[-2-] The vote on this proposition was taken not individually for fear

that through having respect to others or some element of fear the

senators might express the opposite of their true opinion; but it was

done by their taking their stand on this side or on that of the

senate-chamber. No one voted that Pompey should cease to bear arms (for

he had his troops in the suburbs), but all, except one Marcus Caelius and

Curio, who had carried his letter, decided that Caesar must. About the

tribunes I say nothing because no necessity was laid upon them to

separate into two different groups; for they had authority to contribute

their vote if they wished, or otherwise not. This, then, was the

decision made, but Antony and Longinus did not allow any point in it to

be ratified either on that day or the next. [-3-] The rest, indignant at

this, voted to change their garb, but through the intervention of the

same men did not obtain ratification of this measure either. Their

opinion, however, was recorded and the appropriate action followed:

namely, all straightway left the senate-house, and after changing their

clothes came in again and proceeded to deliberate about vengeance to be

taken on the obstructionists. They, seeing this, at first resisted but

later became afraid, especially when Lentulus advised them to get out of

the way before the votes should be cast: hence after many remarks and

protestations they set out with Curio and with Caelius to Caesar, little

heeding that they had been expelled from the senate. This was the

determination reached at that time, and the care of the city was

committed to the consuls and to the other magistrates, as had been the

custom. Afterward the senators went outside the pomerium to Pompey

himself, declared that there was a state of disorder, and gave to him

both the money and soldiers. They voted that Caesar should surrender his

office to his successors and send away his legions by a given day, or

else be considered an enemy, because acting contrary to the interests of

the country.

[-4-] When he was informed of this he came to Ariminum, then for the

first time overstepping the confines of his own province, and after

collecting his soldiers he bade Curio and the others who had come with

him relate what had been done by them. After this was finished he

inspirited them by adding such words as the occasion demanded. Next he

set out and marched straight upon Rome itself, taking possession of all

the intervening cities without a conflict, since the garrisons of some

abandoned them by reason of weakness and others espoused his cause.

Pompey, perceiving this, was frightened, especially when he learned all

his intentions from Labienus. The latter had abandoned Caesar and come as

a deserter, and he announced all the latter's secrets to Pompey. One

might feel surprise that after having always been honored by Caesar in

the highest degree, to the extent of governing all the legions beyond

the Alps whenever their head was in Italy, he should have done this. The

reason was that when he had clothed himself with wealth and fame he

began to conduct himself more haughtily than his position warranted, and

Caesar, seeing that he put himself on the same level with his master,

ceased to be so fond of him. As he could not endure this changed

attitude and was at the same time afraid of suffering some harm, he

transferred his allegiance.

