refused to coöperate with Caesar, and would not receive him into their
city, but made a noteworthy answer to him. They said they were allies of
the Roman people and were favorably disposed toward both generals, and
they could not go into details and were not competent to judge which of
the two was in the wrong: consequently, in case of friendly overtures
being made they would receive them both, they said, without their arms,
but on a war basis neither of them. On being placed in a state of siege
they repulsed Caesar himself and held out for a very long time against
Trebonius and Decimus Brutus, who subsequently besieged them. Caesar
contended stoutly for some time, thinking to capture them easily, and
regarding it as ridiculous that after vanquishing Rome without a battle
he was not received by the Massilians; but later, when their resistance
proved stubborn, he committed them to the care of others and himself
hastened to Spain. [-20-] He had sent thither already Gaius Fabius, but
fearing he would fail while contending by himself, he too began a
campaign. Afranius and Petreius at this time had charge of affairs in
the vicinity of the Iber and had posted a guard over the pass in the
mountains, but chiefly they had gathered their forces in Ilerda, and
there awaited the attackers. Fabius repulsed the hostile garrison at the
Pyrenees but as he was crossing the river Sicoris they fell upon him
suddenly and killed many of his men who were cut off. The bridge
assisted them materially by breaking before all had crossed. When Caesar
came up not much later, he crossed the river by another bridge and
challenged them to battle; but they did not dare to try conclusions with
him for a very considerable number of days, and remained quietly
encamped opposite him. Encouraged from this cause he undertook to seize
the ground, a strong position, between their rampart and the city, with
the intention of shutting them off from the walls. Afranius and his
followers on perceiving this occupied it first, repulsed their
assailants, and pursued them when they fled. Then when others came out
against them from the fortress they first resisted, then yielded
purposely, and so enticed the sallying party into positions which ere
favorable to themselves, where they slew many more of them. After this
they took courage, attacked Caesar's foraging parties and harassed the
scattered members. And on one occasion when some soldiers had crossed to
the other side of the river and meantime a great storm had come up and
the bridge which they had used was destroyed, they crossed over also by
the other bridge, which was near the city, and annihilated them all, as
no one was able to come to their assistance.
[-21-] Caesar, when this continued to happen, fell into desperate
straits: none of his allies rendered him assistance, for his opponents
met and annihilated[69] them as fast as they heard that each one was
approaching, and it was with difficulty that he managed to obtain
provisions, inasmuch as he was in a hostile territory and unsuccessful
in his operations. The Romans at home, when they ascertained it,
renounced all hopes of him, and believing that he would survive but a
short time longer fell off to Pompey. Some few senators and others set
out to join the latter even so late as this. It happened just at this
time that the Massilians were defeated in a naval battle by Brutus
through the size of his ships and the strength of his marines, although
they had Domitius as an ally and surpassed in their experience of naval
affairs; they were subsequently shut in entirely. But for this nothing
would have prevented Caesar's projects from being ruined. As it was,
however, the victory by preconcerted arrangement was announced to the
Spaniards with so many embellishments that it led some of them to change
and follow the fortunes of Caesar. When he had obtained these as
adherents, he secured plenty of food, constructed bridges, harassed his
opponents, and once intercepted suddenly a number of them who were
wandering about the country and destroyed them.
