THE KEY TO ELECTORAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM
"De la manière de régler le suffrage dépend la ruine ou le salut des
Etats."--MONTESQUIEU
_Electoral problems awaiting solution._
The Liberal, Conservative, and Labour parties are all agreed that a
large measure of electoral reform is long overdue, but hitherto the
various parties have contended only for such reforms as would strengthen
their own parliamentary position. Liberal and Labour politicians,
looking at the inequality in the voting power of electors, have demanded
a reform of the franchise; they urge that every man should have one vote
and no more. The Conservative party, looking at the inequalities in the
size of constituencies, have demanded a redistribution of seats on the
ground that all votes should be of equal value. Liberals, again, feeling
the difficulties which have attended the emergence of third-party
candidatures in the constituencies, ask for a reform in the method of
voting so as to ensure that the member elected for any constituency
shall represent a majority of the citizens. Apart from the question of
the enfranchisement of women, which involves considerations of a
different order, these are the three electoral problems with which
public opinion has been chiefly concerned.
The efforts of parties to give effect to the reforms in which they have
been more particularly interested have so far ended in failure. In 1905
Mr. Balfour introduced a Bill for the redistribution of seats,
unaccompanied by any reform of the franchise. The measure was met with
the cry of "gerrymander!" and its disappearance with the fall of the
Government was regretted by few. In 1907 the Liberal Government
attempted to deal with the franchise problem, apart from any scheme of
redistribution. It endeavoured in Mr. Harcourt's Plural Voting Bill, a
highly complex measure, to give effect to the principle of "one man, one
vote." This Bill was strongly opposed on the ground that the reform was
partial in character. If, said the opponents of the measure, it is
unfair that one elector should have twelve votes whilst another elector
has but one, it is equally unfair that the vote of an elector in one
constituency should be twelve times as valuable as the vote of an
elector in another constituency. The justice of the argument must be
admitted, and explains why the rejection of the Plural Voting Bill by
the House of Lords aroused comparatively little public feeling. Yet the
rejection of this Bill has focussed attention upon the deficiencies of
our franchise laws, and the eyes of all politicians are turning towards
that more comprehensive measure of electoral reform which cannot be
indefinitely postponed. Such a measure has been categorically promised
by Mr. Asquith on more than one occasion. So far back as 1908, soon
after his accession to the Premiership,[1] he made the following public
declaration: "I regard it as a duty, and indeed as a binding obligation
on the part of the Government, that before this Parliament comes to an
end they should submit a really effective scheme for the reform of our
electoral system."
_The simplification of the franchise._
What are the lines on which a really effective scheme can be framed? The
fate of the partial measures already referred to is at least an
indication of the difficulties which will attend any attempt to carry an
incomplete scheme. It may be assumed that an effective scheme must deal
with the three problems named: franchise (including registration),
redistribution, and three-cornered contests. Each of these factors must
be dealt with as simply as a due recognition of the problem to be
solved will allow. The complexity of Mr. Harcourt's Plural Voting Bill
was due to the fact that we possess no less than twenty[2] different
franchises. But the remedy is easy. "If," said the late Sir Charles
Dilke, "they wanted to cheapen the cost, to remove the disgrace from
this country of having registration more full of fraud and error than
anywhere else, they could only do so by some simple franchise. All
registration reform was condemned to failure until they made up their
minds on a simple and easy basis for the franchise, sufficiently wide to
enable them to absorb all existing franchises." Such a simple franchise
is to be found in manhood suffrage, which would admit of the easy
transfer of electors' names from the register of one electoral division
to another. The chief objection to this solution, which arises from the
fear that the most numerous class in the country may monopolise
representation, may be met by linking the adoption of a simple franchise
with a system of election which shall give due representation to
minorities.
_Redistribution._
Redistribution must be treated with like boldness, but before
considering the principle on which this reform must be based, it would
be well to give some indication of its urgency. Here are the figures of
four of the largest and four of the smallest English constituencies as
given in the Parliamentary Return of 1911:--
***
Constituency. Electors. Constituency. Electors. Romford (Essex) 55,951
Durham. 2,698 Walthamstow (Essex) 42,029
Bury St. Edmunds 2,878 Wandsworth 39,821
Whitehaven 2,989 Harrow (Middlesex) 38,865
St. George's, Tower Hamlets 3,252
_Should be automatic._
It will be observed that an elector in Durham has twenty times the
political power of an elector in the Romford Division of Essex. Nor are
these discrepancies confined to England. There are great divergencies
between the electorates of individual constituencies in Scotland and
Ireland, and any measure of redistribution which attempted to deal
effectively with these would necessarily have to be of a far-reaching
character. Even were it possible to effect a readjustment by the
creation of parliamentary areas containing an equal number of electors,
so rapid are the changes in the electorate that the scheme would be out
of date almost before it came into force. Mr. Ellis T. Powell has
published a valuable table entitled "the process of electoral
evolution,"[3] in which he has arranged the constituencies in the order
of their size as measured by the number of electors who were on the
registers in 1886, and again in 1906. The table shows how remarkable has
been the change in their relative importance. The rapidity of the change
is still further indicated by a comparison based upon the 1908 register.
Any one who has the curiosity to count the number of constituencies
which retained the same position on the list both in 1906 and 1908 will
find this to be the case in nineteen constituencies only out of a total
of 481. So great, indeed, has been the change since 1901, the date of
the last census, that no satisfactory scheme of redistribution could be
framed upon the population figures of that year. It would seem that the
only satisfactory principle upon which the problem can be solved is that
of an automatic redistribution of seats on the completion of every
census, but the difficulties associated with such a solution, if the
present system of single-member constituencies is retained, are so
overwhelming as to render it almost inadmissible. True, the South
African Constitution provides for the automatic redistribution of seats
after every quinquennial census,[4] and the Canadian Constitution
contains a similar provision, but the inconveniences attaching to a
rearrangement of boundaries are not so great in new countries as those
which obtain in an established country. Moreover, as time goes on, the
inconveniences associated with rapid changes in boundaries will be felt
more and more both in Canada and in South Africa. For local
authorities[5] rightly complain of the difficulties which arise from the
creation of different areas for different purposes and the consequent
overlapping of boundaries, and these difficulties would increase were
fresh parliamentary divisions created every ten years. The problem which
would be involved in the creation of new parliamentary divisions for
London is such as to render a satisfactory scheme almost impossible.
Apart, however, from these considerations, the difficulties of another
kind attendant upon the creation of new constituencies are so great that
it is quite easy to understand the unwillingness of the leaders of both
political parties to embark upon schemes of redistribution. The
influence of boundaries upon the political fortunes of parties is so
well known that any rearrangement, whether in the metropolis or in the
large towns, would probably be looked upon with very grave suspicion,
and the more so that in several towns party organizations have already
endeavoured to obtain the maximum of party advantage under existing
conditions.
_Secures neither one vote, one value nor true representation._ Further,
it has been proved beyond question that a redistribution of seats will,
if single-member constituencies are retained, fail to accomplish the end
which its advocates have in view, namely, one vote one value. For
redistribution can only secure equality in the size of electoral
districts, and this is not the same as equality in the value of votes.
With equal electoral districts it would still be possible in two
adjoining constituencies for one member to be returned by a large
majority and the other by a small majority. In Wales it might still
happen that a Conservative vote would be valueless for the purpose of
obtaining representation. Equality in vote value is only secured when
the votes of electors of all parties are equally effective. This can
only happen when the representation of parties is brought into agreement
with their voting strength.
The Royal Commission on Electoral Systems entered very carefully into
the probable effect of redistribution upon the representation of parties
within the House of Commons, and came to the conclusion that, so far "as
facts can be adduced to test it, the theory that the varying size of
constituencies accounts for the exaggeration of majorities falls to the
ground." This conclusion--and the Commission could hardly have come to
any other--is in agreement with the opinions expressed both by Mr. S.
Rosenbaum, of the Royal Statistical Society,[6] and by Mr. J. Rooke
Corbett, of the Manchester Statistical Society.[7] The following summary
of the results of Mr. Corbett's analyses of the eight General Elections
1885-1910 shows conclusively that redistribution would fail to remedy
the inequalities in representation arising from a system of
single-member constituencies:
GENERAL ELECTIONS, 1885-1910
Majority Majority
Year of of seats under system Majority under
Election Party. actually of equal a proportional
gained. electorates. system.
1885 Liberal 158 178 86 Liberal
1886 Conservative 104 102 8 Liberal
1892 Liberal 44 46 34 Liberal
1895 Conservative 150 172 12 Conservative
1900 Conservative 134 150 16 Conservative
1906 Liberal 356 362 104 Liberal
1910(Jan.) Liberal 124 136 66 Liberal
1910(Dec.) Liberal 126 122 38 Liberal
"It is sometimes said," states Mr. Corbett, "that if the single-member
constituencies were made equal in size these inequalities of
representation would disappear. It is difficult to understand how any
one with even the most elementary knowledge of the facts can support
such a proposition. An examination of the foregoing summary will show
that no readjustment of the electoral constituencies would do much to
remedy the enormous inequalities which occur at present. In fact strict
equalization of the constituencies would be as likely to make matters
worse as to make them better. Thus, in the year 1885 the Liberal
majority of 158, which under a proportional system would have been 86,
by a system of equal electorates would have been transformed into a
majority of 178; in the following year a Conservative majority of 104,
which, with a proportional system, would have been a Liberal majority of
8, would under a system of equal electorates have been transformed into
a Conservative majority of 102." Mr. Rosenbaum states: "I am firmly
persuaded that it is not possible for redistribution alone to effect
those particular reforms which the advocates of proportional
representation urge.... Proportional representation would secure in the
House of Commons a representation of each party in strict arithmetical
proportion to the number of its supporters in the country.
Redistribution can remove anomalies due to over-representation in one
part and under-representation in another part of the country. So far as
the over-representation in one area is accompanied by an excessive
proportion of members of one party, and the under-representation in
another area is accompanied by a deficiency of members of the opposite
party, redistribution might have some counterbalancing results. There
is, however, no real security that redistribution by itself might not
aggravate rather than mitigate this particular trouble."
