and valiant deedes of Caradoc the Great, King of Cambria, now called
Wales. As it hath beene sundry times Acted by the Prince of Wales
his seruants. Written by R. A. Gent. _George Purslowe for Robert
Lownes._ [Epistle to the Reader; Induction; Epilogue.]
1663. _For William Gilbertson._
_Editions_ by V. Kreb (1902) and J. S. Farmer (1913, _S. F. T._).
Borrowings from Ben Jonson’s _Alchemist_ (1610) require a late date,
and the assertion of Fleay, i. 26, that this is _The Welshman_ revived
by the Admiral’s on 29 Nov. 1595 may be disregarded (Greg, _Henslowe_,
ii. 178). There is nothing, beyond the initials, to connect the play
with Robert Armin, and Kreb would assign it to some young University
man.
_A Warning for Fair Women > 1599_
_S. R._ 1599; Nov. 17. ‘A warnynge for fayre women.’ _William Aspley_
(Arber, iii. 151).
1599. A warning for Faire Women. Containing, The most tragicall and
lamentable murther of Master George Sanders of London Marchant, nigh
Shooters hill. Consented vnto By his owne wife, acted by M. Browne,
Mistris Drewry and Trusty Roger agents therin: with their seuerall
ends. As it hath beene lately diuerse times acted by the right
Honorable, the Lord Chamberlaine his Seruantes. _Valentine Sims for
William Aspley._ [Induction.]
_Editions_ by R. Simpson (1878, _S. of S._ ii) and J. S. Farmer (_S. F.
T._).
References to ‘this fair circuit’ and ‘this Round’ are inconclusive
as to whether the play was produced before the Chamberlain’s went to
the Globe in 1599, as their earlier houses were probably also round.
E. Phillips, _Theatrum Poetarum_ (1675), 113, and A. Wood, _Athenae_
(1691), i. 676, assign the authorship, incredibly, to Lyly. Fleay, ii.
54, conjectures Lodge; Bullen, _O. E. P._ iv. 1, Yarington.
_The Wars of Cyrus King of Persia > 1594_
1594. The Warres of Cyrus King of Persia, against Antiochus King of
Assyria, with the Tragicall ende of Panthæa. Played by the children of
her Maiesties Chappell. _E. A. for William Blackwal._
_Editions_ by W. Keller (1901, _Jahrbuch_, xxxvii. 1) and J. S. Farmer
(1911, _T. F. T._).
The play, clearly influenced by _Tamburlaine_, may rest on one by
Farrant (q.v.) _c._ 1578. There is no record of any court performance
by the Chapel between 1584 and 1601. Fleay, ii. 322, guesses that an
allusion in Nashe’s _Summer’s Last Will and Testament_ (q.v.) points to
a performance of this play at Croydon twelve months earlier. The text
is disordered. A prologue ‘To the audience’ is inserted in Act II at
621 and refers to a chorus, but there is none. At 367 is ‘Finis Actus
primi’, but ‘Actus Secundus’ is at 502.
_The Weakest Goeth to the Wall > 1600_
_S. R._ 1600, Oct. 23 (Pasfield). ‘A booke called, the Weakest goethe
to the Walles.’ _Richard Oliff_ (Arber, iii. 175).
1600. The Weakest goeth to the Wall. As it hath bene sundry times
plaide by the right honourable Earle of Oxenford, Lord great
Chamberlaine of England his seruants. _Thomas Creede for Richard
Oliue._ [Dumb Show and Prologue.]
1618. _G. P. for Richard Hawkins._
_Editions_ by J. S. Farmer (1911, _T. F. T._), W. W. Greg (1912, _M. S.
R._), and with _Works_ of Webster (q.v.).
The ascription of the play to Dekker and Webster by E. Phillips,
_Theatrum Poetarum_ (1675), 116, was rejected by Langbaine (1691)
and, so far as Webster is concerned, has nothing to recommend it (E.
Stoll, _Webster_, 34). Ward, iii. 56, finds Dekker’s humour, and Hunt,
_Dekker_, 42, thinks it Chettle’s, revised by Dekker. Fleay, ii. 114,
gives it to Munday, as the only known writer for Oxford’s, except
Oxford himself. But he is thinking of Oxford’s boy company of 1580–4,
not of the later company of 1601 or earlier, to whose repertory the
play probably belonged, and with whom Munday is not known to have had
anything to do.
