XII. Legalizing Crime

Also Read:

Narcissists, Ethnic or Religious Affiliation, and Terrorists

"Those who have the command of the arms in a country

are masters of the state, and have it in their power to

make what revolutions they please. [Thus,] there is no

end to observations on the difference between the

measures likely to be pursued by a minister backed by a

standing army, and those of a court awed by the fear of

an armed people".

Aristotle (384-322 BC), Greek philosopher

"Murder being the very foundation of our social

institutions, it is consequently the most imperious

necessity of civilised life. If there were no murder,

government of any sort would be inconceivable. For the

admirable fact is that crime in general, and murder in

particular, not simply excuses it but represents its only

reason to exist ... Otherwise we would live in complete

anarchy, something we find unimaginable ..".

Octave Mirbeau (1848-1917), The Torture Garden

The state has a monopoly on behaviour usually deemed

criminal. It murders, kidnaps, and locks up people.

Sovereignty has come to be identified with the unbridled -

and exclusive - exercise of violence. The emergence of

modern international law has narrowed the field of

permissible conduct. A sovereign can no longer commit

genocide or ethnic cleansing with impunity, for instance.

Many acts - such as the waging of aggressive war, the

mistreatment of minorities, the suppression of the freedom

of association - hitherto sovereign privilege, have

thankfully been criminalized. Many politicians, hitherto

immune to international prosecution, are no longer so.

Consider Yugoslavia's Milosevic and Chile's Pinochet.

But, the irony is that a similar trend of criminalization -

within national legal systems - allows governments to

oppress their citizenry to an extent previously unknown.

Hitherto civil torts, permissible acts, and common

behaviour patterns are routinely criminalized by

legislators and regulators. Precious few are

decriminalized.

Consider, for instance, the criminalization in the

Economic Espionage Act (1996) of the misappropriation

of trade secrets and the criminalization of the violation of

copyrights in the Digital Millennium Copyright Act

(2000) - both in the USA. These used to be civil torts.

They still are in many countries. Drug use, common

behaviour in England only 50 years ago - is now criminal.

The list goes on.

Criminal laws pertaining to property have malignantly

proliferated and pervaded every economic and private

interaction. The result is a bewildering multitude of laws,

regulations statutes, and acts.

The average Babylonian could have memorizes and

assimilated the Hammurabic code 37 centuries ago - it

was short, simple, and intuitively just.

English criminal law - partly applicable in many of its

former colonies, such as India, Pakistan, Canada, and

Australia - is a mishmash of overlapping and

contradictory statutes - some of these hundreds of years

old - and court decisions, collectively known as "case

law".

Despite the publishing of a Model Penal Code in 1962 by

the American Law Institute, the criminal provisions of

various states within the USA often conflict. The typical

American can't hope to get acquainted with even a

negligible fraction of his country's fiendishly complex and

hopelessly brobdignagian criminal code. Such inevitable

ignorance breeds criminal behaviour - sometimes

inadvertently - and transforms many upright citizens into

delinquents.

In the land of the free - the USA - close to 2 million adults

are behind bars and another 4.5 million are on probation,

most of them on drug charges. The costs of

criminalization - both financial and social - are mind

boggling. According to "The Economist", America's

prison system cost it $54 billion a year - disregarding the

price tag of law enforcement, the judiciary, lost product,

and rehabilitation.

What constitutes a crime? A clear and consistent

definition has yet to transpire.

There are five types of criminal behaviour: crimes against

oneself, or "victimless crimes" (such as suicide, abortion,

and the consumption of drugs), crimes against others

(such as murder or mugging), crimes among consenting

adults (such as incest, and in certain countries,

homosexuality and euthanasia), crimes against collectives

(such as treason, genocide, or ethnic cleansing), and

crimes against the international community and world

order (such as executing prisoners of war). The last two

categories often overlap.

The Encyclopaedia Britannica provides this definition of a

crime: "The intentional commission of an act usually

deemed socially harmful or dangerous and specifically

defined, prohibited, and punishable under the criminal

law."

But who decides what is socially harmful? What about

acts committed unintentionally (known as "strict liability

offences" in the parlance)? How can we establish

intention - "mens rea", or the "guilty mind" - beyond a

reasonable doubt?

A much tighter definition would be: "The commission of

an act punishable under the criminal law." A crime is

what the law - state law, kinship law, religious law, or any

other widely accepted law - says is a crime. Legal systems

and texts often conflict.

Murderous blood feuds are legitimate according to the

15th century "Qanoon", still applicable in large parts of

Albania. Killing one's infant daughters and old relatives is

socially condoned - though illegal - in India, China,

Alaska, and parts of Africa. Genocide may have been

legally sanctioned in Germany and Rwanda - but is

strictly forbidden under international law.