_The problem simplified by proportional representation._
It will have been observed that the difficulties of redistribution arise
from the system of single-member constituencies, and it is this which
also renders all schemes useless for the purpose of securing equality in
the value of votes. An effective and simple solution of all difficulties
is available. Abandon the system of single-member constituencies with
their ever-changing boundaries, and treat the natural divisions of the
country (its counties, large towns, &c.) as permanent constituencies
with representation varying with the rise or fall of their population.
This is the scheme of redistribution required by a system of
proportional representation, and its adoption would simplify the most
difficult of all the problems of electoral reform. It would make
possible that automatic redistribution of seats, which must be an
essential feature of any satisfactory scheme of redistribution, without
involving these alterations of boundaries which, in addition to their
other disadvantages and even dangers, interfere so seriously with
administrative efficiency. With such a system the areas for local or
parliamentary purposes might easily be brought into agreement. Already
"we have strong county patriotism fostered by tradition, by
ecclesiastical and judicial affairs, county council government, county
territorial organization, and even county cricket and football; to have,
therefore, county electoral areas would be at once popular and
intelligible to all; besides, it would be a reversion to an old
tradition";[8] and if the large towns were made parliamentary
constituencies this also would be a reversion to the conditions which
existed before 1885. It would be infinitely easier to add
representatives to or take them away from such electoral areas than it
would be to redivide the boroughs and counties for the purpose of
creating new constituencies.
Commenting on the work of the Delimitation Commission, to which was
entrusted the duty of creating the new constituencies for the South
African Assembly and Provincial Councils, the Secretary, in a letter to
the author, says: "The task set the Commission proved exceedingly
difficult. While it was, so to speak, imperative to give due
consideration to all the principles enjoined by the Act, the great
object naturally was the framing of constituencies both for the Union
Assembly and for the Provincial Councils which would be able to send
representatives who, in turn, would reflect the will of the various
sections of the people. The conditions enjoined by the Act made it very
difficult to produce schemes which could on all hands be considered
entirely satisfactory.... Good as the result is, there is no question
that had the first recommendation of the South African Convention in
favour of proportional representation been adopted, the work of the
Commission would not only have been much simplified, but the chances of
framing constituencies with representatives forming a true mirror of the
various sections of the people would have been increased by more than
fifty per cent.... If there had been any doubt in my mind my work on
this Commission has removed that doubt, and proved to me that the only
remedy for our various electoral ills is a system of proportional
representation." This considered testimony, from one who has been
immersed in the practical details of redistribution, is of great value,
but it can occasion no surprise, for proportional representation admits
of automatic redistribution of seats, provides for the permanence of
boundaries, renders gerrymandering impossible, and, above all, secures
equality in the value of votes.
_The case of Ireland._ There is one special difficulty,[9] however,
which must be faced in the consideration of any scheme of redistribution
for the United Kingdom--the number of representatives to be allotted to
Ireland. The permanent over-representation of any one part of a kingdom
united for common purposes cannot easily be defended, but the South
African Constitution furnishes an example of a larger representation
being accorded temporarily to the smaller states for the purpose of
facilitating the union of all; whilst in South Africa, Australia, and
the United States the separate states or provinces have equal
representation, irrespective of size, in the Senate. If the continued
over-representation of Ireland would in any way facilitate the process
of the unification of the United Kingdom, that in itself would be a very
powerful and sufficient reason for maintaining the number of Irish
members at its present level. A system of proportional representation
might simplify the solution of this particular difficulty, for the
over-representation of Ireland would not have the same disturbing effect
upon the composition of the House of Commons if the different divisions
of political opinions within Ireland obtained their fair share of
representation. For proportional representation would produce a very
important modification of the electoral conditions within Ireland.
According to Mr. J. Rooke Corbett, the Irish Unionists who, at the
General Election of 1906, obtained 18 representatives, were entitled to
34. But that is not the only change that would take place. There would
result a softening of those racial divisions which are now the chief
characteristic of Irish representation. Moderate opinion would be
encouraged to take a more active part in elections and to seek
representation. Nor can it be said that the political conditions of
Ireland are such as to render proportional representation within Ireland
either impracticable or nugatory in its effect. Mr. Archibald E. Dobbs,
High Sheriff of county Antrim, has framed a scheme with special
reference to Irish conditions[10], and Lord MacDonnell, who was
intimately associated with the details of the Irish Council Bill of
1907, has said: "He made the subject the matter of as close a study as
he could at the time, and everything he read more fully satisfied him of
the great desirability of the system. He felt that it was more needed in
Ireland than in any other part of the British Empire, because, although
for the purpose of general politics the division into Nationalists and
Unionists could be defended, for the purpose he had in view--the
internal administration of Ireland--it was essential that all views, not
only the Nationalists and the Unionists, but the great political school
of thought under the name of the old Whigs should also be represented.
The results of his labours perhaps it would not be discreet for him to
disclose, but he was quite satisfied of the practicability in Ireland of
a scheme of proportional representation[11]."
_Three-cornered contests._
But even if the Electoral Reform Bill provided for a simplification of
the franchise and a redistribution of seats, yet such a measure could
not be described as a complete and effective scheme of reform. The Bill
must provide a solution for the further problem arising from
three-cornered contests, which have greatly increased in number in
recent elections. On what principle is this difficulty to be solved?
Formerly there was a strong demand for the second ballot, but its
defects have been so constantly exposed that the remedy more generally
advocated is the one recommended by the Royal Commission on Electoral
Systems, viz., the adoption of the alternative vote (the transferable
vote in single-member constituencies). This proposal, however, ignores
the real difficulty, which is found in the fact that three parties, and
not two, are now seeking representation. Three-cornered contests have,
so far, affected adversely the fortunes of the Liberal Party; and the
alternative vote, whilst tending, at least temporarily, to redress the
situation, does so without providing any adequate guarantee for the
fair representation of other parties. Were this remedy adopted it may be
assumed that Liberal candidates would be nominated in those
constituencies which are now represented by members of the Labour Party,
and at least there would be a cessation of the process of withdrawing
Liberal candidates from other constituencies ear-marked by the Labour
Party. Were all these constituencies contested by the three parties it
might easily happen that the smallest party would obtain no
representation whatever. Conservative electors might record their second
choice for the Liberal candidate, and in this way secure in each case
the defeat of the Labour candidates. On the other hand, an alliance
between Labour and Conservatives might procure the defeat of the Liberal
candidates. The representation of any one party would depend upon the
action taken by members of other parties.
As the probable effects of the alternative vote becomes more fully
understood its inadequacy as a remedy will be more clearly realized, and
this proposal, instead of facilitating, may hinder the passage of a
comprehensive measure of reform. On the contrary, the wider reform of
proportional representation, providing as it would for the just and fair
representation of three parties (and this is the problem for which a
solution has to be found), has far greater claims to the consideration
of practical politicians. It simplifies the problem of redistribution;
it is the way by which equality in the value of votes can be secured; it
provides for the fair representation of three parties, and, in
guaranteeing the adequate representation of minorities, facilitates the
adoption of a simple franchise. Proportional representation is, as it
were, the master key which unlocks the difficulties associated with a
comprehensive measure of electoral reform. Based on a broad simple
principle, the justice of which is apparent to all, it provides the
means by which each of the separate parts of such a measure can be most
easily and effectively dealt with. Indeed, it is difficult to conceive
on what other principle any permanent solution of the electoral problem
can be based, or by what other means the difficulties inherent in a
comprehensive measure of reform can be successfully overcome.
_Partial adoption of proportional representation not desirable_
Some who recognize the great merits of proportional representation have
suggested its application to urban constituencies by way of experiment.
Thus, Mr. Winston Churchill has expressed the opinion that "the
proportional representation of great cities was a point upon which
electoral reformers ought to concentrate their minds."[12] A partial
application of the reform might be of value as further evidence of its
practicability, but there is no need for this further evidence. The full
benefits of the system cannot be expected from such experiments, and
although a partial measure is apparently working satisfactorily in
Würtemberg, the history of the movement shows that such schemes usually
arouse fierce opposition. An attempt to introduce a partial scheme in
Belgium provoked a storm of indignation and had to be withdrawn, and the
amendment to the original draft of the South African Constitution,
carried in the Cape Parliament, limiting the proposed application of
proportional representation to the towns, resulted in its complete
abandonment for the elections for the House of Assembly. All partial
applications of proportional representation are apt to work unfairly. In
Belgium, the Catholics were stronger in the rural districts than in the
towns and the proportional representation of the towns alone would have
strengthened the political position of the Catholics. Similarly the
limitation of proportional representation to the towns in South Africa
would have strengthened the political position of the Dutch in those
constituencies without giving a corresponding advantage to the
minorities in the country areas. Were a partial application attempted in
Great Britain it would be necessary to overcome the initial difficulty
of selecting the constituencies to which the experiment should be
applied, and in the absence of an agreement between the parties, it
would be difficult, if not impossible, to escape the fatal charge of
partisan selection.
_Proportional representation and democratic principles._
What hinders the adoption of a complete scheme of proportional
representation? Is it not primarily a lack of courage and of trust in
the principle of democracy? But does it need a greater courage, a
greater belief in the value of the democratic principle than the grant
of self-government to the Transvaal and to the Orange River Colony
within a few years of the Boer War? The courage and faith in the latter
case have been abundantly justified, and were statesmen actuated by a
similar courage and belief in democracy to propose a system of
proportional representation there would undoubtedly be a public response
which would astonish them; for reforms which are obviously based upon
justice are quickly and gladly accepted. Democracy cannot be carried to
its highest pitch of perfection if the electoral methods by which
representative institutions are brought into being are fundamentally
defective. "By proportional representation," said Mr. James Gibb, "if
electors were enabled to put more intelligence and conscience into their
votes, the nation would be the gainer. The character of the electorate
is of paramount importance, one outcome of it being the character of the
House of Commons. The electors have not yet had a fair chance of showing
what they can do in the making of a House of Commons. The question put
to them is in such a form that they can hardly give an intelligible
reply. The single-member system seems to imply a belief that the
elector's liberty of choice must be narrow. We have now arrived at a
point when another step is due in the evolution of the people's
liberties, when an individual elector should obtain a greater freedom of
choice and therefore a more intimate relation to national affairs.[13]
Further, the smooth working of democratic institutions requires that no
section of the electors should be permanently divorced from the
governing body. Such separation begets a feeling of hostility towards
the institutions of the country. Thus, Lord Dunraven has referred to
Ireland as a country in the government of which some of its best
citizens are not allowed to take part. Similarly, many British settlers
in the Orange Free State, although resident for several years, never had
any representative in the State Assembly. The natural feeling arose that
the government of the country was a matter which did not concern them,
and they never attended the meetings addressed by the member of the
Assembly for the district. It may be true that minorities must suffer,
but there is no reason why they should suffer needlessly. Here justice
and expediency go hand in hand. It is to the advantage of the country
that all should be associated with the representative body which speaks
in the name of the whole, whether that body be a town council, a county
council, or a House of Commons.