_Wily Beguiled. 1596 < > 1606_
_S. R._ 1606, Nov. 12 (Hartwell). ‘A booke called Wylie beguilde &c.’
_Clement Knight_ (Arber, iii. 333).
1606. A Pleasant Comedie, Called Wily Beguilde. The Chiefe Actors be
these: A poore Scholler, a rich Foole, and a Knaue at a shifte. _H.
L. for Clement Knight._ [Induction, Prologue, and Epilogue.]
N.D.; 1623; 1630; 1635; 1638.
_Editions_ by T. Hawkins (1773, _O. E. D._ iii), in Dodsley^4,
ix (1874), and by J. S. Farmer (1912, _T. F. T._) and W. W. Greg
(1912, _M. S. R._).--_Dissertations_: J. W. Hales, _Shakespearian
Imitations_ (1875, _Ath._ 1875, 17 July, 4 Sept.); F. J. Furnivall,
_Parallels_ (1875, 5 _N. Q._ iv. 144); P. A. Daniel, _On W. B._ (1875,
_Brooke’s Romeus and Juliet_, xxxv, _N. S. S._); E. Landsberg, _Zur
Verfasserfrage des anonymen Lustspiels W. B._ (1911, _E. S._ xliii.
189).
The register of Merton College, Oxford, has for 3 Jan. 1567 the entry,
‘Acta est Wylie Beguylie Comoedia Anglica nocte in aedibus Custodis
per scolares, praesentibus Vicecustode, magistris, baccalaureis, cum
omnibus domesticis et nonnullis extraneis; merito laudandi recte agendo
prae se tulerunt summam spem’ (Boas, 157). No connexion is traceable
between this and the extant play, which Greg and Boas regard as of
Cambridge origin. But it does not seem to me markedly academic. The
character Lelia does not particularly suggest the Cambridge Latin
_Laelia_ of 1595, and the epilogue was spoken in a ‘circled rounde’.
The description of himself by Churms (l. 68), as ‘at Cambridge a
scholler, at Cales a souldier, and now in the country a lawyer, and
the next degree shal be a connicatcher’, does not go far in the way of
proof. This same passage fixes the date as not earlier than the Cadiz
expedition of 1596; obviously the use of the phrase ‘tricke of Wily
Beguily’ in Nashe’s _Have With You to Saffron Walden_ of 1596 (_Works_,
iii. 107) proves nothing one way or other as to date, although Dekker
naturally knew the play when he described rogues and their ‘knavish
comedy of Wily-Beguily’ in his _Belman of London_ of 1608 (_Works_,
iii. 125). If the date is 1596, the authorship of Peele, suggested by
the description of the prologue-speaker as ‘humorous George’, although
he is clearly distinct from the ‘fiery Poet’, and urged by Fleay, ii.
158, and Landsberg, becomes just possible, chronologically, before
his death in November of that year. But the Shakespearian imitations,
although most marked of _M. V._ and earlier plays, seem also to extend
to _Hamlet_, _M. W._, and _T. N._, and the right date may be _c._
1602–6. If the production was in the ‘circled rounde’ of Paul’s, the
quasi-academic note is explicable. Sykes suggests S. Rowley (q.v.) as
part author. Fleay, _Shakespeare Manual_, 272, makes an amazing attempt
to interpret the play as a satire on Lyly, Lodge, Marston, Chettle,
Dekker, Drayton, Middleton, Chapman, Jonson, Henslowe, the Admiral’s,
the Chamberlain’s, the Chapel, and Paul’s. In the Induction, a juggler
finds the title _Spectrum_ exhibited, and later, ‘_Spectrum_ is
conueied away: and _Wily beguiled_, stands in the place of it’ (l. 46).
_The Wisdom of Doctor Dodipoll. 1599 < > 1600_
_S. R._ 1600, Oct. 7. ‘A booke called The Wisdom of Doctor Dodepole
Plaied by the Children of Paules.’ _Richard Oliff_ (Arber, iii. 174).
1600. The Wisdome of Doctor Dodypoll. As it hath bene sundrie times
Acted by the Children of Powles. _Thomas Creede for Richard Oliue._
_Editions_ by A. H. Bullen (1884, _O. E. P._ iii) and J. S. Farmer
(1912, _T. F. T._).--_Dissertation_: E. Koeppel, _Sh.’s J. C. und die
Entstehungszeit des anonymen Dramas The W. of D. D._ (1907, _Jahrbuch_,
xliii. 210).
