those early deeds by which our navy became known in Europe. The frigate
Philadelphia, through a reverse of shipwreck rather than war, falling
into the hands of the Tripolitans, was, by a daring act of Decatur,
burned under the guns of the enemy. Other feats of hardihood ensued. A
romantic expedition by General Eaton, from Alexandria, in Egypt, across
the desert of Libya, captured Derne. Three several times Tripoli was
attacked, and, at last, on the 3d of June, 1805, entered into a treaty,
by which it was stipulated that the United States should pay sixty
thousand dollars for the freedom of two hundred American slaves; and
that, in the event of future war between the two countries, prisoners
should not be reduced to slavery, but should be exchanged rank for rank;
and if there were any deficiency on either side, it should be made up by
the payment of five hundred Spanish dollars for each captain, three
hundred dollars for each mate and supercargo, and one hundred dollars
for each seaman.[112] Thus did our country, after successes not without
what is called the glory of arms, again purchase by money the
emancipation of her white citizens.
[Footnote 112: United States Statutes at Large, vol. viii. p. 214;
Lyman's Diplomacy, vol. ii. p. 388.]
[Illustration]
The power of Tripoli was, however, inconsiderable. That of Algiers was
more formidable. It is not a little curious that the largest ship of
this slave-trading state was the Crescent, of thirty-four guns, built in
New Hampshire;[113] _though it is hardly to the credit of our sister
State that the Algerine power derived such important support from her_.
The lawlessness of the corsair again broke forth by the seizure, in
1812, of the brig Edwin, of Salem, and the enslavement of her crew. All
the energies of the country were at this time enlisted in war with Great
Britain; but, even amidst the anxieties of this gigantic contest, the
voice of these captives was heard, awakening a corresponding sentiment
throughout the land, until the government was prompted to seek their
release. Through Mr. Noah, recently appointed consul at Tunis, it
offered to purchase their freedom at three thousand dollars a head.[114]
The answer of the Dey, repeated on several occasions, was, that "not for
two millions of dollars would he sell his American slaves."[115] The
timely treaty of Ghent, in 1815, establishing peace with Great Britain,
left us at liberty to deal with this enslaver of our countrymen. A naval
force was promptly despatched to the Mediterranean, under Commodore
Bainbridge and Commodore Decatur. The rapidity of their movements and
their striking success had the desired effect. In June, 1815, a treaty
was extorted from the Dey of Algiers, by which, after abandoning all
claim to tribute in any form, he delivered his American captives, ten in
number, without any ransom; and stipulated, that hereafter no Americans
should be made slaves or forced to hard labor, and still further, that
"any Christians whatever, captives in Algiers," making their escape and
taking refuge on board an American ship of war, should be safe from all
requisition or reclamation.[116]
[Footnote 113: History of the War between the United States and Tripoli,
p. 88.]
[Footnote 114: Noah's Travels, p. 69.]
[Footnote 115: Ibid. p. 144; National Intelligencer of March 7, 1815.]
[Footnote 116: United States Statutes at Large, vol. viii. p. 224;
Lyman's Diplomacy, vol. ii. p. 376.]
It is related of Decatur, that he walked his deck with impatient
earnestness, awaiting the promised signature of the treaty. "Is the
treaty signed?" he cried to the captain of the port and the Swedish
consul, as they reached the Guerriere with a white flag of truce. "It
is," replied the Swede; and the treaty was placed in Decatur's hands.
"Are the prisoners in the boat?" "They are." "Every one of them?" "Every
one, sir." The captive Americans now came forward to greet and bless
their deliverer.[117] Surely this moment--when he looked upon his
emancipated fellow-countrymen, and thought how much he had contributed
to overthrow the relentless system of bondage under which they had
groaned--must have been one of the sweetest in the life of that hardy
son of the sea. But should I not say, even here, that there is now a
citizen of Massachusetts, who, without army or navy, by a simple act of
self-renunciation, has given freedom to a larger number of Christian
American slaves than was done by the sword of Decatur?
[Footnote 117: Mackenzie's Life of Decatur, p. 268.]