_Constitutional reform._
As pointed out in the opening chapter, the question of electoral reform
is intimately associated with the constitutional problem which has
occupied Parliament since 1906. This problem contains two factors--the
relation between the two Houses of Parliament, and the constitution of
the House of Lords. The House of Commons claims greater power in
legislation on the ground that it is the expression of the national
will. This demand has called forth a movement for reforming the House of
Lords in order that it may fulfil more adequately its duties as a Second
Chamber. The Unionist leaders have proposed that the peers should
delegate their powers to a small number and that the House should be
strengthened by the introduction of nominated and elected elements. With
regard to the suggestion that a certain number of Lords of Parliament
should be nominated by the Crown, all evidence points to the fact that
such nominations invariably become party in character. No Government
can afford to ignore the claims of the party which supports it, or to
miss the opportunity of strengthening its position in one of the Houses
of Parliament. The Canadian Senate, which is a nominated body, fails to
give satisfaction, and there is a strong demand for its reform. At the
conclusion of Sir John Macdonald's long lease of power the Senate
consisted nearly wholly of Conservatives. Now that the Liberal
Government has been in office for a good many years, the Senate is
nearly wholly Liberal. Obviously, the introduction of a nominated
element will not provide a Second Chamber that will command public
confidence.
The elected element might be chosen indirectly by the County Councils or
by the House of Commons, or the much bolder course of direct popular
election, advocated by Sir Edward Grey, might be adopted. Direct
election is distinctly preferable to indirect election by bodies created
for other purposes. The experience of the United States, France, Sweden,
and all other countries where the Upper House is elected by local
legislatures, provincial councils, or municipalities, show that
elections to the local authorities are fought on questions of national
politics. But whether indirect or direct election is determined upon, it
is already clear that the only possible method of election is that of
proportional representation. The Royal Commission on Electoral Systems
has reported that there is much to be said in favour of the transferable
vote as a method of election for a Second Chamber, and this verdict has
since been endorsed in numerous articles in the press. Thus a writer in
the _Quarterly Review_ says that: "If an elected element is thought to
be necessary for the popularity and effectiveness of a reformed Upper
House, then let a certain number of members be elected in large
constituencies by means of proportional representation."[14] Were the
minimum age qualifying for a vote in such elections raised to
twenty-five or more there would naturally be provided the conservative
tendency to which that House is intended to give expression, and were
peers eligible as candidates doubtless such peers as were interested in
politics would experience little difficulty in securing election.[15]
The principle of election has been adopted for the Senates of Australia
and of South Africa. In the former the majority system with direct
election is used; in the latter, a proportional system with indirect
election. The difference in the results is most striking. In Australia
each of the States is polled as a separate constituency, each elector
having three votes. The result of the election of 1910 was as follows:--
AUSTRALIA: SENATE ELECTIONS, 1910
State. Votes Polled. Labour Non-Labour Seats Obtained. Votes. Votes.
Labour. Non-Labour. Victoria 648,889 692,474 3 -- New South Wales
736,666 735,566 3 -- Queensland 244,292 124,048 3 -- South Australia
171,858 148,626 3 -- Western Australia 128,452 109,565 3 -- Tasmania
92,033 75,115 3 -- --------- --------- -- -- 2,021,090 1,997,029[16]
18 --
It will be seen that the Labour Party polled 2,021,090 votes and
obtained 18 seats, whilst their opponents, with a poll of no less than
1,997,029 votes, obtained none. So effectively does the majority system
in the form of the block vote blot out minorities. The Hon. W. Pember
Reeves, in commenting upon these figures,[17] said that: "Such results
give rise to revolutions."
In South Africa each State is represented by eight Senators chosen by
the local Parliaments by means of the single transferable vote. The
first elections gave the following result:--
SOUTH AFRICA: SENATE ELECTIONS, 1910
Seats Obtained. States. Dutch Parties[18] British Parties[18]
Cape Colony South African 6 Progressive 2 Transvaal Het Volk and
Progressive and Nationalist 5 Labour 3 Natal Dutch 1 British 7 Orange
Free State Orangia Unie 6 Constitutionalist 2 -- -- Total 18 Total 14
In the one case minorities are completely suppressed; in the other the
minority in each State obtains representation.
These two illustrations show that if the House of Lords is to be
strengthened by the infusion of an elected element chosen by large
constituencies, a true system of election must be adopted. This is the
conclusion arrived at by Professor Ramsay Muir[19] after a careful
examination of the different methods by which a Second Chamber can be
constituted. All suggestions as to the selection of peers by hereditary
peers, of peers qualified by service, by nomination, by indirect
election, by direct election on a limited franchise, are ruled out and
the direct election of a new Second Chamber by the single transferable
vote is advocated in order that the new House may contain those elements
which fail to secure representation with a system of single-member
constituencies. But if, by the adoption of direct popular election and
proportional representation, the Upper House were made more truly
representative than the Lower, then whatever resolutions were passed
defining the relations between the two Houses there is not much doubt
that power would tend to pass into the hands of the more representative
House. In commenting upon the Royal Commission's report _The Nation_[20]
said: "Perhaps the most pregnant sentence in this whole report is that
in which the Commission suggests that proportional representation might
be a suitable basis for an elective Senate. We have our liberty of
choice, and democracy may find its account in either alternative. We may
prefer to retain an imperfectly representative Lower House. But if we
place above it a really representative Senate the whole balance of the
Constitution might be altered, and the Senate become the more venerable,
the more democratic, and in the end, the more powerful Chamber. We may,
on the other hand, reform the House of Commons, and render any Senate
superfluous. In either event, proportional representation may become the
ultimate key to our constitutional problem."
_Federal Home Rule._
The same question, the method of election, must enter into the
consideration of those larger schemes, Federal Home Rule and Imperial
Federation, which have been mooted in the discussion of the
constitutional relations between the two Houses of the Parliament of the
United Kingdom. A writer in _The Times_,[21] whose series of letters
attracted considerable attention, said that the "central idea of
Federalism appears to be that our present single Imperial Parliament,
which does, or makes an attempt at doing, all the complicated
work--first of the Empire, and second of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland, and third of the various countries which together
make up the United Kingdom--is no longer adequate to the purpose. The
Federalists therefore propose that the Imperial Parliament, while
maintaining its supremacy absolutely intact, shall delegate a large part
of its functions to a number of subordinate national or provincial
Parliaments, who shall manage the domestic affairs of England,
Scotland, Ireland and Wales, or of such other territorial divisions as
may be agreed upon. These national or provincial Parliaments will be
entirely independent one of another, but all will acknowledge the full
and absolute sovereignty of the Imperial Parliament." Mr. Birrell stated
that "Federation beginning here at home, as it is called, is ripening
for a speedy decision. Such a Federation once established would be able
to find room for our Dominions overseas as and when they wished to come
in. We should have then a truly Imperial Parliament, at the door of
which any one of our Dominions could come in, and as it were hang up its
hat and coat in his Mother's House and take part in common Imperial
proceedings, and in the government of this great Empire."[22] These are
great changes, and without entering too deeply into details of how these
new bodies are to be brought into being, it is certain that one of the
conditions of their successful working is that they must be fully
representative. It is inconceivable that a national council can be set
up for Wales, or for Scotland, or for Ireland, without provision for the
adequate representation of minorities. Lord Morley, in instituting the
new Councils in India, was compelled to make provision for the
representation of Muhammedans. Mr. Birrell, in the Irish Council Bill of
1907, proposed that minorities should be represented by members
nominated by the Crown. It is impossible to reconcile this reactionary
proposal with democratic principles, and there can be no possible reason
for its adoption when there is a method of election available which
enables minorities to choose their own representatives.
_Imperial federation._
Mr. Birrell's vision of an Imperial Parliament for the British Empire
raises once more the value of a true method of election. An Imperial
Parliament will not accomplish its purpose--the consolidation of the
Empire--if the basis of representation is such as to give undue emphasis
to the separate interests of the constituent States. Further, it would
seem desirable that the establishment of such a Parliament should be
preceded by the more complete unification of the various States, for in
no other Empire are there so many racial divisions, and it is from these
that the greatest of political difficulties spring--in Ireland the
division between north and south; in the United Kingdom between Ireland
and Great Britain; in South Africa between the Dutch and British; in
Canada between the French and British. The majority system of election
brings out these differences in their acutest form. In Canada in 1910 no
representative from the Province of Quebec attended the National
Conference of Canadian Conservatives; of the four Provinces forming the
South African Union it was in the Orange Free State, where in the local
Parliament the minority was almost wholly deprived of representation,
that racial differences gave rise to the keenest feeling. Proportional
representation has proved itself to have been of the greatest value in
bi-racial countries such as Belgium where the representation of
political parties no longer coincides with racial divisions. The
adoption of proportional representation in the United Kingdom, in
Canada, and for all elections in South Africa would complete the
consolidation of these various divisions of the Empire, and even where
racial difficulties do not exist, as in Australia and New Zealand, the
fair representation of all classes of citizens would free questions of
Imperial politics from the dangers of exaggerated party majorities.
_Conclusion._
Whether it is a question of improving existing institutions, or the
creation of further representative bodies, the method of election is all
important. All other departments of human activity show continuous
improvement, and the substitution of scientific for rule-of-thumb
methods of election is an improvement long overdue. It may even be said
that the continued successful working of representative institutions
demand such an improvement. The accomplishment of other electoral
reforms can be more easily attained by the adoption of a system which
allows of the fair representation of all. The reform of the House of
Lords, whether by the delegation of the powers of existing peers to a
small number, or by the introduction of an elected element, or its
establishment on a completely democratic basis, necessitates the
adequate representation of minorities. Federal Home Rule is
impracticable unless due provision is made for minority representation.