Fleay, ii. 155, assigned the play to Peele, chiefly on the ground that
a snatch of song is from his _Hunting of Cupid_ (q.v.). But Peele
died in 1596, and Koeppel points out that the phrase (Bullen, p. 129),
‘Then reason’s fled to animals, I see’, presupposes the existence of
_Julius Caesar_ (1599), III. ii. 109:
O judgement! thou art fled to brutish beasts,
And men have lost their reason.
_The Wit of a Woman > 1604_
1604. A Pleasant Comoedie, Wherein is merily shewen: The wit of a
Woman. _For Edward White._ [Prologue and Epilogue.]
_Editions_ by J. S. Farmer (1912, _T. F. T._) and W. W. Greg (1913, _M.
S. R._).
Nothing is known of the history of this prose comedy with Italian
names. ‘Sweet and twenty’ (l. 753) recalls _Tw. N._ II. iii. 52.
_Work for Cutlers c. 1615_
_S. R._ 1615, July 4 (Taverner). ‘A little thing called Worke for
Cutlers.’ _Richard Meighen_ (Arber, iii. 569).
1615. Worke for Cutlers. Or, a merry Dialogue betweene Sword, Rapier,
and Dagger. Acted in a Show in the famous universitie of Cambridge.
_Thomas Creede for Richard Meighen and Thomas Jones._ [Epilogue.]
_Editions_ by T. Park (1813, _Harleian Miscellany_^2, x), C. Hindley
(1872, _Old Book Collector’s Miscellany_, ii), A. F. Sieveking (1904).
This short dialogue is described in the epilogue as ‘a Schollers
Prize’. Sieveking suggests the possibility of Heywood’s authorship, but
an academic author is more likely.
_A Yorkshire Tragedy c. 1606_
_S. R._ 1608, May 2 (Wilson). ‘A booke Called A Yorkshire Tragedy
written by Wylliam Shakespere.’ _Thomas Pavier_ (Arber, iii. 377).
1608. A Yorkshire Tragedy. Not so New as Lamentable and true. Acted by
his Maiesties Players at the Globe. Written by W. Shakspeare. _R. B.
for Thomas Pauier._ [Head-title: ‘All’s One, or, One of the foure
plaies in one, called A Yorkshire Tragedy.’]
1619. Omits ‘Acted ... Globe’. _For T. P._ [See ch. xxiii.]
_Editions_ of 1735 (J. Tonson), by W. Knight (1843, _Pictorial Sh._
vii), J. P. Collier (1878, _Works of Sh._), J. S. Farmer (1910, _T. F.
T._), and in _Sh. Apocrypha_.--_Dissertations_: J. P. Collier (_Ath._
1863, i. 332); P. A. Daniel, _Notes on Sh.’s Y. T._ 1608 (_Ath._ 4 Oct.
1879); S. Lee, _Walter Calverley_ (_D. N. B._); B. Dobell, _The Author
of A Y. T._ (1906, 10 _N. Q._ vi. 41); H. D. Sykes, _The Authorship
of A Y. T._ (1917, _J. G. P._ xvi. 437, reprinted in _Sidelights on
Shakespeare_, 77).
This ten-scene play from a four-play bill has merit, but most modern
critics are unable to regard that merit as of Shakespearian type,
although Ward, ii. 231, finds Shakespeare’s hand in some passages, and
Fleay, after wantonly guessing at Edmund Shakespeare (_Shakespeare_,
303), remained impressed (ii. 206) by the external evidence, and
thought that the play must be Shakespeare’s original ending to an
earlier version of _The Miseries of Enforced Marriage_, subsequently
altered by his collaborator, George Wilkins (q.v.), to end happily.
This is ingenious, but too conjectural. The play, like that of Wilkins,
takes its material from the history of Walter Calverley, executed for
murder on 5 Aug. 1605, which is told in Stowe’s _Annales_ and was the
subject of contemporary pamphlets. Dobell and Sykes argue a case on
internal evidence for the authorship of Wilkins himself.
B. MASKS
_Gesta Grayorum. 1594_
[_MS._] _Harl. MS._ 541, f. 138, contains the speeches in the
Shrovetide mask, probably in the hand of Francis Davison. The opening
hymn is not included, and the final hymn seems to have been added by
another hand.