[-5-]Pompey as a result of what was told him about Caesar and because he

had not yet prepared a force to cope with him changed his plans: for he

saw that the dwellers in the city, yes, the members of the sedition

themselves, even more than the others, shrank from the war through

remembrance of the deeds of Marius and Sulla and wished to escape it in

safety. Therefore he sent as envoys to Caesar, Lucius Caesar, a relative

of his, and Lucius Roscius, a praetor,--both of them volunteering for the

service,--to see if he could avoid his open attack and then make an

agreement with him on some fair terms. The other replied to the same

effect as in his letter, previously forwarded, and said also that he

wished to converse with Pompey: but the people were displeased to hear

this, fearing that some measures might be concerted against them. When,

however, the envoys uttered many words in praise of Caesar, and finally

promised besides that no one should suffer any harm at his hands and

that the legions should immediately be disbanded, they were pleased and

sent the same envoys to him again, and besought both of the opposing

leaders with shouts, calling upon them everywhere and always to lay down

their arms at the same time. [-6-] Pompey was frightened at this,

knowing well that he would be far inferior to Caesar if they should both

have to depend on the clemency of the populace, and betook himself to

Campania before the envoys returned, with the idea that there he could

more easily make war. He also commanded the whole senate together with

those who held the offices to accompany him, granting them permission by

a decree of absence, and telling them in advance that whoever remained

behind he should regard as equal and alike to those were working against

him. Furthermore he enjoined them to vote that all the public moneys and

the votive offerings in the city be removed, hoping that from this

source he could gather a vast number of soldiers. For practically all

the cities of Italy felt such friendliness for him that when a short

time before they had heard he was dangerously ill, they vowed they would

offer public sacrifices for his preservation. That this was a great and

brilliant honor which they bestowed upon him no one could gainsay; there

is no one in whose behalf such a vote has been passed, except those who

later assumed absolute sovereignty: nevertheless he had not a sure

ground of confidence that they would not abandon him under the influence

of fear of a stronger power. The recommendation about the moneys and the

votive offerings was allowed, but neither of them was touched; for

having ascertained meanwhile that Caesar's answer to the envoys had been

anything but peaceful and that he also reproached them with having made

some false statements about him, that his soldiers were many and bold

and liable to do any kind of mischief (such reports, tending to greater

terror, as are usually made about such matters), the senators became

frightened and hastily took their departure before they could lay a

finger on any of the objects.

[-7-] For reason their removal was equally in all other respects of a

tumultuous and confused appearance. The departing citizens, practically

all of whom were the foremost men of the senate and of the knights and

of the populace, nominally were setting out for war, but really were

undergoing the experiences of captives. They were terribly distressed at

being compelled to abandon their country and their pursuits there, and

to consider foreign walls more native than their own. Such as removed

with their entire household said farewell to the temples and their

houses and their paternal threshold with the feeling that these would

straightway become the property of their opponents: they themselves, not

being ignorant of Pompey's intention, had the purpose, in case they

should survive, of establishing themselves in Macedonia or Thrace. And

those who left behind on the spot their children and wives and their

other most valued possessions appeared to have some little hope of their

country but really fared much worse than the others, since being

sundered from their dearest treasures they exposed themselves to a

double and most hostile fortune. For in delivering their closest

interests to the power of their bitterest foes they were destined to

play the coward and yet themselves encounter danger, to show zeal and

yet to be deprived of what they prized: moreover they would find a

friend in neither rival, but an enemy in both,--in Caesar because they

themselves did not remain behind, and in Pompey because they did not

take the others with them. Hence they assumed a twofold attitude in

their decisions, in their prayers, and in their hopes: with their bodies

they were being drawn away from those nearest to them, and their souls

they found cleft in twain.

[-8-] These were the feelings of the departing throng: and those left

behind had to face a different, but equally unpleasant situation. Bereft

of the association of their nearest relatives, deprived, as it were, of

their guardians and far from able to defend themselves, exposed to the

enemy and about to be subject to the authority of him who should make

himself master of the city, they were themselves distressed by fear both

of outrages and of murders as if they were already taking place. In view

of these same possibilities such as were angry at the fugitives, because

they themselves had been left in the lurch, cursed them for it, and

those who condoned their action because of the necessity still felt

consequent fears. The rest of the populace entire, even if they

possessed not the least kinship with those departing, were nevertheless

grieved at their fate, some expecting that their neighbors, and others

that their comrades would go far away from them and do and suffer many

unusual things. Most of all they bewailed their own lot, seeing the

magistrates and the senate and all the rest who had any power,--they

were not sure whether a single one of them would be left behind,--cast

out of their country and away from them. They reflected how those men,

had not many altogether dreadful calamities fastened themselves upon the

State, would never have wished to flee, and they likened themselves,

made destitute of allies, in every conceivable respect to orphaned

children and widow women. Being the first to await the wrath and the

lust of the oncoming foe, they remembered their former sufferings, some

by experience and others by hearing it from the victims, all the

outrages that Marius and Sulla had committed, and they therefore did not

look to Caesar for moderate treatment.[68] On the contrary, because his

army was constituted very largely of barbarians, they expected that

their misfortunes would be far more in number and more terrible than

those of yore.