But in the contemplation of newer legislative bodies it must not be
forgotten that it is of the utmost importance that the prestige of the
House of Commons--the mother of parliaments, and, as such, the glory of
English-speaking peoples--should be maintained at the highest level. Yet
its predominance in the Parliament of the United Kingdom can be
permanently secured only if it is made fully and completely
representative. The House of Commons must once more renew itself; it
must establish itself on sounder foundations. Its privileges and powers
have been won by the efforts of past generations. To the present
generation falls the opportunity of perfecting its organization and of
strengthening its foundations by making it in truth the expression of
the national will.
[Footnote 1: Reply to Deputation of Liberal members at House of Commons,
20 May 1908.]
[Footnote 2: "This number might be reduced to eleven, if minor
variations were grouped."--Sir Charles Dilke, National Liberal Club, 10
May 1909.]
[Footnote 3: _The Essentials of Self-Government,_ 1909, p. 62.]
[Footnote 4: Section 41 of the South Africa Act, 1909, reads thus: "As
soon as may be after every quinquennial census the
Governor-General-in-Council shall appoint a commission consisting of
three Judges of the Supreme Court of South Africa to carry out any
redivision which may have become necessary as between the different
electoral divisions in each Province, and to provide for the allocation
of the number of members to which such Province may have become entitled
under the provisions of this Act."]
[Footnote 5: The Town Clerk of Edinburgh, Dr. Hunter, urges a
rearrangement of the Parliamentary Divisions of the city, so as to
assimilate them to the municipal wards. "Confusion and unnecessary
expense are caused by the present arrangement.... The municipal area of
the city is represented in Parliament partly by the four city members,
partly by the member for Leith Burghs, and partly by the member for the
County of Midlothian. The distinction thus existing between the
Municipal and Parliamentary divisions of the city necessitates the
annual making up of separate rolls of voters for municipal and for
Parliamentary purposes respectively, involving heavy additional expense
(amounting to upwards of £1100 per annum), which would be avoided if the
areas for both purposes were assimilated." Assimilation is desirable
"not merely in order to save needless expense, but in the interests of
candidates and electors as well as of the electoral agencies. In the
dual arrangement at present existing the usual organizations for
electoral purposes of all kinds have to be duplicated. Not one of the
Parliamentary wards correspond with any of the municipal wards."--_The
Scotsman_, 9 August 1910.]
[Footnote 6: "The General Election of January 1910, and the Bearing of
the Results on some Problems of Representation." Paper read before the
Royal Statistical Society, 19 April 1910. Mr. Rosenbaum, however,
rejects proportional representation on political grounds. These have
been considered in the two previous chapters.]
[Footnote 7: "Electoral Statistics." Paper read before the Manchester
Statistical Society, 12 December 1906.]
[Footnote 8: Joseph King, M.P., in evidence before the Royal Commission
on Electoral Systems, 1909.]
[Footnote 9: This difficulty would disappear with the adoption of Home
Rule.]
[Footnote 10: _Real Representation for Ireland_, 1908.]
[Footnote 11: Report of Annual Meeting of the Proportional
Representation Society, 21 July 1909.--_Representation,_ vol. ii.
p. 154.]
[Footnote 12: In reply to a deputation of the Manchester Liberal
Federation, 22 May 1909.]
[Footnote 13: _Minutes of Evidence_, Royal Commission on Electoral
Systems, 1910 (Cd. 6352), p. 104.]
[Footnote 14: _Cf._ "Two Chambers or One," _Quarterly Review_, July
1910.]
[Footnote 15: The indirect election of the United States Senate gives so
little satisfaction that the House of Representatives on 14 April 1911
approved of the proposed amendment to the Constitution providing for
popular election by 296 votes to 6.]
[Footnote 16: Of these, the Fusionists polled 1,830,353 votes.]
[Footnote 17: Address to the London School of Economics, 5 October
1910.]
[Footnote 18: These broad distinctive titles are here given, although
the author recognizes that the Nationalist and Unionist parties in South
Africa are not exclusively Dutch or British.]
[Footnote 19: _Peers and Bureaucrats_, by Ramsay Muir, Professor of
Modern History at Liverpool University.]
[Footnote 20: 21 May 1910.]
[Footnote 21: "Pacificus," _The Times_, 31 October 1910.]
[Footnote 22: Address to the Eighty Club, 25 July 1910.]
APPENDIX I
THE JAPANESE ELECTORAL SYSTEM--THE SINGLE NON-TRANSFERABLE VOTE
The following memorandum has been written by Mr. Kametaro Hayasbida, the
Chief Secretary of the Japanese House of Representatives, in reply to a
series of questions, the particulars of which are set out in the
memorandum.
_Failure of single member system._
The Original Election Law of our country was promulgated in 1889, the
same year in which took place the promulgation of the Constitution.
Under this law the system of small electoral districts was
single-adopted, and each _Fu_ or _Ken_ (administrative district) was
divided into several electoral districts each of which constituted a
single-member constituency (with the exception of some large districts
which, impossible of further division, had two seats allotted with the
system of _scrutin de liste_). The system was, however, found in
practice to be very unsatisfactory, as it often happened that a minority
of the voters, instead of the majority, in certain _Fu_ or _Ken_
obtained the majority of the members returned, and, on the other hand, a
party with a majority at the polls could not sometimes, as the result of
the grouping of the voters in the small electoral districts, secure any
representation at all. Under such circumstances it was utterly
impossible for each political party to obtain representation in
reasonable proportion to the strength of its voters; or, in other words,
the electors of the country at large had never succeeded in being
properly represented in their legislative body. As the inadequacy of the
system was thus apparently shown I formulated in 1891, by somewhat what
modifying Marshal's cumulative voting system, a system of large
electoral districts combined with that of the single vote, and urged for
a revision of the Election Law.
_Multi-member constituencies. Single vote adopted 1900._
Since then several elections had taken place; and the defects of the
existing law were more strongly pronounced at each successive election.
It was, however, not until the year 1898 that the Government at last
introduced a Bill for a revision of the law with the view of adopting
the system I had the honour of formulating. After heated discussion in
three successive sessions, the Bill was passed in 1900 and sanctioned as
a law. This is our present Election Law. In the revised system the _Fu,
Ken_, and _Shi_ (the administrative districts) constitute at the same
time the electoral districts, and a voter in each district has but one
vote for one candidate, while several seats (according to the
population) are allotted to the district.
The above is a brief historical sketch of our electoral system. I shall
now try to answer your questions in order.
_Equitable results._
As to the first question whether our system secures the representation
of each party in reasonable proportion to its voting strength, I cannot
do better than answer it by pointing out a few instances in the General
Election which took place on the 15 May 1908.
TABLE I
THE CITY OF TOKYO (11 seats)
Seats in Seats
Parties. Votes. Proportion Obtained.
to votes.
Seiyu-Kwai (Liberals) 6,579 2.71 2
Konsei-honto (Progressives) 2,216 0.91 1
Daido-ha (Conservatives) 2,879 1.18 2
Yuko-Kwai (Radicals) 4,656 1.91 2
Churitsu (Independent) 10,414 4.29 4
------ ----- --
Total 26,744 11.00 11
All parties except the Seiyu-kwai and Daido-ha succeeded in obtaining
their representatives in reasonable proportion to their respective
voting strength. The explanation given for the particular case of the
Seiyu-kwai is that the party, unable for some reason or other to limit
the number of candidates, had placed five candidates instead of three or
four, and caused its own defeat by splitting the votes. I take at
random, or rather in the order they come, a few more districts, and the
results obtained are as follows:--
TABLE II
TOKYO-FU (5 seats)
Parties. Number of Seats in Seats
Candidates. Votes. Proportion Obtained
to Votes.
Seiyu-kwai 5 12,794 4.02 4
Kensei-honto - - - -
Daido-ha. 1 13,122 .98 1
Churitsu - - - -
------ ---- -
Total 6 15,916 5.00 5
TABLE III
THE CITY OF KYOTO (3 seats)
Parties. Number of Seats in Seats
Candidates. Votes. Proportion Obtained
to Votes.
Seiyu-kwai 1 1,284 0.45 -
Kensei-honto - - - -
Daido-ha - - - -
Yuko-Kwai - - - -
Churitsu 3 7,304 2.55 3
- ----- ---- -
Total 4 8,588 3.00 3
TABLE IV
KYOTO-FU (5 seats)
Parties. Number of Seats in Seats
Candidates. Votes. Proportion Obtained.
to Votes.
Seiyu-kwai 5 18,928 4.01 4
Kensei-honto -- -- -- --
Daido-ha -- -- -- --
Yuko-kwai -- -- -- --
Churitsu 1 4,701 0.99 1
--------------------------------------
Total.... 6 23,629 5.00 5
TABLE V
THE CITY OF OSAKA (6 seats)
Parties. Number of Seats in Seats
Candidates. Votes. Proportion Obtained.
to Votes.
Seiyu-kwai 5 8,666 3.32 4
Kensei-honto -- -- -- --
Daido-ha -- -- -- --
Yuko-kwai 1 2,612 1.00 1
Churitsu 2 4,368 1.68 1
---------------------------------------------
Total.... 8 15,646 6.00 6
TABLE VI
OSAKU-FU (6 seats)
Parties. Number of Seats in Seats
Candidates. Votes. Proportion Obtained.
to Votes.
Seiyu-kwai 5 15,137 3.57 5
Kensei-honto -- -- -- --
Daido-ha 1 2,199 0.52 --
Yuko-kwai 1 1,304 0.31 --
Churitsu 3 6,786 1.60 1
---------------------------------------------
Total.... 10 25,426 6.00 6
Throughout all electoral districts similar results were obtained. The
Churitsu (_i.e._ those belonging to no party), considered as a group,
had not everywhere been as successful as the other parties, as observe
in Tables V. and VI. Each candidate of this group is quite independent
of the other, and has no political views or propaganda in common, nor
any organization whatever. Therefore, each case is totally different
from the other. Although all independent candidates or voters are in
these tables grouped as Churitsu, it is not proper to consider them in
the same category with the other parties.