[-22-] Afranius was disheartened at these results, and seeing that
affairs in Ilerda were not safe or satisfactory for a prolonged delay,
he determined to retire to the Iber and to the cities there. He set out
on this journey by night, intending to escape the enemy's notice or at
least get the start of them. His departure proved no secret, yet he was
not immediately pursued, for Caesar did not think it safe in the darkness
to follow up with men who were strangers to the place an enemy that was
well acquainted with the country. When, however, day dawned, he hastened
forward and overtaking them in the middle of their journey he
encompassed them suddenly on all sides from a distance; for he was much
superior in numbers and found the bowl-shaped character of the country a
help. He did not wish to come into close quarters with the enemy, partly
because he was afraid that they might become frenzied and accomplish
some desperate undertaking, and partly again because he hoped to win
them over without conflict. This also took place. They tried to break
through at many points, but were unable to do so anywhere: they were
wearied from loss of sleep and from their march; they had no food,
since, expecting to finish their journey the same day, they had brought
none, and were not well supplied with water, for that region is notably
waterless: for these reasons they surrendered themselves, on condition
that they should not be maltreated nor compelled to join his expedition
against Pompey. [-23-]Caesar kept each of his promises to them
scrupulously He killed not a single man captured in this war in spite of
the fact that his foes had once, during a kind of truce, destroyed some
of his own men who were in an unguarded position; and he did not force
them to fight against Pompey, but released the most eminent and employed
the rest as voluntary allies induced by the prospect of gains and
honors. By this act he grew very greatly both in reputation and
prosperity, and attached to his cause all the cities in Spain and all
the soldiers who were in them (some of whom were in Baetica and others,
quite a number, with Marcus Terentius Varro, the lieutenant). [-24-] In
taking charge of these and arranging their affairs he pursued his course
as far as Gades, injuring no one except so far as a collection of money
was concerned,--for of this he levied very large amounts. Many of the
natives he honored both privately and publicly and to all the people of
Gades he granted citizenship, in which the people of Rome later
confirmed them. This kindness he did them in return for the vision of
his dream at the time that he was quaestor there, wherein he seemed to
have intercourse with his mother and had received the hope of sole
rulership, as I have stated.[70] After this act he assigned that nation
to Cassius Longinus because the latter was accustomed to the inhabitants
from his quaestorship which he had served under Pompey. Caesar himself
proceeded by boat to Tarraco. Thence he advanced across the Pyrenees,
but did not set up any trophy on their summits because he understood
that not even Pompey was well spoken of for so doing; but he erected a
great altar constructed of polished stones not far from his rival's
trophies.
[-25-] While this was going on the Massilians, as ships had again been
sent them by Pompey, faced danger afresh. They were defeated, to be
sure, on this occasion also, but held their ground even though they
learned that Caesar was already master of Spain. All attacks they
vigorously repulsed and made a truce, pretendedly for the purpose of
arranging terms with Caesar, when he should come. Then they sent out
Domitius secretly and wrought such havoc among the soldiers who had
attacked them in the midst of the truce and by night, that these
ventured to make no further attempts. With Caesar, however, when he came
himself, they made terms: he at that time deprived them of their arms,
ships and money, and later of everything else except the name of
freedom. To counterbalance this misfortune Phocaea, their mother city,
was made independent by Pompey.
[-26-] At Placentia some soldiers mutinied and refused to accompany
Caesar longer, under the pretext that they were exhausted, but really
because he did not allow them to plunder the country nor to do all the
other things on which their minds were set; they were hoping to obtain
anything whatever of him, inasmuch as he stood in such tremendous need
of them. Yet he did not yield, but, with a view to being safe from them
and in order that after listening to his address and seeing the persons
punished they should feel no wish in an way to transgress the
established rules, he called together both the mutinous body and the
rest, and spoke as follows:--[-27-] "Fellow soldiers, I desire to have
your love, and still I should not choose on that account to participate
in your errors. I am fond of you and should wish, as a father might for
his children, that you should be preserved, be prosperous, and have a
good repute. Do not think it is the duty of one who loves to assent to
things which ought not to be done, and for which it is quite inevitable
that dangers and ill-repute should fall to the lot of his beloved, but
rather he must teach them the better way and keep them from the worse,
both by advising and by disciplining them. You will recognize that I
speak the truth if you do not estimate advantage with reference to the
pleasure of the moment but instead with reference to what is continually
beneficial, and if you will avoid thinking that gratifying your desires
is more noble than restraining them. It is disgraceful to take pleasure
temporarily in something of which you must later repent, and it is
outrageous after conquering the enemy to be vanquished by some pleasure
or other.
