Modern photographs can still be found of the original fountain of the

Lateran. It was the work of Fontana and was placed in this spot after

he had erected the obelisk for Sixtus V. The present fountain is quite

new and most inadequately replaces the old one which had stood there

for over three hundred years. By the close of the nineteenth century

the upper basin of Fontana’s fountain was badly broken, while the

lower one had been held together for some time by iron clamps. The

carving was so worn and defaced that the dolphins and eagle were quite

shapeless, and the figure of St. John writing in a scroll upon his

knee and looking to Heaven for inspiration had long since disappeared.

Maggi’s engraving of this fountain made in 1618 shows it to have

been one of the richest ever designed by Fontana. A curious feature

in this old fountain was the blending of the insignia of three popes.

The pears of Sixtus V were carved in heavy festoons under the huge

supporting scrolls of the mostra (which was a screen made low so as to

bring the figure of St. John in simple and high relief against one of

the square sides of the pedestal), the Borghese eagle poured the water

into the shell-shaped upper basin; and finally the Aldobrandini bar of

continuous Maltese crosses was used as frieze.

The obelisk of the Lateran was set in its present place by Fontana

only two years before the death of Sixtus V, and it is quite probable

the fountain was not erected until some years later. Sixtus V rushed

the work on the Lateran at top speed; and this obelisk was no sooner

in place than Fontana was commissioned to transport its companion

to the Piazza del Popolo. The Lateran obelisk was erected in 1588.

In August, 1590, Sixtus V died. Four popes followed him in rapid

succession--Urban VII, Gregory XIV, and Innocent IX, all dying so

soon that by January 20, 1592, Clement VIII (Aldobrandini) had become

Pope; and Fontana may have finished this fountain during the first

years of Clement’s pontificate, before he fell under that pontiff’s

displeasure. The frieze on the fountain must have been originally the

Montalto or Peretti frieze, which forms so beautiful a finish to the

Lateran Palace; but Fontana, while keeping the star of Montalto (one of

Sixtus V’s emblems) in the corners under the cornice of the screen,

changed the design of the intervening space into the Aldobrandini bar.

It was a small detail, and the change was a mere matter of custom

and policy and involved no disloyalty to the great past in Fontana’s

life. This would account for the Aldobrandini frieze. The eagle seems

at first more difficult to explain. From the accession of Paul V the

eagle denotes the Borghese family; but Paul V did not become Pope until

1605, and Fontana left Rome for Naples in 1596. Therefore, the eagle

of this fountain cannot have any connection with the Borghese family.

Why did Fontana use it instead of the lion’s head, which was another of

Sixtus V’s emblems and would have made a better architectural outlet

for the water? It must have been because the eagle is the emblem of

St. John. In Michelangelo’s fresco of the Fourth Evangelist in the

Sixtine Chapel the eagle stands with bent head and folded wings close

against the figure of the saint who, seated upon the ground, is writing

in the scroll supported by his knee. Fontana, or the sculptor who

carved for him the figure on the top of the mostra of this fountain,

was undoubtedly inspired by Michelangelo’s creation. The St. John of

the fountain was, according to the old engravings, a beautiful and

youthful figure looking to Heaven for inspiration and writing in the

scroll held upon his knee. The eagle was wanting, but Fontana placed

him just below the cornice between the curving tails of the dolphins,

and adapted him to the purposes of a fountain. The design was original

and extremely interesting, as it shows both Sixtus V and Fontana in a

new and unusual light. They were dominated by the place. The great new

Lateran Palace which they had built, the ancient obelisk which they

had set up, the fountain which supplied the invaluable Acqua Felice,

were all subservient to the venerable basilica of St. John. The piazza

and all that it contained were dedicated to St. John, and had been so

for seven hundred years. Pope and architect may have felt that in this

fountain the insignia of any pontiff were more fittingly kept in a

purely subordinate position.

The mostra of the old fountain rested, as the present one does, on the

base of the obelisk; and the fine Piranesi engraving of the Piazza of

the Lateran shows its position and proportions as well as the admirable

balance which it gives to the entire scene.