Now, judging from the results in the General Election, a few instances
of which are given above, I may say that our present system, if not
fully satisfactory, tolerably secures the representation of each
political party in approximate proportion to its voting capacity.
_The new system and party organization._
As to the first part of your second question, whether, to obtain these
results, the system involves a great deal of calculation on the part of
political organizations as to the exact number of their supporters, I
should say that, as the same system and method of election are uniformly
adopted in the city, county, borough and village elections as well as in
the elections of the Prefectural Assembly, it is not a very difficult
task for all political parties to ascertain from the results of all
these elections their relative strength, and to estimate the number of
their supporters.
As to the second part of the question, whether it is necessary to issue
precise instructions to the electors as to the candidates for whom they
should vote, my answer is this: as every political organization through
its branch in every _Fu_ and _Ken_ and the sub-branches in the cities,
counties, towns and villages, is always in close touch with its
constituents, and is constantly explaining its position and propaganda,
with the view not only to instruct them but also to extend the sphere of
its influence, it is not so difficult as it seems to decide the number
of candidates. When it is once decided efforts are made on the part of
the organization to distribute the votes among the candidates in such a
way that not one of them receives a defeat at the hands of the other
party. To attain this object the methods are not very complicated, for
every elector has but one vote for one candidate; and, moreover, the
stronger candidates, so long as their own position is secured, will
endeavour to distribute a portion of their votes among the weaker
candidates. This being the case, the member returned with the greatest
number of votes may not be the most popular candidate, but the party as
a whole is much more likely to succeed in getting representatives in
proportion to the strength of its voters.
_The position of independents._
As to the third question, whether the system enables men of independent
mind and character to maintain their position in Parliament, I should
emphatically state that the revised system is much better than the old
in this respect. Under the old system even such a prominent man as Mr.
M. Matsuda (the Speaker of the House of Representatives some years ago,
and the Minister of Finance in the present Government) suffered several
defeats. But under the new system it has never happened that the leader
of a party has lost his seat at any election, as he may seek his
election at the safest district. To men of independent mind and
character the new system offers the greater opportunity to maintain
their position in the House, for in the election they may, in spite of
the opposition of parties, draw their votes from all parts within a
large electoral district. It may be said that the larger electoral
district we have, the greater opportunity we afford to independent
candidates. For instance, both Mr. Y. Ozaki, the Mayor of Tokyo, and Mr.
S. Shimada, by being independent candidates, have never lost their seat
in Parliament, and in the last General Election were returned for their
native prefecture or town with a great number of votes.
This brings me to the end of my answers to your inquiries. In conclusion
I may say a few words about the public opinions in our country as to the
Election Laws.
_Public opinion and the new system._
Despite the fact that the new system enables the elector of the country
to be more reasonably represented in the House, still there are some
ambitious politicians urging for their own selfish purpose to restore
the old system. But, as almost all prominent members in both Houses are
fully cognizant of the relative merits and demerits of the two systems,
there is not much chance of our returning to the old system.
APPENDIX II
THE SECOND BALLOT
A Note on the German General Elections of 1903 and 1907.
The German Reichstag, which consists of 397 members, is elected by a
system of single-member constituencies. Every member, however, must have
obtained a majority of the votes polled, either at a first or second
ballot, in the constituency for which he has been returned. The German
Official Returns furnish very complete details of the elections,
including the figures for the first and second ballots, and the
summaries at the end of the Returns disclose a very striking divergence
between the proportions of seats obtained and votes polled by the
various political parties. These discrepancies have attracted general
attention, and have usually been attributed to the great variation in
the size of German constituencies. As a matter of fact, the effect of
redistribution on the proportionality between seats and votes is not
nearly so large as is generally supposed. Apart from the consequences of
neglecting the votes of the minority or minorities in each constituency,
wherein lies the gravest defect of a single-member system, the second
ballot is a disturbing factor of considerable importance. So far from
diminishing the disproportion between seats and votes polled by the
various parties, the second ballot frequently increases that
disproportion. In order to appreciate the respective effects of unequal
constituencies and of the second ballots it is necessary to consider
these two factors separately. This will be facilitated by making a
comparison between the results which would have been obtained without
second ballots with the results actually obtained. The following
tables, which are based upon the official returns, give the votes polled
and the seats obtained by the five principal groups:--
GERMAN GENERAL ELECTION, 1903
Parties. Votes. Results without Results with
Second Ballot. Second Ballot.
Social Democrats 3,010,771 122 81
(31.7%) (30.7%) (20.4%)
Centre Party 1,875,273 104 100
(19.7%) (26.2%) (25.2%)
National Liberals 1,317,401 32 51
(13.9%) ( 8.1%) (12.8%)
Conservatives 1,281,852 79 75
(13.6%) (19.9%) (18.9%)
Radical Parties 872,653 11 36
( 9.2%) ( 2.8%) ( 9.1%)
GERMAN GENERAL ELECTION, 1907
Parties. Votes. Results without Results with
Second Ballot. Second Ballot.
Social Democrats 3,259,029 73 43
(28.9%) (18.4%) (10.8%)
Centre Party 2,179,743 101 105
(19.3%) (26.4%) (26.4%)
National Liberals 1,630,681 47 54
(14.5%) (11.8%) (13.6%)
Conservatives 1,632,072 91 84
(13.6%) (22.9%) (21.2%)
Radical Parties 1,233,933 30 49
(10.9%) ( 7.6%) (12.3%)
_The effect of unequal constituencies on representation_.
The Social Democrats were affected to a greater extent than any other
party by both the factors referred to. In 1903 the Socialists polled
31.7 per cent, of the votes, and, at the first ballots, were at the head
of the poll in 122, or 30.7 per cent, of the constituencies. In other
words, if the system of second ballots had not been in force, the Social
Democrats would have obtained very nearly their fair share of
representation. If, in addition, there had been a redistribution of
seats by which the sizes of constituencies had been equalized, the
Social Democrats would have obtained more than their share of
representation. The strength of the party lay in the large towns, and
if, for example, Berlin had the additional eight seats to which it was
entitled nearly all of them would have fallen to the Social Democrats.
Again the three divisions of the district of Hamburg returned Social
Democrats with overwhelming majorities. Were the representation allotted
to Hamburg doubled, as it should be, all six seats might possibly have
fallen to the Social Democrats.[1] An equalization of the size of
constituencies might have produced in 1903 the phenomenon which has
occurred so often in England. The largest party would have secured a
number of seats far in excess of that to which it was entitled by reason
of its strength. In 1907 the Socialists polled 28.9 of the votes, but
only succeeded in reaching the head of the poll at the first ballot in
73, or 18.4 per cent. of the constituencies. A redistribution of seats
would have added to their representation in the large towns, and the
first ballots would have yielded a result which would have corresponded
more fairly with their polling strength.
_The effect of second ballots_.
In both years the system of second ballots has had the effect of
reducing very considerably the representation of the Social Democrats.
In the year 1903 the Social Democrats won 56 constituencies by absolute
majorities, and were engaged in the second ballots in 118
constituencies. In 66 of these constituencies they were at the head of
the poll, but succeeded in maintaining this position at the second
ballots in 24 only. In the remaining 52 constituencies they were second
on the poll, and at the second ballots they were able to win only _one_
of these seats. In these 118 constituencies the Socialists polled
1,170,000 votes at the first ballots, whilst the other parties polled
1,920,000. As a result of the second ballots the Socialists obtained 25
seats and the remaining parties obtained 93 seats.
The figures of the year 1907 tell a similar tale. At the first ballots
the Social Democrats were at the head of the poll in 73 constituencies.
The second ballots reduced this number to 43. They were engaged in the
second ballots in 90 constituencies; they were at the head of the poll
in the first ballot in 44 of these constituencies, but kept this
position in 11 only; they were second on the poll in the remaining 46
constituencies and won in 3 cases only. In these 90 constituencies the
Social Democrats polled at the first ballot 1,185,000 votes, whilst the
other parties taken together polled 1,888,000 votes; the Socialists
obtained 14 seats, the other parties obtained 76 seats.
In both these elections the second ballots affected very adversely the
representation of the largest party. If this party, without the second
ballot and with a fair distribution of seats, might have obtained more
than its share of representation, then the second ballots would have
acted as a corrective, but not necessarily so. There is no reason why
the second ballots should not have added to the over-representation
already obtained. This will be seen from the figures of the elections in
the Kingdom of Saxony. This division of the German Empire is entitled to
23 representatives in the Reichstag. In 1903 the Socialists won 18 of
these seats with absolute majorities; they were engaged in the second
ballots in the remaining five constituencies; they won four (all those
in which they were at the head of the poll at the first ballots) and
only lost the one constituency in which they were second on the poll.
The Social Democrats, who at the first ballots polled 58.8 per cent, of
the votes, thus obtained 22 seats out of 23, and the second ballots in
this case only confirmed the overwhelming preponderance which the system
of single-member constituencies had conferred upon the larger party.
_Second ballots and the swing of the pendulum_.] It would,
indeed, seem that a system of second ballots rather accentuates those
great changes in representation which are the normal characteristic of a
system of single-member constituencies. In the elections in Saxony in
1907 the Social Democrats were still by far the largest party, obtaining
48.5 per cent. of the votes. They succeeded in obtaining eight seats by
absolute majorities and were engaged at the second ballots in eight
other constituencies. They lost every one of these constituencies,
although at the first ballots they had been at the head of the poll in
five of them. The unfavourable swing of the pendulum reduced their
representation at the first ballots, and the second ballots merely
increased their misfortunes.
Nor would redistribution have lessened the violence of these changes in
the constituencies in which second ballots were necessary. Thus, for
example, Frankfort-On-Main, with an electorate of 77,164, should return
two members instead of one. The constituency was won by the Socialists
in the second ballots of 1903, but was lost at the second ballots in
1907. In both years the Socialist candidate was at the head of the poll
at the first ballots. Similarly the constituency of Elberfeld-Barmen,
with an electorate of 67,241, won by an absolute majority in 1903, was
lost by the Socialists at the second ballots in 1907, although their
candidate had been at the head of the poll at the first ballot. If these
and other constituencies had received additional representatives, the
violence of the changes in the composition of the legislative body would
in all probability have been increased.
_The second ballot and the representation of minorities_.