[-28-] "To what do the words I speak apply? To the fact that you have
provisions in abundance,--I am going to speak right out with no
disguise: you do get your pay in full and on time and you are always and
everywhere supplied with plenty of food--that you endure no inglorious
toil nor useless danger; furthermore that you gather many great prizes
for your bravery and are rebuked little or not at all for your errors,
and yet you do not see fit to be satisfied with these things. I am
speaking not of all of you, for you are not all such men, but only to
those who for their own gain are casting reproach on the rest. Most of
you obey my orders very scrupulously and satisfactorily, abide by your
ancestral customs, and in that way have acquired so much land and wealth
and glory; some few, however, are attaching much disgrace and disrespect
to all of us. Though I understood clearly before this that they were
that sort of persons,--for there is none of your interests that I fail
to notice,--still I pretended not to know it, thinking that they might
become better if they believed they were not observed in some of their
evil deeds and had the fear that if they ever presumed too far they
might be punished for the guilt of which they were conscious. Since
they, however, proceeding on the ground that they may do whatever they
wish because they were not brought to book at the very start, are
overbold and are trying to make the rest of you, who are guilty of no
irregularity, likewise mutinous, it becomes necessary for me to devote
some care to them and to give them my attention. [-29-] In general, no
society of men can preserve its unity and continue to exist, if the
criminal element be not disciplined: if the part afflicted does not
receive proper medicine, it causes all the rest, as in fleshly bodies,
to be sick at the same time. And least of all in armies can discipline
be relaxed, because when the wrongdoers have strength they become more
daring and corrupt the excellent also by causing them to grow dejected
and to believe that they will obtain no benefit from right behavior.
Wherever the insolent element has the advantage, there inevitably the
decent element has the worst of it: and wherever injustice is
unpunished, there uprightness also goes without reward. What is there
you could assert is doing right, if these men are doing no wrong? How
could you logically desire to be honored, if these men do not endure
their just punishment? Are you ignorant of the fact that if one class is
freed from the fear of retribution and the other is deprived of the hope
of prizes, no good is brought about, but only numberless ills? Hence if
you really practice valor and excellence, you should detest these men as
enemies. What is friendly is not distinguished from what is hostile by
any characteristic of birth, but is determined by habits and actions,
which if they are good can make the alien intimate, but if they are bad
can alienate everything, even kindred. [-30-] And you should speak in
your own defence, because by the behavior of these few we must all
inevitably fall into disrepute, even if we have done no wrong. Every one
who is acquainted with our numbers and progress refers the errors of the
few to us all; and thus though we do not share in their gains, we bear
an equal share of their reproach. Who would not be indignant at hearing
that we had the name of Romans, but did deeds of the Celtae? Who would
not lament the sight of Italy ravaged like Britain? Is it not outrageous
for us to cease injuring the possessions of the Gauls, because they are
subdued, and then to devastate the property of dwellers south of the
Alps, as if they were some Epirots, or Carthaginians, or Cimbi? Is it
not disgraceful for us to give ourselves airs and say that we were the
first of the Romans to cross the Rhine and to sail the ocean, and then
to plunder our native land which is safe from harm at the hands of foes
and to receive blame instead of praise, dishonor in place of honor, loss
instead of gain, punishment instead of prizes?[-31-] Do not think that
because you are in the army, that makes you stronger than the citizens
at home. You are both Romans, and they like you both have been and will
be soldiers. Nor yet again that because you have arms, it is permitted
you to injure. The laws have more authority than you, and some day you
will without fail lay down these weapons. Do not, again, rely on your
numbers. Those capable of being wronged are, if they unite, more than
you. And they will unite, if you do wrong. Do not, because you have
conquered the barbarians, despise these citizens also, from whom you
differ not the slightest either in birth or in education, in the matter
of food or in customs. Instead, as is proper and advantageous for you,
use no violence and wrong no one of them, but receive provisions from
their willingness to provide, and accept rewards from their willing
hands. [-32-] In addition to what I have just said and other
considerations that one might cite who should enter upon a long
discussion of such questions, you must also take account of the
following fact,--that we have come here now to assist our country under
oppression and to ward off those that are harming her. If she were in no
danger, we should neither have come into Italy with arms,--since it is
unlawful,--nor should we have left unfinished the business of the Celts
and Britons, when we might have subjugated those regions too. Then is it
not remarkable if we who are here for vengeance upon the evildoers
should show ourselves no less greedy of gain than they? Is it not
inconceivable that when we have arrived to aid our country we should
force her to require other allies against us? And yet I think my claims
so much better warranted than Pompey's that I have often challenged him
to a trial; and since he by reason of his guilty conscience has refused
to have the questions peaceably decided, I hope by this act of his to
attach to my cause all the allies and the entire people. But now, if we
also shall take up a course similar to his, I shall not have any decent
excuse to offer nor be able to charge my opponents with any unbecoming
conduct. You must also look ahead very carefully to the justice of your
cause. If you have this, the strength that arms afford is full of hope,
but without it nothing remains sure, though for the moment a man may be
successful.