This obelisk is still the highest in the world, although the lower end

was so badly broken and damaged (by fire) that Fontana had to shorten

it by three feet. It was also broken in three pieces and Fontana’s

device for mending it, which so pleased the Pope, can be traced in

various places among the hieroglyphics. When the obelisk was at last

erected, Fontana carved his name with his title of knight in Latin on

the base, and the three mounts and the star of Sixtus V were fastened

to the apex. Above everything was placed the huge bronze cross, for

Sixtus V considered the obelisk to be the supreme symbol of divinity

in a great Pagan theology; and by placing the cross on all those which

he re-erected, the Pope felt that he was exhibiting in the most

picturesque and conspicuous manner the triumph of Christianity.

This obelisk, which is of red granite, was found by accident lying

prone and buried in the marshy ground of the Circus Maximus. Near

by was another, the one which now stands in the Piazza del Popolo.

Fontana employed five hundred men in raising and removing the obelisk

of the Lateran. Of these men, three hundred were employed day and night

keeping out the water which poured in on all sides. This stream is now

thought to have been the brook Crabra, the “goat brook” of Tusculum,

described by Frontinus, which, in the general decay of mediæval

times, had become one of the “lost waters” of Rome. The difficulties

encountered in transporting the obelisk up the rough sides and through

the old streets of the Quirinal Hill were numerous. The obelisk of the

Piazza del Popolo was removed from the same place and set up on its

present site for the sum of ten thousand three hundred and thirty-one

scudi; whereas this obelisk of the Lateran cost the papal treasury

twenty-four thousand six hundred and eleven scudi.

It was originally brought to Rome in the early days of the Christian

era. Twenty-seven years after Constantine had transferred the seat

of government to his own new capital of Byzantium, his successor,

Constantine II, visited Rome. He visited Rome like any foreign prince

and was profoundly impressed by the magnificence and majesty of his

discarded capital. A not unnatural instinct prompted him to leave some

memorial of himself among the monuments and trophies of his heroic

predecessors; and for this purpose he sent for the obelisk which

Thotmes III had originally placed before the great temple of Thebes. It

was brought to Rome and placed in the Circus Maximus. Its subsequent

history and the causes of the fall of this last of the imperial

obelisks are still lost in the mystery which hangs over so much of

mediæval Rome.[H]

The original pedestal had been too damaged by fire to admit of using

it again; so Sixtus V gave permission to Domenico Fontana to make the

new pedestal out of the materials of an old arch which Domenico was

to destroy for this purpose. The permission was given in writing,

for Domenico Fontana had found that it was necessary to be armed

with written instructions from the Pope whenever he began one of

his devastating raids upon the antiquities of the city. The city

government had endured such pillage and destruction at the hands of the

great Pope’s great architect that all the past vandalism of private

individuals seemed slight in comparison. They protested in vain against

most of the destruction upon which Sixtus V had set his heart, and

neither princes nor magistrates could save the old pontifical residence

of the Lateran which had stood since the seventh century on this very

piazza. It was a marvellous rambling pile of buildings--churches,

monasteries, shrines, loggias, colonnades, oratories, banqueting

rooms and halls filled with mosaics, pictures, and frescoes--and,

according to a great authority, the most wonderful museum of mediæval

art that ever existed. This priceless record of the past was ruthlessly

demolished and razed to the ground in a few months’ time by order of

Pope Sixtus V. It is difficult to understand his motives for this

particular action, since it was not the history of Paganism but of his

own predecessors that he was destroying. The populace never forgot,

or forgave him this destruction, involving as it did the loss of the

Oratory of the Holy Cross. An exquisite example of early Christian

architecture, built in the shape of a Greek cross, this oratory was

held in peculiar veneration by all classes; and the Roman people might

not unnaturally conclude that the wanton destruction of anything at

once so beautiful and so sacred as this oratory could only be ascribed

to the promptings of the devil himself. Posterity can hardly accept

Pope Sixtus V’s fountain, even with its obelisk, as an adequate

substitute for the three fountains of rare marble in the atrium of this

oratory which perished by order of the Pope.

The Church of St. John Lateran was under the protection of the Kings

of France, as the Church of Santa Maria Maggiore was under the

protection of the Kings of Spain, St. Peter’s under that of the Emperor

of Austria, and St. Paul’s Beyond the Walls under the protection of

the English sovereign. In the pontificate of Clement VIII, when the

papacy began to turn toward France in its foreign policy, the work

of embellishing the Lateran cost Rome--and indeed large portions of

the surrounding country--untold treasures in costly marbles and gilt

bronzes. The first were sawed into slabs for the transept of the

Church; and the Altar of the Sacrament owes its magnificence to the

many hundred bronzes which, together with portions of the bronze beams

of the Pantheon, went to the smelting furnaces. In Sixtus V’s time,

however, the old church was still comparatively simple; and it was

in this old Church of the Lateran, probably during his pontificate,

that Stradella’s prayer (“Pity, oh, Saviour!”) was sung, while hired

assassins waited in the outside darkness to take the composer’s life.

