the order we shall intermit the exercise of our right of
navigating the Mobile, and protect it, and increase our force there _pari
passu_ with them.
TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE.
WASHINGTON, July 7, 1804.
DEAR SIR,--In a letter of the 17th of April, which I wrote you from
Monticello, I observed to you that as the legislative council for the
territory of Orleans, was to be appointed by me, and our distance was
great, and early communication on the subject was necessary, that it ought
to be composed of men of integrity, of understanding, of clear property
and influence among the people, well acquainted with the laws, customs,
and habits of the country, and drawn from the different parts of the
territory, whose population was considerable. And I asked the favor of you
to inform me of the proper characters, with short sketches of the material
outlines for estimating them; and I observed that a majority should be of
sound American characters long established and esteemed there, and the
rest of French or Spaniards, the most estimable and well affected. When
in daily expectation of an answer from you, I received your favor of May
29th, whereby I perceive that my letter to you has never got to hand. I
must therefore, at this late day, repeat my request to you, and ask an
early answer, because after receiving it, I may perhaps have occasion to
consult you again before a final determination. A letter _written_ any
time in August will find me at Monticello, near Milton, and had better
be so directed. A blank commission for a Surveyor and Inspector for the
port of Bayou St. John, will be forwarded to you to be filled up with any
name you approve. I would prefer a native Frenchman, if you can find one
proper and disposed to co-operate with us in extirpating that corruption
which has prevailed in those offices under the former government, and had
so familiarized itself as that men, otherwise honest, could look on that
without horror. I pray you to be alive to the suppression of this odious
practice, and that you bring to punishment and brand with eternal disgrace
every man guilty of it, whatever be his station.
TO P. MAZZEI.