A study of the statistics of the German General Elections shows that the
representation obtained by the various parties depends very largely upon
their supremacy in certain localities. In these districts the minorities
have been unrepresented for many years, the second ballots having in no
way saved them from practical disfranchisement. Thus the Centre Party is
in the ascendant in the Rhenish Provinces. In the district of Cologne,
Münster, and Aix-la-Chapelle, the Centre Party monopolizes the
representation, returning in 1907 every one of the 15 members to which
the districts were entitled. In the adjoining districts of Dusseldorf,
Coblentz and Treves they returned 16 out of 24. In Bavaria, the
districts of Lower Bavaria, the Upper Palatinate, Lower Franconia and
Schwabia, which are entitled to 23 members, were represented wholly by
members of the Centre Party. Taking the kingdom of Bavaria as a whole,
the Centre Party obtained 34 seats out of 48, although they polled only
44.7 per cent of the votes at the first ballots. There is therefore
reproduced in Germany the conditions which obtain in certain parts of
the United Kingdom--the permanent supremacy of one party which
monopolizes, or nearly so, the representation of the district.
_Summary_
The system of second ballots has therefore had a considerable influence
in creating that divergence between the votes polled and the seats
obtained which has characterized German elections. The representation of
any one party depends, to a very large degree, upon the attitude taken
towards it by other parties. The system in no way acts as a corrective
to the anomalies arising from single-member constituencies, and may even
accentuate the violent changes associated with them. Moreover, the
system does not provide representation for minorities, and therefore
does not ensure a fully representative character to popularly elected
legislative bodies. It may be mentioned that all the criticisms here
directed against the second ballot apply with nearly equal force to the
use of the alternative vote (_see_ p. 95), a thinly disguised form of
the same principle which appears to be meeting with some acceptance in
this country.
[Footnote 1: The minority would, of course, have had a better chance
with six divisions. Dr. Ed. Bernstein, to whom the author submitted this
memorandum, makes the following comment: "I am not so sure that the
equalization of the size of the constituencies would in 1903 have
secured to the Social Democratic party a number of seats far in excess
of its voting strength. But this is a subordinate consideration. The
possibility of an unproportional representation of parties, even if the
seats are equally distributed, is undeniably there, and this ought to
settle the question.]
APPENDIX III
THE SWEDISH SYSTEM OF PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION
The principle of proportional representation was first discussed in
Sweden in 1867. The new Danish Constitution of that year provided for
the use of the transferable vote (Andrae's scheme) in the election of
the Upper House, and Herr S. G. Troil proposed in the Swedish Parliament
that the three most important of its committees should be elected by
means of the same system. The motion was not carried, and a similar
motion, made by Professor H. L. Ryön in 1878, was equally unsuccessful.
It was not until 1896 that the next step was taken, when the Government,
in view of the increasing demand for a more democratic franchise,
proposed a proportional system of election. Nothing came of this
proposal immediately, but from this date the agitation for an extension
of the franchise gave rise to the demand for the proportional method of
election in order to ensure the representation of minorities.
_The former constitution of the two chambers_.]
The story of the struggle for reform will best be understood if prefaced
by a statement of the franchise conditions previously existing in
Sweden. The Upper, or First, Chamber of the Riksdag, was elected by
members of the provincial councils and of the councils of the five
largest towns. The other towns sent members to their provincial
councils. The members of provincial councils were elected in two stages;
the primary electors chose electors of the second degree, who in turn
chose the councillors. The primary electors in the country[1] had ten
votes for every 100 kroner of rateable income, subject to a limit of
5000 votes. The electors of the second degree had only one vote in the
election of councillors, and councillors had only one vote in the
election of members of the First Chamber of the Riksdag. Owing to the
great advantage conferred upon primary electors possessed of large
incomes these electors largely controlled not only the composition of
the town and provincial councils, but also the composition of the Upper
Chamber. The election of members of the Lower Chamber of Parliament was
direct; every person of not less than 800 kroner income was entitled to
vote, but no one was entitled to more than one vote.
_The struggle for electoral reform_.
In 1899 M. Branting, the leader of the Socialist Party, proposed the
adoption of proportional representation, coupled with universal and
equal suffrage for the election of town councils. The main object of
this proposal was to place town councils on a more democratic basis, but
as the five largest councils elected representatives to the First
Chamber the proposal would have had some influence upon the composition
of that House. M. Branting's proposal was rejected, and when revived two
years later met a similar fate. In 1902 two Liberals (MM. Hedlund and
Carlsson) proposed that provincial councils should be elected by a
proportional method on the basis of manhood suffrage, whilst a similar
proposition was made in the same year in respect of the elections of the
Lower House of Parliament. Both these motions were rejected, but in
response to a demand from both Houses for an inquiry a Royal Commission
was appointed to consider the problem of electoral reform. The
Commission reported in the following year in favour of a list system of
proportional representation with official ballot papers, and the
Government proposed this system combined with manhood suffrage for the
election of members for the Lower Chamber. This proposal was accepted
in 1904 in the Upper Chamber, but rejected in the Lower Chamber by five
votes. Next year it was again discussed, accepted by the Upper Chamber
but rejected in the Lower by a majority of ten. A change of ministry
took place, and in 1906 M. Staaff, the Liberal Prime Minister, proposed
manhood suffrage with the "majority" system of election. But the
Moderate Party insisted upon a proportional system, and the proposals of
the Liberal ministry were rejected by the Upper Chamber. M. Alfred
Petersson, of Paboda, then proposed manhood suffrage with a proportional
system for the Lower Chamber, and a proportional system for the Upper
Chamber, which, however, was to be elected as before by the provincial
councils. This proposal was rejected by the Lower Chamber but accepted
by the Upper Chamber, and M, Staaff resigned. The Moderates, with M.
Lindman as Prime Minister, then introduced a Bill incorporating M.
Petersson's proposals with the addition of the direct election of
provincial councils and a less plutocratic franchise. This measure,
which was adopted by both Houses in 1907, was confirmed after a General
Election in 1909.
_The Swedish law of 1909_.
Under this law the proportional system is applied to elections for both
Houses of Parliament, all parliamentary committees, town councils and
provincial councils. For the Lower Chamber there is manhood suffrage.
The Upper Chamber is elected still by the provincial councils and by the
town councils of the five largest towns, but the elections of provincial
councils are now direct. But, in order to maintain as much continuity as
possible in the composition of the Upper Chamber, only one-sixth of the
House is renewed every year. The maximum number of votes in the
elections of both provincial and town councils is forty. The first
election under the new system took place in 1909, when the Stockholm
Town Council and several provincial councils were called upon to elect
their proportion of members of the Upper House. In March 1910 the first
elections to the Stockholm Town Council were held, and in the following
May there were elections under the new system for all the provincial
councils. In 1911 the first elections to the Lower House of Parliament
will take place.
In Sweden, even under the new law, there are no official ballot papers
and no nominations of candidates. This arrangement is supposed to
preserve to the electors the fullest possible liberty in voting. In
practice the party organizations print ballot papers containing the
names of the candidates whom they support, and these printed forms are
accepted by the returning officers. Every elector, however, is at
liberty to strike out any of the names on these papers, to substitute
other names, to vary the order in which the names are printed, or to
prepare his own ballot paper.[2]
_The Swedish system of proportional representation_.]
The mechanism of the proportional system adopted has had regard to the
practice mentioned in the preceding paragraph. The first proposal, that
of M. Petersson, of Paboda, was only a crude approximation towards a
proportional system. His scheme, in brief, was (1) that the number of
votes recorded for each candidate should be ascertained; (2) that the
candidate with the highest number of votes should be declared elected;
(3) that a further count should then take place, the papers on which the
successful candidate's name appeared being treated as of the value of
one-half. The remaining candidates whose names appeared on these papers
would be credited with half a vote in respect of each such paper. The
non-elected candidates would then be arranged according to the number of
votes obtained, the highest being declared elected. As soon as any two
names on any ballot paper had been declared successful a fresh count
would take place, such papers being treated as of the value of
one-third. This process of reducing the value of the paper as soon as a
further candidate appearing thereon was elected was to be continued
until all the seats were allotted. The principle underlying this
distribution of seats is the same as that contained in the d'Hondt rule
of the Belgian system. A group of electors which was more than twice as
numerous as any other group would obtain two seats before any was
allotted to a smaller group. If the group was more than three times as
large as any other it would obtain three seats before the smaller group
received one, and so on. It was at once recognized that this scheme
would tell considerably in favour of well-organized parties--parties
whose supporters would accept the ballot papers printed for them without
question. An example will make this clear. If, taking an extreme case,
in an election for three members 8000 voters placed the names of two
candidates, P and Q, on each of their ballot papers, whilst a more
loosely organized group of 13,000 voters spread its support over four
candidates, T, S, V and W, different sections voting for these
candidates independently, the following result might take place:--
P Q . . 8,000 | T . . . 4,000
| S . . . 3,500
| V . . . 3,000
| W . . . 2,500
Candidate P, being the first in order on the 8000 ballot papers of the
first group, would be declared elected, and Q, the remaining name on
these ballot papers, would be credited with 4000 votes--half the
original value of the papers. Q and T, having 4000 votes each, would
then be declared elected. Thus one group, with 8000 votes, would carry
two seats, and the other, with 13,000 votes, would only obtain one--a
result due to a lack of combination.
_The allotment of seats to parties_.
The plan finally adopted is based on M. Petersson's proposal, but
provides, as in the Belgian scheme, for the official recognition of
parties. Electors may write at the head of their ballot papers the name
or motto of a party. The papers bearing the same name or motto are then
grouped together, the numbers in each group ascertained, and the seats
available are allotted to these groups in accordance with the d'Hondt
rule, irrespective of the number of votes obtained by individual
candidates. Thus, in the example given, if electors of the second group
had all headed their ballot papers with the same party name or motto the
particular way in which they had distributed their votes among the
candidates would not have affected the number of seats obtained by the
group as a whole. The first group would have obtained one, and the
second two seats.
_The selection of the successful candidates_.