[-33-] "That nature has ordained this most of you understand, and you
fulfill all your duties without urging. That is why I have convened
you,--to make you both witnesses and spectators of my words and acts.
But you are not of such a character as some men I have been mentioning
and therefore it is that you receive praise. Only some few of you
observe how, in addition to working many injuries and paying no penalty
at all for them hitherto, these malcontents are also threatening us.
However, as a general principle, I do not think it well for any ruler to
be subdued by his subjects, nor do I believe that any safety could
possibly result, if the class appointed to assist a person should
attempt to overcome him. Consider what sort of order could exist in a
house where those in the prime of youth should despise their elders, or
what order in schools, if the students should pay no heed to their
instructors? What health would there be for the sick, if those
indisposed should not obey their physicians in all points, or what
safety for the navigators if the sailors should turn a deaf ear to their
pilots? It is by a natural law both necessary and salutary that the
principle of ruling and again that of being ruled have been placed among
men, and without them it is impossible for anything to continue to exist
for ever so short a time. Now it belongs to him who is stationed over
another both to think out and to command the requisite course, and to
him who is made subservient to obey without questioning and to put the
order into action. By this the sensible element is distinguished from
the senseless and the understanding element from the ignorant in all
matters.
[-34-] "Since these things are so I would never under compulsion assent
to these brawlers nor give them my permission perforce. Why am I sprung
from Aeneas and Iulus, why have I been praetor, why consul, for what end
have I led some of you out from home and gathered others later, for what
end have I received and held the authority of a proconsul now for so
long a time, if I am to be a slave to any one of you and conquered by
any one of you here in Italy and near to Rome,--I, to whom you owe your
subjection of the Gauls and your conquest of Britain? What should I fear
or dread? That some one of you will kill me? Nay, but if you all had
this mind, I would voluntarily choose to die rather than to give up the
dignity of my position as leader or to abandon the attitude of mind
befitting the head of an enterprise. For a far greater danger than the
unjust death of one man confronts the city, if the soldiers shall become
accustomed to issue orders to their generals and to take the justice of
the law into their own hands.[-35-] No one of them, however, has so much
as made this threat: if he had, I am sure he would have been slain
forthwith by the rest of you. But they are withdrawing from the campaign
on the pretence of being wearied and are laying down their arms because
(they say) they are worn out, and certainly if they do not obtain my
consent to this wish of theirs, they will leave their ranks and go over
to Pompey: some of them make this perfectly evident. Who would not be
glad to be deprived of such men, and who would not pray that such
soldiers might belong to his rival, seeing that they are not content
with what is given and are not obedient to orders, but that simulating
old age in the midst of youth and in strength simulating weakness they
claim the right to lord it over their rulers and to tyrannize over their
leaders? I had ten thousand times rather be reconciled with Pompey on
any terms whatever or suffer any other conceivable fate than do anything
unworthy of my native thought or of my own deliberate policy. Are you
unaware that it is not sovereignty or gain that I desire and that I am
not bent upon accomplishing anything absolutely, an at any cost, so that
I would lie and flatter and fawn upon people to this end? Will you give
up, then, for these reasons the campaign, O what can I call you? Yet
still it shall be not as you yourselves desire and say but as is
profitable for the commonwealth and for myself."