Thus, not by money, but by arms, was emancipation this time secured. The
country was grateful for the result; though the poor freedmen, ingulfed
in the unknown wastes of ocean, on their glad passage home, were never
able to mingle joys with their fellow-citizens. They were lost in the
Epervier, of which no trace has ever appeared. Nor did the people feel
the melancholy mockery in the conduct of the government, which, having
weakly declared that it "was not in any sense founded on the Christian
religion," now expressly confined the protecting power of its flag to
fugitive "Christians, captives in Algiers," leaving slaves of another
faith to be snatched as between the horns of the altar, and returned to
the continued horrors of their lot.
The success of the American arms was followed speedily by a more signal
triumph of Great Britain, acting generously in behalf of all the
Christian powers. Her expedition was debated, perhaps prompted, in the
Congress of Vienna, where, after the overthrow of Napoleon, the
brilliant representatives of the different states of Europe, in the
presence of the monarchs of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, were assembled
to consider the evils proper to be remedied by joint action, and to
adjust the disordered balance of empire. Among many high concerns, here
entertained, was the project of a crusade against the Barbary States, in
order to accomplish the complete abolition of Christian slavery there
practised. For this purpose, it was proposed to form "a holy league."
This was earnestly enforced by a memoir from Sir Sidney Smith, the same
who foiled Napoleon at Acre, and who at this time was president of an
association called the "Knights Liberators of the _White_ Slaves in
Africa,"--in our day it might be called an Abolition Society,--thus
adding to the doubtful laurels of war the true glory of striving for the
freedom of his fellow-men.[118]
[Footnote 118: Memoire sur la Necessite et les Moyens de faire cesser
les Pirateries des Etats Barbaresques. Recu, considere, et adopte a
Paris en Septembre, a Turin le 14 Octobre, 1814, a Vienne durant le
Congres. Par M. Sidney Smith. See Quarterly Review, vol. xv. p. 140,
where this is noticed. Schoell, _Histoire des Traites de Paix_, tom. xi.
p. 402.]
This project, though not adopted by the Congress, awakened a generous
echo in the public mind. Various advocates appeared in its behalf; and
what the Congress failed to undertake was now especially urged upon
Great Britain, by the agents of Spain and Portugal, who insisted, that,
_because_ this nation had abolished the negro slave trade, it was her
_duty_ to put an end to the slavery of the _whites_.[119]
[Footnote 119: Edinburgh Review, vol. xxvi. p. 451; Osler's Life of
Exmouth, p. 302; Mackenzie's Life of Decatur, p. 263.]
A disgraceful impediment seemed at first to interfere. There was a
common belief that the obstructions of the Barbary States, in the
navigation of the Mediterranean, were advantageous to British commerce,
by thwarting and strangling that of other countries; and that therefore
Great Britain, ever anxious for commercial supremacy, would rather
encourage them than seek their overthrow--the love of trade prevailing
over the love of man.[120] This suggestion of a sordid selfishness,
which was willing to coin money out of the lives and liberties of
fellow-Christians, was soon answered.
[Footnote 120: Quarterly Review, vol. xv. p. 145; Edinburgh Review, vol.
xxvi. p. 449, noticing "A Letter to a Member of Parliament, on the
Slavery of the Christians at Algiers. By Walter Croker, Esq., of
the Royal Navy. London, 1816." Schoell, _Traites de Paix_, tom.
xi. p. 402.]
At the beginning of the year 1816, Lord Exmouth, who, as Sir Edward
Pellew, had already acquired distinction in the British navy, was
despatched with a squadron to Algiers. By his general orders, bearing
date, Boyne, Port Mahon, March 21, 1816, he announced the object of his
expedition as follows:--
"He has been instructed and directed by his Royal Highness, the
Prince Regent, to proceed with the fleet to Algiers, and _there
make certain arrangements for diminishing, at least_, the
piratical excursions of the Barbary States, _by which thousands
of our fellow-creatures, innocently following their commercial
pursuits, have been dragged into the most wretched and
revolting state of slavery_.
"The commander-in-chief is confident that _this outrageous
system of piracy and slavery rouses in common the same spirit
of indignation which he himself feels_; and should the
government of Algiers refuse the reasonable demands he bears
from the Prince Regent, he doubts not but the flag will be
honorably and zealously supported by every officer and man
under his command, in his endeavors to procure the acceptation
of them by force; and _if force must be resorted to, we have
the consolation of knowing that we fight in the sacred cause of
humanity, and cannot fail of success_."[121]
[Footnote 121: Osler's Life of Exmouth, p. 297.]