The position of the candidates on each list is determined in accordance
with the original proposal of M. Petersson. The candidate receiving the
highest number of votes is declared elected, the papers on which his
name appears are then marked down to the value of one-half, the relative
position of the remaining candidates ascertained afresh, and the highest
of these declared elected, and so on. This procedure, called the
reduction rule, is however subordinate to a further rule (the rule of
the order of preference), which is as follows. If more than one-half of
the supporters of a party list have placed the same candidate at the
head of their ballot papers, the first seat apportioned to the list is
allotted to this candidate; if more than two-thirds have placed the same
two candidates in the same order at the head of the ballot papers, these
two candidates have the first claim to the seats apportioned to the
party; if more than three-fourths have placed the same three candidates
in the same order at the head of the list, these are given the first,
second, and third seats, and so on. The selection of the successful
candidates is determined in accordance with this rule so far as
possible, but as soon as the application of the rule breaks down the
relative claims of the non-elected candidates on the list are determined
in accordance with the reduction rule. But if, say, three candidates
have been declared elected in accordance with the rule of the order of
preference, and it is necessary to choose others by the reduction rule,
the papers containing these three names are treated as of the value of
one-fourth in determining the relative position of the remaining
candidates of the group.
_Free voters and double candidatures._
In order to complete the description of the Swedish system two
subsidiary features, which will seldom come into play in actual
elections, must be mentioned. Provision is made for those electors who
owe no party allegiance, and who therefore do not wish to place any
party name or motto at the head of their list. Such voters are called
"free voters," and the votes recorded for their candidates are
ascertained. These candidates are placed in a group by themselves,
called the free group, but the number of votes recorded for each
individual candidate in this group, and not the total number of votes
recorded for all the candidates, forms the basis of comparison with the
totals of the party lists in the allotment of seats. The second feature
provides for the improbable case of two groups of electors or parties
having placed the same candidate upon their list. In the event of such
candidate being so favourably placed in two lists as to be elected by
both parties, then, for the purpose of ascertaining the new value of the
papers on which his name appears, each list is debited with half a seat.
When, as already explained, one seat has been allotted to a list, the
list total is divided by two in accordance with the d'Hondt rule for the
purpose of the fresh comparison of totals; but if this candidate has
already been elected on another list the total would be divided by one
and a half instead of by two. A fresh total would be ascertained for
each of the lists containing the candidate's name.
_An election at Carlskrona._
The author was permitted by the courtesy of the Burgomaster of
Carlskrona to watch the election of provincial councillors on 24 May
1910, to represent the city in the Bleking provincial council, and a
description of this election will show how the system works in practice.
Carlskrona is entitled to nine members. For the purpose of the election
the town was divided into two parts, but the polling place in each
division was at the town hall. The register was prepared fourteen days
before the election, and stated in addition to the name, address, and
occupation of the elector, the amount of his (or her) rateable income
and the number of votes to which he (or she) was entitled. The conduct
of the election was in the hands of the Burgomaster, assisted by the
magistrates of the town. As already explained, there were no official
ballot papers and no nominations of candidates. Each elector voted for
such candidates as he pleased, provided they possessed the necessary
qualifications--those of an ordinary elector. Three parties--the
Moderate, Liberal, and Labour--contested the election. Each party
printed ballot papers containing the names of the candidates adopted by
the party organization and with the name of the party at the head of the
ballot paper. The ballot paper issued by the Moderate party was in the
following form:--
_De Moderata_
_Borgmästaren_--O. Holmdahl.
_Grosshandlaren_--N. P. Nordström.
_Lasarettsläkaren_--R. Lundmark.
_Disponenten_--H. Berggren.
_Kommendören_--G. Lagercrantz.
_Rådmannen_--C. G. Ewerlof.
_Chefsintendenten_--I. Neuendorff.
_Kaptenen, friherre_--F. E. von Otter.
_Underofficeren af 2: dra graden_--O. W. Strömberg.
_Folkskolläraren_--H. E. Mattsson.
_Byggmästaren_--K. J. A. Johansson.
_Handlanden_--Aug. Andrén.
_The Poll._
The ballot papers could be obtained at the committee rooms on, or prior
to, the day of election, and also on the day of election from party
agents at the doors of the polling stations. Each elector took his
ballot paper folded to the Burgomaster, or presiding magistrate, who
endorsed the back with the number of votes to which the elector was
entitled. The presiding magistrate was assisted by two others who
checked the accuracy of the proceedings. The poll opened at 10 A.M.,
the proceedings were adjourned for lunch at 1 P.M., the poll was again
opened during the afternoon and closed about 8 P.M. The counting took
place next day when, as comparatively few electors took advantage of
their right to vary the order of the names as printed on the ballot
papers, the number of votes recorded for each candidate was easily
ascertained. Nor did the varying values of the ballot papers present any
great difficulty. A calculating machine made the necessary additions
both quickly and accurately. In this election only one paper was
spoiled,[3] and it was very obvious that the provision of printed ballot
papers by the party organizations made the act of voting a very simple
one. The votes recorded for the different parties were as follows:--
Moderate . . . . . 20,334
Liberal . . . . . 8,732
Labour . . . . . 3,617
_The allotment of seats to parties.
There were nine seats to be distributed among the three parties. The
distribution was carried out in accordance the d'Hondt rule, but the
method of applying this rule differed from that employed in Belgium. In
Belgium the party totals would have been divided by the numerals 1, 2,
3, &c., and the quotients ranged in order of magnitude, the ninth in
order being termed the "electoral quotient." Each party would have
received as many seats as its total contained this quotient. The Swedish
method provides for the allotment of one seat at a time, and it does so
because of the possibility of the same candidate being elected by more
than one party. Save in the rare case mentioned, the arithmetical
operations, though differently presented, are identical with those of
the Belgian system. Thus, at Carlskrona the first seat was given to the
Moderates--that party having received the highest number of votes.
Before the next seat was allotted the value of the Moderate total was
reduced by one-half, and the new total was then compared with the
original totals of the other parties. The totals to be considered in
the allotment of the second seat were, therefore, as follows:--
Moderate. . . . . 10,167
Liberal . . . . . 8,732
Labour . . . . . 3,617
The Moderate party being still credited with the highest total received
the second seat, and their original total, 20,334, was then divided by
three in order to ascertain to whom the third seat should be allotted.
The totals at this stage were as follows:--
Moderate . . . . . 6,778
Liberal . . . . . 8,732
Labour . . . . . 3,617
The Liberal total being now the highest, this party received the third
seat, and in order to ascertain to whom the fourth seat should be given
the Liberal total was reduced in value by one-half, the totals of the
other parties remaining as at the previous allotment. The totals for
comparison were now:--
Moderate . . . . . 6,778
Liberal . . . . . 4,366
Labour . . . . . 3,617
The Moderate total was again the highest, and the party received the
fourth seat. The process of reducing the totals in succession according
to the foregoing rule was continued until all the nine seats were
allotted. In this election the Moderates obtained six seats, the
Liberals two, and Labour one.
_The selection of the successful candidates._
The returning officer had then to determine which candidates on each
list should be declared successful. In the Carlskrona election this task
was extremely simple, for the large majority of the voters had accepted
the ballot papers provided for them by their parties. No less than
19,756 votes out of a total of 20,334 had been received for the Moderate
list as printed by the party organization. The totals for each
candidate were quickly ascertained. Moreover, it was possible to select
all the successful candidates by the rule of the order of preference.
More than six-sevenths of the Moderate votes having been recorded for
the list as printed, the first six names on the list were declared
elected. Of the Liberal votes, 8118 out of a total of 8732 were recorded
for the party list as printed, and as this number constituted more than
two-thirds of the total, the first two names on the list were declared
elected. With regard to the Labour party, 3580 out of a total of 3617
votes had been recorded for the party list, and the first candidate on
the list was therefore declared elected.
_The election of suppléants.
In common with all continental systems, supplementary members
(suppléants) were chosen for the purpose of taking the place of an
elected member who might die or retire before the council had run its
course. The method adopted in Sweden is peculiar to itself. In Belgium
the same rules serve for the election of the suppléants as for the
election of members, and they are called upon to serve in the order in
which they stand at the declaration of the poll. In Sweden it is held
that each elected member must have a suppléant, or deputy, special to
himself. The method of selection may be illustrated from the Carlskrona
election. The candidate who was to be regarded as suppléant to
Burgomaster Holmdahl (the first on the Moderate list) was chosen as
follows: Holmdahl had received 20,334 votes, his name having appeared on
every ballot paper of the Moderate party; the votes recorded for the
unelected candidates on these papers were ascertained, the
result being:--
Neuendorfs . . . . . 20,334
von Otter . . . . . 20,242
Strömberg . . . . . 19,913
Mattsson . . . . . 20,119
Johansson . . . . . 20,237
Andrén . . . . . . 20,170
Neuendorff being the candidate who had received the highest number of
votes on these papers, was declared elected as suppléant to Holmdahl. A
suppléant for Nordström, the second elected member, was then chosen from
among the remaining five non-elected members. Nordström's votes were
20,235, and the votes recorded for the non-elected members on the same
papers were:--
von Otter 20,143
Strömberg 19,913
Mattsson 20,055
Johansson 20,195
Andrén 20,071
Johansson, being highest with 20,195 votes, was declared suppléant to
Nordström.
This method of choosing the suppléant seems to be unsatisfactory. The
party as such does not determine who shall be called upon to fill a
vacancy in its ranks; whether a non-elected member succeeds to a vacancy
as a suppléant depends very largely on accident. A good illustration
occurred in the selection of a suppléant from the Labour list. The
party's candidates were as follows:--
Kloo.
Karlsson.
Ostergren.
Olsson.
Ek.
Johansson.
Jensen.
Fagerberg.
Pettersson.
The first candidate on the list had been declared elected, and
obviously, in the opinion of the party, the next favourite was Karlsson,
and had there been a second seat awarded to the list Karlsson would have
been declared elected. In determining, however, whether he should be
declared elected as a suppléant, his position on the list did not count,
and as the party list had been voted for without alteration by most of
the Labour voters, five of the non-elected candidates were credited with
the same number of votes. The choice of the suppléant was made by lot,
and fell in this case upon Johansson, the sixth name on the list. It
may be said that there is; considerable dissatisfaction with the method
of electing suppléant candidates, and the Stockholm _Dagblad_, in its
issue of the 29 May 1910, stated that the choice of suppléant, although
there might have been many thousand votes given to every candidate,
depended upon so small a difference in the totals received by each that
even one ballot paper might determine the result. This is a detail in
the system that can easily be remedied, and steps are already being
taken to bring the election of suppléants into agreement with the
election of ordinary members.