As the service was long, the bravos stepped inside the church to enjoy

the music before committing the murder. There, in the wavering light

of the altar candles and under the subtle influence of the incense,

they became so impressed by the pathetic beauty of that marvellous

_Aria di Chiesa_ that they felt it impossible to put out of existence

the man who could write such music; and in the darkness and silence

that followed the close of the divine melody they themselves warned

Stradella of the plot against his life and abetted his escape.

Of late years this legend has been discredited; but in such a case

as this it is well to remember the attitude taken by the writer of

“The Renaissance in Italy,” “I would rather accept,” says Symonds,

“sixteenth-century tradition with Vasari than reject it with German

or English speculators of to-day. I regard the present tendency to

mistrust tradition, only because it is tradition, as in the highest

sense uncritical.”

Over the door of the Vatican Library is a fresco map of Sixtine Rome.

It portrays not what Sixtus V actually left, but what he at one time

intended to leave. In this fresco a great thoroughfare runs from the

Piazza del Popolo to the Piazza Laterano, and at each end of the

magnificent vista stands an obelisk erected by the Pope. Such a street

laid out to-day would lead along the Via Babuino, the Piazza di Spagna

and the Via Due Macelli, and, passing through the tunnel, come out on

the Via Merulana, and reach the Piazza Laterano after traversing the

eastern slope of the Esquiline and the new streets between it and the

basilica. Sixtus V abandoned the idea as the great thoroughfare would

have cut its way directly through the precincts of the Quirinal, and

he had determined to make that spot his own abode, not only because

he loved it but because he recognized the sovereign quality of the

situation of Monte Cavallo in the Rome which he was reconstructing.

The Fontana fountain of the Lateran is not included by Baglioni in

his list of Fontana’s works; but that list which is embodied in his

account of Fontana’s life is manifestly incomplete. The fountain was

engraved in full detail as early as 1618 by Maggi; and later engravings

were made of it by Cruyl, Millotte, and Falda. These designs were so

comprehensive that it would have been an extremely simple matter to

entirely reconstruct the old fountain, more especially as the mostra

and old basins were still in place, and there could have been no

difficulty in ascertaining the proportions. Had this been done, the

pictorial effect and, above all, the historical interest of the Piazza

of St. John Lateran would have been greatly enhanced. The old fountain

disappeared in the general submersion of papal Rome. Its modern

substitute is a mere paraphrase, and the eagle seems intentionally to

represent the eagle of imperial Rome rather than the emblem of St.

John.

TRINITÀ DE’ MONTI

[Illustration]

TRINITÀ DE’ MONTI

The fountain on the terrace in front of the Villa Medici has been

called by a lover of Rome “The Fountain of the Brimming Bowl.” It is a

happy surname, for the marble vase beneath the formally clipped ilex

trees is nothing more or less than a huge bowl filled to overflowing

with the Acqua Felice. The stream gushes upward in a slender column

until it reaches the spreading branches overhead. There it returns upon

itself in clouds of glistening spray, filling the bowl with circles of

gleaming water, ever widening until they brim over the edge and veil

the marble in a continuous overflow. The octagonal basin which receives

this copious stream is sunk into the ground and its shadowed waters

have all the unobtrusive beauty of a quiet and sequestered pool. There

is no sculpture, no decoration. With unerring taste, the artist has

made his appeal to the eye through fundamental and universal elements

of beauty. Grace of line and of proportion, contrast of solid rock and

flowing water, the impression of abundance and perpetuity, symmetry,

contrast, suggestion--these are the simple qualities out of which he

composed his Fountain of the Brimming Bowl.

Sunlight flickering through the ilex branches overhead and the

crumbling shadows of their dense foliage add a poetic charm, while

the Italian trinity--Art, Time, and Nature--have given to this modest

fountain a background of unsurpassed interest and dignity. The view

from the terrace of the Villa Medici might be described almost exactly

by Wordsworth’s sonnet on Westminster Bridge, and truly

“Dull would he be of soul who could pass by

A sight so touching in its majesty.”