[-9-] Since, then, all of them were in this condition, and no one except

those who appeared to be good friends of Caesar made light of the

situation, and even they, in consideration of the change of character to

which most men are subject according to their circumstances, were not

courageous enough to think that the source of their confidence was

reliable, it is not easy to conceive how great confusion and how great

grief prevailed at the departure of the consuls and those who set out

with them. All night they made an uproar in packing up and going about,

and toward dawn great sorrow fell upon them, induced by the action of

the priests, who went about offering prayers on every side. They invoked

the gods, showered kisses on the floors, enumerated how many times and

from what perils they had survived, and lamented that they were leaving

their country,--a venture they had never made before. Near the gates,

too, there was much wailing. Some took fond leave at once of each other

and of the city as if they were beholding them for the last time: others

bewailed their own lot and joined their prayers to those of the

departing: the larger number, on the ground that they were being

betrayed, uttered maledictions. The whole population, even those that

stayed behind, were there with all the women and all the children. Then

the one group set out on their way and the other group escorted them.

Some interposed delays and were detained by their acquaintances: others

embraced and clung to each other for a long time. Those that remained

accompanied those setting out, calling after them and expressing their

sympathy, while with invocations of Heaven they besought them to take

them, too or to remain at home themselves. Meanwhile there were shrill

sounds of wailing over each one of the exiles even from outsiders, and

insatiate floods of tears. Hope for the best they were scarcely at all

inclined to entertain in their condition; it was rather suffering which

was expected, first by those who were left and subsequently by those who

were departing. Any one that saw them would have guessed that two

peoples and two cities were being made from one and that one was being

driven out and was fleeing, whereas the other was being left to its fate

and was being captured.

[-10-] Pompey thus left the city drawing many of the senators after him;

some remained behind, either attached to Caesar's cause or maintaining a

neutral attitude toward both. He hastily raised levies from the cities,

collected money, and sent garrisons to almost every point. Caesar, when

he learned this, did not hurry to Rome: it, he knew, was offered as a

prize to the victors, and he said that he was not marching against that

place as hostile to him but against his political opponents in its

behalf. And he sent a letter throughout all Italy in which he summoned

Pompey to a kind of trial, encouraged all to be of good cheer, bade them

remain in their places, and made them many promises. He set out next

against Corfinium, which, being occupied by Lucius Domitius, had not

joined his adherents, and after conquering in battle a few who met him

he shut up the rest in a state of siege. Pompey, inasmuch as these

citizens were being besieged and many of the others were falling off to

Caesar, had no further hope of Italy but resolved to cross over into

Macedonia, Greece, and Asia. He derived much encouragement from the

remembrance of what he had achieved there and from the friendship of the

people and the princes. (Spain was likewise devoted to him, but he could

not reach it safely because Caesar had possession of both the Gauls.)

Moreover he calculated that if he should sail away, no one would pursue

him on account of the lack of boats and on account of the winter,--the

late autumn being far advanced,--and meanwhile he would at leisure amass

both money and troops, much of them from subject and much from allied

territory. [-11-] With this design, therefore, he himself set out for

Brundusium and bade Domitius abandon Corfinium and accompany him. In

spite of the large force that Domitius had and the hopes he reposed in

it--for he had courted the favor of the soldiers in every way and had

won some of them by promises of land (having belonged to Sulla's

veterans he had acquired a large amount in that reign)--he nevertheless

obeyed orders. Meanwhile Pompey proceeded with his preparations to

evacuate the country in safety: his associates learning this shrank from

the journey abroad, because it seemed to them a flight, and attached

themselves to Caesar. So these joined the invader's army: but Domitius

and the other senators after being censured by Caesar for arraying

themselves in opposition, were released and came to Pompey.

[-12-]Caesar now was anxious to join issue with him before he sailed

away, to fight it out with him in Italy, and to overtake him while he

was still at Brundusium; for since there were not sufficient boats for

them, Pompey had sent forward the consuls and others, fearing that they

might begin some rebellion if they stayed on the spot. Caesar, seeing the

difficulty of capturing the place, urged his opponent to accede to some

agreement, assuring him that he should obtain both peace and friendship

again. When Pompey made no further response than that he would

communicate to the consuls what Caesar said, the latter, inasmuch as they

had decided to receive no citizen in arms for a conference, assaulted

the city. Pompey repelled him for some days until the boats came back.