1688. Gesta Grayorum: or, the History Of the High and mighty Prince
Henry Prince of Purpoole, Arch-Duke of Stapulia and Bernardia, Duke
of High and Nether Holborn, Marquis of St. Giles and Tottenham, Count
Palatine of Bloomsbury and Clerkenwell, Great Lord of the Cantons of
Islington, Kentish-Town, Paddington and Knights-bridge, Knight of
the most Heroical Order of the Helmet, and Sovereign of the Same.
Who Reigned and Died, A.D. 1594. Together with A Masque, as it was
presented (by His Highness’s Command) for the Entertainment of Q.
Elizabeth; who, with the Nobles of both Courts, was present thereat.
_For W. Canning._ [Epistle to Matthew Smyth, of the Inner Temple,
signed ‘W. C.’ The publication is recorded in Trinity Term 1688 (Arber,
_London Term Catalogues_, ii. 230).]
_Editions_ in Nichols, _Elizabeth_^{1, 2}, iii. 262 (1807–23), and by
W. W. Greg (1914, _M. S. R._) and B. Brown (1921).
This is a narrative of the reign of a Christmas Prince, or Lord of
Misrule (cf. _Mediaeval Stage_, i. 417), appointed at Gray’s Inn for
the Christmas of 1594. The Prince was a Norfolk man, Henry Helmes,
and a list of the members of the Inn who held positions at his court
is given in the tract. The revels began on St. Thomas’s Eve, 20 Dec.,
continued until Twelfth Night, were resumed at Candlemas, and again at
Shrovetide, when the Prince’s reign terminated.
On Innocents’ Day, 28 Dec., at night, the Inner Temple were
entertained, and a stage set up, but the crowd was too great for the
‘inventions’ contemplated, and ‘it was thought good not to offer any
thing of account, saving dancing and revelling with gentlewomen;
and after such sports, a Comedy of Errors (like to _Plautus_ his
_Menechmus_) was played by the players. So that night was begun, and
continued to the end, in nothing but confusion and errors; whereupon,
it was ever afterwards called, _The Night of Errors_’. On 30 Dec.
an indictment was preferred against a supposed sorcerer, containing
a charge ‘that he had foisted a company of base and common fellows,
to make up our disorders with a play of errors and confusions; and
that that night had gained to us discredit, and itself a nickname of
Errors’. Presumably the players of Shakespeare’s _Comedy of Errors_
were the Chamberlain’s men, and the Treasurer of the Chamber’s record
(App. B) of a play at court by these men, as well as the Admiral’s, on
28 Dec. is a slip for 27 Dec. (_M. L. R._ ii. 10).
On 3 Jan. many nobles were entertained with a show illustrating the
amity of Graius and Templarius. It was followed by speeches from
six ‘Councellors’, advising respectively ‘the Exercise of War’,
‘the Study of Philosophy’, ‘Eternizement and Fame, by Buildings and
Foundations’, ‘Absoluteness of State and Treasure’, ‘Vertue, and a
Gracious Government’, and ‘Pass-times and Sports’. These are ascribed
by Spedding, i. 342, to Francis Bacon (q.v.), a view which finds some
confirmation in the fact that the Alnwick MS., many of the contents of
which are by Bacon, once contained a copy of some ‘Orations at Graies
Inne Revells’ (Burgoyne, xii). It is amusing to note that on 5 Dec.
1594 Lady Bacon, his mother, wrote to his brother Anthony, ‘I trust
they will not mum nor mask nor sinfully revel at Gray’s Inn’ (Spedding,
i. 326). The speeches of three of the ‘Councellors’, with one by the
Prince, are also preserved, without ascription, in _Inner Temple Petyt
MS._ 583, 43, f. 294.
On 6 Jan. appeared six Knights of the Helmet ‘in a very stately mask,
and danced a new devised measure; and after that they took to them
ladies and gentlewomen, and danced with them their galliards, and so
departed with musick’.
On 1 Feb. the Prince visited Greenwich, and promised to return at
Shrovetide. On his way back, he was met with a Latin oration by a boy
at St. Paul’s School.
At Shrovetide, the Prince took his mask to the court at Whitehall.
The maskers were the Prince of Purpoole and his Seven Knights;
the torchbearers eight Pigmies; the presenters Proteus, Thamesis,
Amphitrite, and one of the Prince’s Esquires; the musicians two
Tritons, two Nymphs, and a Tartarian Page.