[Illustration]
The moderate object of his mission was readily obtained. "Arrangements
for diminishing the piratical excursions of the Barbary States" were
established. Certain Ionian slaves, claimed as British subjects, were
released, and peace was secured for Naples and Sardinia--the former
paying a ransom of five hundred dollars, and the latter of three hundred
dollars, a head, for their subjects liberated from bondage. This was at
Algiers. Lord Exmouth next proceeded to Tunis and Tripoli, where, acting
beyond his instructions, he obtained from both these piratical
governments a promise to abolish Christian slavery within their
dominions. In one of his letters on this event, he says that, in
pressing these concessions, he "acted solely on his own responsibility
and without orders, the causes and reasoning on which, upon general
principles, may be defensible; but, as applying to our own country, may
not be borne out, _the old mercantile interest being against it_."[122]
A similar distrust had been excited in another age by a similar
achievement. Admiral Blake, in the time of Cromwell, after his attack
upon Tunis, writing to his government at home, said, "And now, seeing it
hath pleased God soe signally to justify us herein, I hope his highness
will not be offended at it, nor any who regard duly the honor of our
nation, _although I expect to have the clamors of interested men_."[123]
Thus, more than once in the history of these efforts to abolish White
Slavery, did commerce, the daughter of freedom, fall under the foul
suspicion of disloyalty to her parent!
[Footnote 122: Osler's Life of Exmouth, p. 303.]
[Footnote 123: Thurloe's State Papers, vol. ii. p. 390.]
Lord Exmouth did injustice to the moral sense of England. His conduct
was sustained and applauded, not only in the House of Commons, but by
the public at large. He was soon directed to return to Algiers,--which
had failed to make any general renunciation of the custom of enslaving
Christians,--to extort by force such a stipulation. This expedition is
regarded by British historians with peculiar pride. In all the annals of
their triumphant navy, there is none in which the barbarism of war seems
so much "to smooth its wrinkled front." With a fleet complete at all
points, the Admiral set sail July 25, 1816, on what was deemed a holy
war. With five line-of-battle ships, five heavy frigates, four bomb
vessels, and five gun brigs, besides a Dutch fleet of five frigates and
a corvette, under Admiral Van de Capellan,--who, on learning the object
of the expedition, solicited and obtained leave to cooperate,--on the
27th of August he anchored before the formidable fortifications of
Algiers. It would not be agreeable or instructive to dwell on the scene
of desolation and blood which ensued. Before night the fleet fired,
besides shells and rockets, one hundred and eighteen tons of powder, and
fifty thousand shot, weighing more than five hundred tons. The citadel
and massive batteries of Algiers were shattered and crumbled to ruins.
The storehouses, ships, and gun boats were in flames, while the blazing
lightnings of battle were answered, in a storm of signal fury, by the
lightnings of heaven. The power of the Great Slave Dealer was humbled.
The terms of submission were announced to his fleet by the Admiral in an
order, dated, Queen Charlotte, Algiers Bay, August 30, 1816, which may
be read with truer pleasure than any in military or naval history.
"The commander-in-chief," he said, "is happy to inform the
fleet of the final termination of their strenuous exertions, by
the signature of peace, confirmed under a salute of twenty-one
guns, on the following conditions, dictated by his Royal
Highness, the Prince Regent of England.
"_First._ THE ABOLITION OF CHRISTIAN SLAVERY FOREVER.
"_Second. The delivery to my flag of all slaves in the
dominions of the Dey, to whatever nation they may belong, at
noon to-morrow._
"_Third._ To deliver also to my flag all money received by him
for the redemption of slaves since the commencement of this
year, at noon also to-morrow."
On the next day, twelve hundred slaves were emancipated, making, with
those liberated in his earlier expedition, more than three thousand,
whom, by address or force, Lord Exmouth had delivered from bondage.[124]
[Footnote 124: Osler's Life of Exmouth, p. 334; British Annual Register,
(1816,) vol. lviii. pp. 97-106; Shaler's Sketches, pp. 279-294.]
Thus ended White Slavery in the Barbary States. It had already died out
in Morocco. It had been quietly renounced by Tripoli and Tunis. Its last
retreat was Algiers, whence it was driven amidst the thunder of the
British cannon.