After this speech he distributed lots among them for the infliction of
the death penalty, and the most audacious,--for these, as was previously
arranged, drew the lots,--he condemned, and the rest he dismissed,
saying he had no further need of them. And they repented of what they
had done and were ready to renew the campaign.
[-36-] While he was still on the way Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, the man who
later became a member of the triumvirate, in his capacity of praetor took
counsel with the people to elect Caesar dictator and immediately moved
his nomination, contrary to ancestral custom. The latter accepted the
office as soon as he entered the city, but committed no act of terror
while in it. On the contrary he granted a return to all the exiles
except Milo, and filled the offices for the ensuing year: at that time
they had chosen no one temporarily in place of the absentees, and
whereas there was no aedile in town, the tribunes exercised all the
functions pertaining to the aedileship: moreover he set up priests in the
places of those who were lost (though not observing all the detailed
ceremonies that were customary for them at such a juncture), and to the
Gauls who live this side of the Alps and beyond the Po he gave
citizenship because he had once governed them. After effecting this he
resigned the name of dictator, for he had quite all the power and
functions of the position constantly in his grasp. He employed the
strength that is afforded by arms, and also got in addition a
quasi-legal authority from the senate that was on the spot; for he was
permitted to do with impunity whatever he might wish.
[-37-] Having obtained this he at once set aright an affair of great
moment and necessity. The money lenders had exacted money quite
relentlessly from some, who needed large funds on account of the
political disputes and the wars. Many of the debtors by reason of the
same events were not able, even if they wished it, to pay back anything;
for they did not find it easy to sell anything or to borrow more. Hence
the mutual dealings of the two classes were ofttimes marked by deceit
and ofttimes by treachery, so that there was fear of the matter
progressing till it became an incurable evil. Certain modifications in
regard to interest had been made even before this by some of the
tribunes, but since even so payment was not secured, but the one class
kept forfeiting its securities and the other demanding the principal in
money, Caesar now came to the aid of both so far as he could. He ordered
that securities should have a fixed valuation according to their worth,
and to decide that point he assigned arbiters to be allotted to persons
disputing any point. [-38-] Since also many were said to possess large
properties but to be concealing all their wealth, he forbade any one to
have more than fifteen thousand denarii in silver or gold: this law, he
alleged, he did not enact himself, but he was simply enforcing a measure
some time previously introduced. His object was either that those who
owed should make good some of their debt to the lenders and the rest
lend to such as needed, or else that the well-to-do might be clearly
apparent and no one of them keep his property all together, for fear
some political change might take place in his absence. When the
populace, elated at this, asked that in addition to it rewards be
offered to servants for information against their masters, he refused to
add such a clause to the law and furthermore called down dire
destruction upon himself if he should ever trust a slave speaking
against his master.
[-39-] Caesar after doing this and removing all the Capitoline offerings
and others hastened to Brundusium toward the close of the year and
before entering upon the consulship to which he had been elected. And as
he was attending to the details of his departure a kite in the Forum let
fall a sprig of laurel upon one of his companions. Later, while he was
sacrificing to Fortuna, the bull escaped before being wounded, rushed
out of the city, and coming to a kind of pond swam across it. As a
consequence he continued his preparations with greater courage and
especially because the soothsayers declared that destruction should be
his if he remained at home, but if he crossed the sea salvation and
victory. When he had gone, the boys in the city spontaneously divided
into two classes, one side calling itself Pompeiians and the other
Caesarians, and they fought one another after a fashion without arms, and
those conquered who used Caesar's name.