The performance was upon a stage. After a hymn, the presenters made
speeches setting out how the Prince and Knights were in an Adamantine
Rock, to be released by Proteus, on the discovery of a Power (the
Queen) of more attractive virtue. The maskers issued from the Rock,
and danced ‘a new devised measure, &c.’; then took ladies, and danced
‘their galliards, courants, &c.’; then danced ‘another new measure’.
The Pigmies brought in eight escutcheons, with the maskers’ impresses,
which the Esquire presented to the Queen. The maskers then entered the
rock, while another hymn was sung.
The maskers were Henry Helmes (Prince), William Cooke, Jarvis Tevery,
John Lambert, Molineux, Grimes, Paylor, and Campnies.
After the mask, the courtiers danced a measure, and Elizabeth said,
‘What! shall we have bread and cheese after a banquet?’
The maskers were presented to the Queen ‘on the next day’ and praised
by her. The narrative goes on to record that ‘the same night’ was
fighting at barriers, in which the Prince took part as a defendant with
the Earl of Cumberland against the Earl of Essex and other challengers,
and won the prize; and concludes, ‘Thus on _Shrove-Tuesday_, at the
Court, were our sports and revels ended’. The dating is not quite
clear, but it seems probable that the mask and barriers were both on
the Tuesday, and the presentation on Ash Wednesday, presumably as the
Queen went to chapel. Conceivably, however, the mask was on Monday,
and the presentation and barriers on Tuesday. The Gray’s Inn records
(Fletcher, 107) note a disbursement on 11 Feb. 1595 to William Johnson
and Edward Morrys, who served as the Prince’s Lord Chancellor and Lord
Treasurer, of 100 marks for ‘the gentlemen for their sports & shewes
this Shrovetyde at the court before the Queens Majestie’. There was
also a levy on 8 May for the ‘shewes & desports’ of sums varying from
4_s._ to 10_s._ according to status, while the public stock of the
house was to contribute £30.
The speeches in the mask were apparently by Francis Davison, one of
the Prince’s Gentlemen Pensioners, who included in his _Poetical
Rapsody_ (1602), sign. D 3 v^o, amongst Sonnets, &c., ‘To his first
Loue’, one ‘Vpon presenting her with the speech of Grayes-Inne Maske
at the Court 1594, consisting of three partes, The Story of Proteus
Transformations, the wonders of the Adamantine Rocke, and a speech to
her Maiestie’. The _Poetical Rapsody_, sign. K 8, also contains the
opening hymn of the mask, which begins ‘Of Neptune’s Empyre let us
sing’, and ascribes it to Thomas Campion (q.v.). Whether ‘The Song at
the ending’, which according to Dr. Greg has been inserted in _Harl.
MS._ 541 by a later hand, is also Campion’s must remain doubtful. The
MS. as originally written is just such a present as Davison may have
sent to his mistress. A list of ‘Papers lent’ by Davison in _Harl. MS._
298 includes ‘Grayes In Sportes under S^r Henry Helmes. Eleaz. Hogdson’.
_The Twelve Months. 1608–12_
[_MS._] Formerly _penes_ Collier, but not now among his papers in
_Egerton MS._ 2623.
_Editions_ by J. P. Collier, _Five Court Masques_ (1848), 131, with
title ‘The Masque of the Twelve Months’.
The maskers are the twelve Months; the antimaskers Pages; the
presenters Madge Howlet, Pigwiggen a Fairy, Beauty, Aglaia, the Pulses,
Prognostication, and Somnus; the musicians the twelve Spheres.
The locality is not given, but the presence of a king is contemplated.
The text is disordered, but can easily be reconstructed, as follows:
Madge Howlet, ‘going up towards the King’, and Pigwiggen speak
the opening dialogue (Collier, 137). The Spheres sing the first
song calling Beauty from her fort, the Heart (140). This is the
scene; on it are plumes, ‘the ensignes of the darling of the yeare,
delicious Aprill’. Beauty, Aglaia, and the Pulses, ‘beating before
them up towardes the King’, speak a dialogue (131). The Pages dance
an ‘antemasque’ (133). Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue (134).
The maskers appear, and are presented by Beauty (134). The second
‘antemasque’ is danced (134). Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue (134).