_Comparison with Belgian system._
It will be of interest to compare the Swedish with the Belgian system.
It has been shown that the method of allotting seats to different groups
is identical in principle in both countries. This method, the d'Hondt
rule, favours the largest parties, and this explains why, in the smaller
Belgian constituencies, cartels or combinations of parties take place.
The Swedish system enables such combined action to take place with
greater facility. It enables two parties to make use of the same motto
without presenting a common list of candidates. No inter-party
negotiations are required, as in Belgium, with reference to the order in
which the names of candidates shall appear upon the list. In Sweden each
group can put forward its own list of candidates, and so long as the
electors make use of the same motto at the head of the ballot paper the
combination gains the additional representation which may fall to it as
a result of being treated as one party, whilst the share falling to each
section is determined by the number of votes recorded for their
respective candidates.
The Swedish method of choosing the successful candidates from the
various lists differs materially from that used in Belgium. In Sweden
the d'Hondt rule is used not only for the allotment of seats to parties,
but also in the selection of the successful candidates. In Belgium the
use of the d'Hondt rule is restricted to the former purpose, and when
once the electoral quotient is ascertained the rule is discarded. The
difference in the two methods can be illustrated from the Stockholm
municipal election of 1910. In the fifth ward the ballot paper of the
Moderate party was as follows:--
Welin.
Norstrom.
Boalt.
Roberg.
Palmgren.
Bohman.
Ringholm.
Herlitz.
------------------
Hafstrom.
Svensson.
von Rosen.
Freden.
The line in the ballot paper divides the eight candidates for election
as members from those who were standing for election as suppléants only.
The votes recorded for the Moderate party numbered 118,483, of which
86,851 were given for the party ticket as printed. The number of votes
accepting the party order of the first three candidates was about
93,000. This latter number was more than three-fourths, but less than
four-fifths of the total, and therefore only the first three candidates
on the ballot paper could be declared elected in accordance with the
rule of the order of preference. The remaining four members had to be
chosen by the reduction rule; the votes recorded for the five
non-elected candidates were ascertained, the papers containing the names
of the three elected candidates being treated for this purpose as of the
value of one-fourth.
Some of the supporters of the eighth and sixth candidates had struck out
the names of the fourth and other candidates. This manoeuvre had the
result of placing these two candidates in the order named at the head of
the poll at the fourth and fifth counts, and they were accordingly
elected. Other candidates had received exclusive support, and it should
be pointed out that it is the total amount of exclusive support
recorded for all candidates which determines how soon the application of
the rule of the order of preference breaks down. As soon as this takes
place the election of any one candidate may depend, as in the election
of the suppléants, upon the action of a comparatively small number of
voters. Thus, some supporters of the fifth candidate, a Miss Palmgren,
had struck out the names of all candidates save hers. Those papers which
contained her name alone were treated as of full value, and although the
votes of these supporters only numbered 1100, or less than 1 per cent.
of the whole, they were sufficient to turn the scale in her favour. As,
however, 86,851 votes out of a total of 118,453, had been recorded for
the list as printed, showing that this proportion of voters preferred
the fourth candidate to those that succeeded him, it would certainly
seem that the result was not fair to this candidate. In Belgium if seven
seats were won by a party which polled 118,453 votes, the electoral
quotient would not be more than one-seventh of this total, and the
election of the first candidate, instead of absorbing one-half the value
of the votes, would consume only one-seventh. The election of the first
two candidates would absorb two-sevenths instead of two-thirds, the
election of three candidates would consume three-sevenths instead of
three-fourths, and the election of four candidates would consume
four-sevenths instead of four-fifths. In the Stockholm election more
than five-sevenths of the voters had supported the party list as it was
printed, and according to the Belgian system the first five candidates
would have been declared elected.
_The system and party organization_.
The Swedish rule of selecting successful candidates is defended on the
ground that it confers great power upon the electors. These can if
necessary more effectively express their disapproval of the list put
forward by the party organization, and as it is thought that a large
number of voters too readily accept the party lead, a counterpoise is
considered desirable. Recent experience in Belgium, however, would tend
to show that a greater knowledge of their power has induced more and
more electors to make use of the opportunity which that system allows of
expressing individual preferences. If we regard a party as consisting of
two groups--those that follow the party lead, and those which, whilst
supporting the party, desire to assert their own preferences--then as
between these two groups the Belgian system is strictly fair. If a party
wins seven seats and four-sevenths of the party support the official
list, this group would obtain four out of the seven seats; but in
Sweden, as has been shown, at least four-fifths must support the
official list before the first four candidates can be sure of election.
The Swedish system discriminates in favour of the dissentients within a
party, and this discrimination may have unexpected effects on party
organization. The Belgian method has induced parties to welcome the
support of all sections, knowing that such sections will not obtain more
than their fair share of influence. In Sweden the tendency may be for
party organizers to regard the support of various sections with
suspicion, because, whilst these sections will obtain the full advantage
of the party vote, their independent action may result in the gain of
the section at the expense of the party as a whole. As a result of the
Stockholm election referred to, the opinion was expressed by party
organizers that it would be necessary to limit the number of candidates
on a list to the number which the party knew it could carry. This would
be an undesirable outcome of a rule designed to secure greater freedom
for the elector, for it would tend to make party discipline more strict
and parties exclusive rather than inclusive, as is the case in Belgium.
It should, however, be added that in the large majority of the
provincial council elections the selection of candidates was made in
accordance with the rule of the order of preference. It would,
therefore, seem that party organizers, as a rule, took care to present
lists of candidates acceptable to the party as a whole.
_The great improvement effected by the Swedish system_.
The new Swedish electoral system, like all proportional systems,
constitutes a striking advance upon the previous electoral conditions.
The extent of the improvement will, of course, be seen from a comparison
of some of its results with those of former years. For example,
Stockholm used to be represented in the Lower Chamber by twenty-two
members chosen by the "block" system, or _scrutin de liste_. The party
in the majority monopolized the representation, and the absurdity of the
system was well illustrated by an incident in the election of 1882,
which was preceded by a severe struggle between the advocates of free
trade and protection. At this election Stockholm returned twenty-two
free traders, but as one of the elected members had not paid his taxes,
all the voting papers containing his name were declared to be invalid.
In consequence the twenty-two free traders were unseated and the
twenty-two protectionist candidates were declared elected in their
place. An attempt was made to ameliorate the evils of this system by
dividing the town into five parliamentary districts, but, although so
divided, Stockholm in 1908 returned twenty-one members, all of whom were
either Liberals or Socialists, the large minority of Moderates being
unrepresented. When the proportional system was applied in March 1910 to
the election of the municipal council, each party obtained its fair
share of representation in each of the six wards of the city, and the
total result shows how large an improvement is effected by the
new method:--
Parties. Votes Seats Seats in
Obtained. Obtained. Proportion
to Votes.
Moderate 281,743 22 24
Liberal 142,639 12 12
Socialist 160,607 16 14
-----------------------------------
584,989 50 50
In the election of the provincial council of Bleking the result was as
follows:--
Parties. Votes Seats Seats in
Obtained. Obtained. Proportion
to Votes.
------------------------ -----------------------
Moderate 54,465 22 22.4
Liberal 36,595 10 15.1
Socialist 3,617 1 1.5
----------------------------------
94,677 39 39
The general fairness of these results is all the more remarkable,
because in Stockholm there was a very considerable variation in the
value of a vote in the different wards, whilst many of the
constituencies in the province of Bleking returned only a few members,
and these did not give full play to the proportional system. The figures
confirm the experience of all other countries, that a proportional
system, even when applied to comparatively small constituencies, yields
results which approximate very closely to the ideal aimed at, the true
representation of the electors.
[Footnote 1: The town councils were elected in one stage; each elector
had one vote for every 100 kroner income, subject to a limit of 100
votes. The members of the town council, when electing members of the
provincial councils, had only one vote each.]
[Footnote 2: A ballot paper is not declared invalid even if it contains
the names of more candidates than there are members to be elected
(except at the elections of parliamentary committees). The names in
excess are regarded as suppléant candidates (see _Election of
Suppléants_) to the number of two in the elections for the Riksdag and
the town councils, and to a number equal to the number of members at the
election for the provincial councils. Any additional names on a ballot
paper are regarded as non-existent.]
[Footnote 3: This paper bore the signature of the elector.]
APPENDIX IV
THE FINLAND SYSTEM OF PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION
_The influence of the Belgian system._
The system of proportional representation introduced into Finland by the
electoral law of 1906, while it presents little or no difficulty to the
voter, is, in its method of counting the votes, perhaps the most
complicated of the systems at present in force. It has for its basis the
Belgian List system and the d'Hondt rule, but the variations which were
introduced with the object of safeguarding the rights of the electors
against the possible tyranny of party managers are so important that at
the first glance its resemblance to the parent system is not easily
recognized. The Belgian model is followed more closely in the method of
distributing the seats to the various parties than in the manner in
which the successful candidates are chosen from the party lists. In its
internal party arrangement the Finnish system shows boldness,
originality, and, it must be added, no little complexity of procedure.
_Schedules and "compacts" in place of lists._
Finland is divided into sixteen electoral districts returning from six
to twenty-three members, with the one exception of Lapland, which is a
single-member constituency. In each constituency any group of not less
than fifty electors can put forward a schedule of not more than three
candidates, however many may be the total number of members to be
elected. Each of these schedules may be headed with the name of a party
or some political motto. The persons responsible for these schedules
may, and commonly do, combine them in groups known as "compacts," and
it is these compacts, and not the original schedules, which correspond
roughly to the party "lists" of the Belgian system, the only limit to
this power of combination being that the combined schedules must not
contain the names of more candidates than there are vacancies to be
filled. But as the names of the same candidates may, and constantly do,
occur in many different schedules within a single compact, a first
glance at a Finnish polling paper would seem to show in each combination
the names of more candidates than there are vacancies. The compact bears
the name of the political party to which it belongs. Combination into
compacts is, of course, optional, and a certain number of schedules are
put forward independently. A vacant corner is reserved on the ballot
paper where any elector who is not content with any of the schedules
submitted may make his own schedule.