Signal honors now awaited the Admiral. He was elevated to a new rank in
the peerage, and on his coat of arms was emblazoned a figure never
before known in heraldry--_a Christian slave holding aloft the cross and
dropping his broken fetters_.[125] From the officers of the squadron he
received a costly service of plate, with an inscription, in testimony of
"the memorable victory gained at Algiers, _where the great cause of
Christian freedom was bravely fought and nobly accomplished_."[126] But
higher far than honor were the rich personal satisfactions which he
derived from contemplating the nature of the cause in which he had been
enlisted. In his despatch to the government, describing the battle, and
written at the time, he says, in words which may be felt by others,
engaged, like him, against slavery, "In all the vicissitudes of a long
life of public service, no circumstance has ever produced on my mind
such impressions of gratitude as the event of yesterday. _To have been
one of the humble instruments in the hands of divine Providence for
bringing to reason a ferocious government, and destroying forever the
insufferable and horrid system of Christian slavery, can never cease to
be a source of delight and heartfelt comfort to every individual happy
enough to be employed in it._"[127]
[Footnote 125: Osler's Life of Exmouth, p. 340.]
[Footnote 126: Osler's Life of Exmouth, p. 342.]
[Footnote 127: Ibid. 432; Shaler's Sketches of Algiers, p. 382.]
[Illustration]
The reverses of Algiers did not end here. Christian slavery was
abolished; but, in 1830, the insolence of this barbarian government
aroused the vengeance of France to take military possession of the whole
country. Algiers capitulated, the Dey abdicated, and this considerable
state became a French colony.
Thus I have endeavored to present what I could glean in various fields
on the _history_ of Christian Slavery in the Barbary States. I have
often employed the words of others, as they seemed best calculated to
convey the exact idea of the scene, incident, or sentiment which I
wished to preserve. So doing, I have occupied much time; but I may find
my apology in the words of an English chronicler.[128] "Algier," he
says, "were altogether unworthy so long a discourse, _were not the
unworthinesse worthy our consideration_. I meane the cruell abuse of the
Christian name, which let us for inciting our zeale and exciting our
charitie and thankfulness more deeply weigh, to releeve those in
miseries, as we may, with our paynes, prayers, purses, and all the best
meditations."
[Footnote 128: Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. ii. p. 1565.]
III. It is by a natural transition that I am now conducted to the
inquiry into the _true character_ of the evil whose history has been
traced. And here I shall be brief.
The slavery of Christians by the Barbary States is regarded as an
unquestionable outrage upon humanity and justice. Nobody hesitates in
this judgment. Our liveliest sympathies attend these white
brethren--torn from their homes, the ties of family and friendship
rudely severed, parent separated from child and husband from wife,
exposed at public sale like cattle, and dependent, like cattle, upon the
uncertain will of an arbitrary taskmaster. We read of a "gentleman" who
was compelled to be the valet of the barbarian Emperor of Morocco;[129]
and Calderon, the pride of the Spanish stage, has depicted the miserable
fate of a Portuguese prince, condemned by infidel Moors to carry water
in a garden. But the lowly in condition had their unrecorded sorrows
also, whose sum total must swell to a fearful amount. Who can tell how
many hearts have been wrung by the pangs of separation, how many crushed
by the comfortless despair of interminable bondage? "Speaking as a
Christian," says the good Catholic father who has chronicled much of
this misery, "if on the earth there can be any condition which, in its
character and evils, may represent in any manner the dolorous passion of
the Son of God, (which exceeded all evils and torments, because by it
the Lord suffered every kind of evil and affliction,) it is, beyond
question and doubt, none other than slavery and captivity in Algiers and
Barbary, whose infinite evils, terrible torments, miseries without
number, afflictions without mitigation, it is impossible to comprehend
in a brief span of time."[130] When we consider the author's character,
as a father of the Catholic Church, it will be felt that language can no
further go.
[Footnote 129: Braithwaite's Revolutions of Morocco, p. 233; Noah's
Travels, p. 367.]
[Footnote 130: Haedo, _Historia_, pp. 139, 140. Besides the
illustrations of the hardships of White Slavery already introduced, I
refer briefly to the following: Edinburgh Review, vol. xxvi. pp.
452-454; Croker's Letter, pp. 11-13; Quarterly Review, vol. xv. p. 145;
Eaton's Life, p. 100; Noah's Travels, p. 366.]