Laws being the outcomes of compromises and power

plays, there is only a tenuous connection between justice

and morality. Some "crimes" are categorical imperatives.

Helping the Jews in Nazi Germany was a criminal act -

yet a highly moral one.

The ethical nature of some crimes depends on

circumstances, timing, and cultural context. Murder is a

vile deed - but assassinating Saddam Hussein may be

morally commendable. Killing an embryo is a crime in

some countries - but not so killing a fetus. A "status

offence" is not a criminal act if committed by an adult.

Mutilating the body of a live baby is heinous - but this is

the essence of Jewish circumcision. In some societies,

criminal guilt is collective. All Americans are held

blameworthy by the Arab street for the choices and

actions of their leaders. All Jews are accomplices in the

"crimes" of the "Zionists".

In all societies, crime is a growth industry. Millions of

professionals - judges, police officers, criminologists,

psychologists, journalists, publishers, prosecutors,

lawyers, social workers, probation officers, wardens,

sociologists, non-governmental-organizations, weapons

manufacturers, laboratory technicians, graphologists, and

private detectives - derive their livelihood, parasitically,

from crime. They often perpetuate models of punishment

and retribution that lead to recidivism rather than to to the

reintegration of criminals in society and their

rehabilitation.

Organized in vocal interest groups and lobbies, they harp

on the insecurities and phobias of the alienated urbanites.

They consume ever growing budgets and rejoice with

every new behaviour criminalized by exasperated

lawmakers. In the majority of countries, the justice system

is a dismal failure and law enforcement agencies are part

of the problem, not its solution.

The sad truth is that many types of crime are considered

by people to be normative and common behaviours and,

thus, go unreported. Victim surveys and self-report studies

conducted by criminologists reveal that most crimes go

unreported. The protracted fad of criminalization has

rendered criminal many perfectly acceptable and recurring

behaviours and acts. Homosexuality, abortion, gambling,

prostitution, pornography, and suicide have all been

criminal offences at one time or another.

But the quintessential example of over-criminalization is

drug abuse.

There is scant medical evidence that soft drugs such as

cannabis or MDMA ("Ecstasy") - and even cocaine - have

an irreversible effect on brain chemistry or functioning.

Last month an almighty row erupted in Britain when Jon

Cole, an addiction researcher at Liverpool University,

claimed, to quote "The Economist" quoting the

"Psychologist", that:

"Experimental evidence suggesting a link between

Ecstasy use and problems such as nerve damage and brain

impairment is flawed ... using this ill-substantiated cause-

and-effect to tell the 'chemical generation' that they are

brain damaged when they are not creates public health

problems of its own".

Moreover, it is commonly accepted that alcohol abuse and

nicotine abuse can be at least as harmful as the abuse of

marijuana, for instance. Yet, though somewhat curbed,

alcohol consumption and cigarette smoking are legal. In

contrast, users of cocaine - only a century ago

recommended by doctors as tranquilizer - face life in jail

in many countries, death in others. Almost everywhere pot

smokers are confronted with prison terms.

The "war on drugs" - one of the most expensive and

protracted in history - has failed abysmally. Drugs are

more abundant and cheaper than ever. The social costs

have been staggering: the emergence of violent crime

where none existed before, the destabilization of drug-

producing countries, the collusion of drug traffickers with

terrorists, and the death of millions - law enforcement

agents, criminals, and users.

Few doubt that legalizing most drugs would have a

beneficial effect. Crime empires would crumble

overnight, users would be assured of the quality of the

products they consume, and the addicted few would not

be incarcerated or stigmatized - but rather treated and

rehabilitated.

That soft, largely harmless, drugs continue to be illicit is

the outcome of compounded political and economic

pressures by lobby and interest groups of manufacturers

of legal drugs, law enforcement agencies, the judicial

system, and the aforementioned long list of those who

benefit from the status quo.

Only a popular movement can lead to the

decriminalization of the more innocuous drugs. But such a

crusade should be part of a larger campaign to reverse the

overall tide of criminalization. Many "crimes" should

revert to their erstwhile status as civil torts. Others should

be wiped off the statute books altogether. Hundreds of

thousands should be pardoned and allowed to reintegrate

in society, unencumbered by a past of transgressions

against an inane and inflationary penal code.

This, admittedly, will reduce the leverage the state has

today against its citizens and its ability to intrude on their

lives, preferences, privacy, and leisure. Bureaucrats and

politicians may find this abhorrent. Freedom loving

people should rejoice.

APPENDIX - Should Drugs be Legalized?

The decriminalization of drugs is a tangled issue

involving many separate moral/ethical and practical

strands which can, probably, be summarized thus:

(a) Whose body is it anyway? Where do I start and the

government begins? What gives the state the right to

intervene in decisions pertaining only to my self and

contravene them?

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