Prognostication enters, and prognosticates (135). The maskers descend,
and Beauty describes April, a prince ‘lov’d of all, yett will not
love’, with a ‘triple plume’ (135). After a second song, ‘they dance
their entrie’ (141). Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue (136). There is
a third song (141). ‘They dance their mayne dance: which done, Bewty
invites them to dance with the Ladies’ (137). There is a fourth song
(142). ‘They dance with the Ladies, and the whole Revells follows’
(137). Beauty calls on Somnus (140). There is a last song (142). ‘They
dance their going off’ (140).
Brotanek, 346, suggests 1 Jan. 1612 as a probable date. I agree with
him that ‘charming all warre from his mild monarchie’ (136) suggests
James I, although I do not think that ‘our fairy King’ (137) is
necessarily a reminiscence of the _Mask of Oberon_, especially as
this fairy king is James and not Henry. In any case ‘the heart of the
yeare’ (132), ‘prime of this newe yeare’ (135), ‘this winter nighte’
(141) do not require a performance on 1 Jan. In fact, April and not
January leads the months in the mask. I would add to Brotanek’s notes
that April is clearly danced by a Prince of Wales, and that ‘lov’d of
all, yett will not love’ fits in with the uncertainty as to Henry’s
matrimonial intentions which prevailed in 1612. But he is not very
likely to have given two masks in the winter of 1611–12, nor is there
any evidence of any mask that winter except the _Love Restored_ of
6 Jan. Of course _The Twelve Months_ may never have been actually
performed. I have thought that it might have been the mask abandoned by
Anne on account of the death of the Queen of Spain in Dec. 1611 (cf.
Jonson, _Love Restored_). Beauty, ‘our fairy Queene’, is said to be
‘Great president of all those princely revells’ in honour of the ‘fairy
King’. But the mask is danced by men, not women, which seems to put a
Queen’s mask out of the question. No mask has yet been traced in the
winter of 1609–10. I am afraid I must leave the date open. If Henry led
the dance, his death in Nov. 1612 gives one limit. The ‘antemasque’ is
more likely to have been introduced after than before 1608. The use of
Pigwiggen as a fairy name recurs in Drayton’s _Nymphidia_, published in
1627.
_Mask of Flowers. 6 Jan. 1614_
_S. R._ 1614, Jan. 21 (Nidd). ‘The maske of flowers by the gent. of
Graies Inne vppon Twelfe Night 1613.’ _Robert Wilson_ (Arber, iii. 540).
1614. The Maske of Flowers. Presented By the Gentlemen of Graies-Inne,
at the Court of Whitehall, in the Banquetting House, vpon Twelfe
night, 1613. Being the last of the Solemnities and Magnificences which
were performed at the marriage of the right honourable the Earle of
Somerset, and the Lady Francis daughter of the Earle of Suffolke, Lord
Chamberlaine. _N. O. for Robert Wilson._ [With Epistle to Sir
Francis Bacon by I. G., W. D., T. B. These initials, presumably of
Gray’s Inn men, have not been identified.]
_Editions_ in Nichols, _James_ (1828), ii. 735, and H. A. Evans,
_English Masques_ (1897).
The maskers, in white embroidered with carnation and silver and
vizards, were thirteen transformed Flowers; the antimaskers in ‘the
anticke-maske of daunce’ Pantaloon, Courtesan, Swiss and his Wife,
Usurer, Midwife, Smug and his Wench, Fretelyne, Bawd, Roaring Boy,
Citizen, Mountebank, Jewess of Portugal, Chimney-Sweeper and his Wench;
the musicians twelve Garden Gods, also described as Priests, and in the
‘anticke-maske of the song’ Miller, Wine Cooper, Vintner’s Boy, Brewer,
Skipper, Fencer, Pedlar, Barber; the presenters Invierno, Primavera,
Gallus the Sun’s Post, Silenus, Kawasha, and attendants.
The locality was the Banqueting House, at the lower end of which was a
‘travers painted in perspective’, as a city wall and gate, with temples
of Silenus and Kawasha on either side. The antimasks represented a
challenge, directed by the Sun, between wine and tobacco. ‘The travers
being drawne’ disclosed an elaborate garden sloping up to a mount and
arbour (33 ft. long × 21 ft. high) with a bank of flowers before it.
Upon a charm the flowers vanished to give place to the maskers, who
danced their first and second measure, then took ladies, for ‘measures,
corantoes, durettoes, morascoes, galliards’, and then ‘daunced their
parting measure’, which was followed by compliments to the king and the
bride and groom.