[Illustration]
In nothing are the impiety and blasphemy of this custom more apparent
than in the auctions of human beings, where men were sold to the highest
bidder. Through the personal experience of a young English merchant,
Abraham Brown, afterwards a settler in Massachusetts, we may learn how
these were conducted. In 1655, before the liberating power of Cromwell
had been acknowledged, he was captured, together with a whole crew, and
carried into Sallee. His own words, in his memoirs still preserved, will
best tell his story.[131] "On landing," he says, "an exceeding great
company of most dismal spectators were led to behold us in our
captivated condition. There was liberty for all sorts to come and look
on us, that whosoever had a mind to buy any of us on the day appointed
for our sale together in the market, might see, as I may say, what they
would like to have for their money; whereby we had too many comfortless
visitors, both from the town and country, one saying he would buy this
man, and the other that. To comfort us, we were told by the Christian
slaves already there, if we met with such and such patrons, our usage
would not be so bad as we supposed; though, indeed, our men found the
usage of the best bad enough. Fresh victuals and bread were supplied, I
suppose to feed us up for the market, that we might be in some good
plight against the day we were to be sold. And now I come to speak of
our being sold into this doleful slavery. It was doleful in respect to
the time and manner. As to the time, it was on our Sabbath day, in the
morning, about the time the people of God were about to enjoy the
liberty of God's house; this was the time our bondage was confirmed.
Again, it was sad in respect to the manner of our selling. Being all of
us brought into the market-place, we were led about, two or three at a
time, in the midst of a great concourse of people, both from the town
and country, who had a full sight of us, and if that did not satisfy,
they would come and feel of your hand, and look into your mouth to see
whether you are sound in health, or to see, by the hardness of your
hand, whether you have been a laborer or not. The manner of buying is
this: He that bids the greatest price hath you; they bidding one upon
another until the highest has you for a slave, whoever he is, or
wherever he dwells. As concerning myself, being brought to the market in
the weakest condition of any of our men, I was led forth among the cruel
multitude to be sold. As yet being undiscovered what I was, I was like
to have been sold at a very low rate, not above L15 sterling, whereas
our ordinary seamen were sold for L30 and L35 sterling, and two boys
were sold for L40 apiece; and being in this sad posture led up and down
at least one hour and a half, during which time a Dutchman, that was our
carpenter, discovered me to some Jews, they increased from L15 to L75,
which was the price my patron gave for me, being 300 ducats; and had I
not been so weakened, and in these rags, (indeed, I made myself more so
than I was, for sometimes, as they led me, I pretended I could not go,
and did often sit down;) I say, had not these things been, in all
likelihood I had been sold for as much again in the market, and thus I
had been dearer, and the difficulty greater to be redeemed. During the
time of my being led up and down the market, I was possessed with the
greatest fears, not knowing who my patron might be. I feared it might be
one from the country, who would carry me where I could not return, or it
might be one in and about Sallee, of which we had sad accounts; and many
other distracting thoughts I had. And though I was like to have been
sold unto the most cruel man in Sallee, there being but one piece of
eight between him and my patron, yet the Lord was pleased to cause him
to buy me, of whom I may speak, to the glory of God, as the kindest man
in the place."
[Footnote 131: MS. Memoirs.]
This is the story of a respectable person, little distinguished in the
world. But the slave dealer applied his inexorable system without
distinction of persons. The experiences of St. Vincent de Paul did not
differ from those of Abraham Brown. That eminent character, admired,
beloved and worshipped by large circles of mankind, has also left a
record of his sale as a slave.[132] "Their proceedings," he says, "at
our sale were as follows: After we had been stripped, they gave to each
one of us a pair of drawers, a linen coat, with a cap, and paraded us
through the city of Tunis, where they had come expressly to sell us.
Having made us make five or six turns through the city, with the chain
at our necks, they conducted us back to the boat, that the merchants
might come to see who could eat well, and who not; and to show that our
wounds were not mortal. This done, they took us to the public square,
where the merchants came to visit us, precisely as they do at the
purchase of a horse or of cattle, making us open the mouth to see our
teeth, feeling our sides, searching our wounds, and making us move our
steps, trot and run, then lift burdens, and then wrestle, in order to
see the strength of each, and a thousand other sorts of brutalities."
[Footnote 132: _Biographie Universelle_, art. Vincent de Paul.]