Here in Rome “... towers, domes, theatres, and temples lie,” massed

together in that famous quarter of the city known in classic times

as the Campus Martius; and through this architectural maze, spanned

by bridges old and new, the Tiber “floweth at its own sweet will.”

On its farther shore the modern Palace of Justice and a network of

thoroughfares with names relating to the Risorgimento and to Italy of

to-day crowd against the venerable Castle of St. Angelo. Beyond that

lies the densely packed Borgo or Leonine city, surrounded by walls,

while the heights of the Janiculum to the left and those of the Vatican

Hill and Monte Mario to the right give a background of green to all

this masonry. In the very centre of the distance, on the ground once

covered by the Circus of Nero, dominating everything and seeming to

float against the western sky, rises the dome of St. Peter’s.

The terrace leads on the one hand to the gardens of the Pincio and on

the other to the Church of the Trinità de’ Monti. From 1544 to 1560,

when Annibale Lippi was working on the Villa Medici, that portion of

the Pincian Hill covered to-day by the Pincian Gardens belonged to the

Augustinian monks of the Piazza del Popolo. The villa stood on the

ground between them and the gardens and convent of the Trinità de’

Monti. The terrace with the fountain was the approach to the cardinal’s

villa and to the precincts of the convent. The old engravings show

the fountain standing quite free from trees, which, however, are

growing along the edge of the hill and down its slope. The fountain

is generally ascribed to Annibale Lippi, but there seems to be no

positive proof that it is his work. It resembles in general outline the

fontanella on the balcony inside the villa, which is by Lippi; and the

fact that the basin is made of bigio marble might put its date as early

as Lippi’s time. The fountains in the first half of the Cinque Cento

were generally made of marble or granite, whereas after Fontana and in

Bernini’s period travertine was used almost exclusively.

The villa was the property of Cardinal Monte Pulciano, but it was

barely finished when Cardinal Ferdinand de’ Medici began negotiations

for its purchase. Medici, whose childhood had been passed in the

Boboli Gardens, which were created by his father, spent eleven years

in laying out and beautifying the gardens of this villa, where he had

a small zoological collection, and also in making the gallery of Greek

and Roman sculpture which rivalled that already belonging to his old

friend Cardinal Alessandro Farnese. He returned to Florence in 1587,

and some time after the villa passed into the hands of another Medici,

Cardinal Alessandro, who became Pope Leo XI in 1605. This Cardinal

Alessandro de’ Medici also spent much time and money in the decoration

of the villa, and it seems probable that the fountain was constructed

during his tenure of the property, since the introduction of the Acqua

Felice in 1587 had at last made it possible to have fountains on this

hillside. Evelyn, describing this fountain in the last days of Pope

Urban VIII’s pontificate, speaks of the magnificent jet of water

spouting fifty feet into the air. The earliest engravings of it date

from the middle of the Sei Cento and show the water springing from a

large ball of travertine which has long since lost its size and shape

from the constant action of the water. The pedestal and base of this

fountain are also of travertine.

The present Church of the Trinità de’ Monti was erected by Louis XVIII,

of France, to replace the original building which had been destroyed

during the excesses of the French Revolutionary period. But in 1544

the old Gothic church of the Valois King stood looking westward over

the French quarter of the city. This church dated from the year 1495,

when Charles VIII, of France, on his way to reconquer his Neapolitan

territory, entered Rome and paid a visit--half threatening, half

ceremonious--to Alexander VI. He left as a memorial of his stay in Rome

this Church of the Trinità de’ Monti. The church became the nucleus of

French influence in Rome. The French convent of the Sacred Heart grew

up beside its walls, and many famous Frenchmen lived within its shadow.

Cardinal Ferdinand de’ Medici, who gave his family name to this villa,

as well as to the Venus which, upon its discovery in Hadrian’s Villa,

he immediately bought and placed here, was one of the commanding

figures of his time. Fourth son of Cosimo, first Grand Duke of Tuscany,

he had been made a cardinal at fourteen, in the room of his elder

brother Cardinal Giovanni de’ Medici, who had died at nineteen. The

second Grand Duke of Tuscany, Ferdinand’s eldest brother, died in 1587,

leaving no son, and so, after twenty-four years of ecclesiastical

life, Cardinal Ferdinand, who had never taken holy orders, laid by the

red hat to become third Grand Duke of Tuscany. He married Christine

de Lorraine, a granddaughter of Catherine de’ Medici, and therefore a

distant cousin of his own, and had, like his great-grandfather Lorenzo

the Magnificent, and his own grandfather Cosimo I, eight children,

his eldest son succeeding to the grand duchy. It is difficult to

trace in the wise and beneficent grand duke the intractable young

cardinal who had been a handful for even Sixtus V. The old pontiff

had found in him an obstinacy and a craft equal to his own, and he

must have “thanked God fasting” when Medici was no longer a member of

his curia! The Pope was an old man, and the cardinal had the physical

advantage of youth; nevertheless it was a battle royal when this true

chip of the Medicean block interceded with the Peretti Pope for the

life of his old friend, Cardinal Alessandro Farnese. Sixtus, who was

not to be shaken in his determination, kept track of the time, and

held firmly to his resolution until he was sure that the appointed

hour for Farnese’s death had come and gone; then, knowing that it was

too late, he graciously consented to spare Farnese’s life, to please

his Cardinal de’ Medici. But the cardinal knew his Sixtus V, and had,

before his audience, taken the precaution to set every clock in the

Vatican, outside the Pope’s private apartments, back one hour![I]

The fire still lives in the ashes of this Ferdinand, for, in 1906,

a deputation from Leghorn visited his tomb in the Medici mausoleum

in Florence and laid upon it a bronze wreath as a testimony of their

undying gratitude and affection. Leghorn, a mere fishing village of the

Cinque Cento, had been raised to her position of the second seaport in

Italy by this ex-cardinal, and that chiefly through the operation of

an edict of toleration almost incredible at the period in which it was

promulgated. When the Spanish Armada, the struggle in the Netherlands,

and the religious wars in France kept all Europe in a ferment, Leghorn

rose suddenly and swiftly like an exhalation of the sea through the

peaceful labors of the French, Flemish, and Jewish refugees who, within

her walls and under the powerful protection of her Grand Duke, the

ex-cardinal, found absolute liberty of conscience and security of life

and property. It was this Ferdinand who furnished from his own rich

coffers the sinews of war to Henry of Navarre; it was he who mediated

between Henry and the Pope; and it was his niece, Maria de’ Medici, who

became Queen of France as wife of Henry IV, bringing with her, as Sully

said, such a marriage portion as had never before been brought into the

kingdom.

Five years after this event Cardinal Alessandro de’ Medici became Pope;

so the Villa Medici, as well as the Church of the Trinità de’ Monti,

had, in spite of their Italian names, many affiliations with far-off

Paris; and partly on account of these associations, partly for the sake

of the marvellous view, their terraces became the favorite haunt of

those artists who, in the early days of the Sei Cento, began to find

their way to Rome.

In the continuity of the development of art there are few events more

interesting than the appearance of the French art student in Rome.

Gaul had been the first of the northern nations to assimilate Roman

culture, and France was the first to come under the influence of the

Renaissance. Just at the time when the Catholic reaction against

the license of the Cinque Cento had begun to force Italy under the

stultifying influence of Spanish domination, France awoke to the full

consciousness of her æsthetic nature and to her need of those things

which Italy alone could give. The army of Charles VIII had carried back

across the Alps imperishable memories of beauty, and soon afterward

Francis I had enticed to Paris some of the greatest Italian artists

of the time. Even the fierce religious wars of the sixteenth century

could not stamp out the seed sown by the soldiers’ stories and by the

works of art left by homesick Italian masters in Fontainebleau. One

by one the eager French artists crossed the Alps, and they came in

ever-increasing numbers when the genius of Richelieu brought order and

amenity into French life, and when Richelieu’s contemporary, Maffeo

Barberini, for many years papal legate to France, had become Pope Urban

VIII. To reach Rome all of these voyagers had to endure severe physical

hardships, and some of them never returned to France. The greatest

of them--Le Poussin and Claude--died in Rome. Painters, engravers,

sculptors, and architects came to these terraces to worship and to

work, and to this day the galleries and palaces of northern Europe

cherish the pictures planned or sketched about the Fountain of the

Brimming Bowl.

Fountains of Papal Rome · 第 7 / 13 段