Having meanwhile barricaded and obstructed with fortifications the roads

leading to the harbor so that no one should attack him while sailing

off, he then set sail by night. Thus he crossed over to Macedonia in

safety and Brundusium was captured as well as two boats full of men.

[-13-] Pompey accordingly deserted in this way his country and the rest

of Italy, choosing and carrying out quite the opposite of his former

course, when he sailed back to it from Asia; wherefore he obtained the

reverse fortune and the reverse reputation. Formerly he broke up his

legions at Brundusium, in order not to cause the citizens any

solicitude, but now he was leading away through the town to fight

against them other forces gathered from Italy. Whereas he had brought

the wealth of the barbarians to Rome, he had now conveyed away from it

all that he possibly could to other places. And of all those at home he

was in despair, but purposed to use against his country foreigners and

the allies once enslaved by him, and he put far more hope in them both

of safety and of power than in those who had been benefited. Instead of

the brilliance, therefore, which, acquired in those wars, had marked his

arrival, he set out with humiliation as his portion in return for his

fear of Caesar: and instead of fame which he had had for exalting his

country, he became most infamous for his desertion of her.

[-14-] At the very moment of coming to land at Dyrrachium he learned

that he should not obtain a prosperous outcome. Thunderbolts destroyed

soldiers even as the ships were approaching; spiders occupied the army

standards; and after he had left the vessel serpents followed and

obliterated his footprints. These were the portents which he encountered

in person, but before the whole capital others had occurred both that

year and a short time previously. For there is no doubt about the fact

that in seditions the state is injured by both parties. Hence many

wolves and owls were seen in the City itself and continual earthquakes

with bellowings took place, fire shot down from the west to the east,

and other fires burned both the temple of Quirinus and a second. The

sun, too, suffered a total eclipse, and thunderbolts damaged a sceptre

of Jupiter, a shield and a helmet of Mars that were votive offerings on

the Capitol, and furthermore the tablets which contained the laws. Many

animals brought forth creatures outside of their own species, certain

oracles purporting to be those of the Sibyl were made known, and some

men becoming inspired practiced numerous divinations. No praefectus urbi

was chosen for the Feriae, as had been the custom, but the praetors, at

least according to some accounts, performed all his duties; others say

they did this only in the next year. If the former are right it happened

twice; and the first season Perperna who had once been censor with

Philippus died, being the last, as I stated, of all the senators who had

been alive in his censorship. This event, too, seemed likely to cause

political confusion. The people were, then, naturally disturbed at the

portents, but as both sides thought and hoped that they could lay them

all on their opponents, they offered no expiatory sacrifices.

[-15-] Caesar at this time did not even attempt to sail to Macedonia,

because he was short of boats and had fears for Italy, dreading that the

lieutenants of Pompey from Spain might assail and occupy it. He put

Brundusium under guard for the purpose that no one of those departed

should sail back again, and went to Rome. There the senate had been

assembled for him outside the pomerium by Antony and Longinus: they, who

had been expelled from it, now convened that body. He accordingly made a

speech of some length and of a temperate character, so that they might

experience good-will toward him at the present and feel an excellent

hope for the future. And since he saw them displeased at what was going

on and suspicious of the multitude of soldiers, he wished to encourage

and to conciliate them somewhat, to the end that quiet might prevail in

their quarter while he was conducting the war. Therefore he censured no

one and delivered no threat against any person, but made an attack not

without imprecations upon those who wished to war against citizens, and

at last moved that ambassadors be sent immediately in behalf of peace

and harmony to the consuls and to Pompey. [-16-] He made these same

statements also to the populace, when that body had likewise assembled

outside the pomerium, and he sent for corn from the islands and promised

each one of them seventy-five denarii. He hoped to tempt them with this

bait. The men, however, reflected that those who are pursuing certain

ends and those who have attained them do not think or act alike: at the

start of their operations they make all the most delightful offers to

such as can work against them in any way, but when they succeed in what

they wish, they remember nothing at all about it and use against those

very persons the power which they have received from them. They

remembered also the behavior of Marius and Sulla,--how many kind things

they had often told them, and then what treatment they had given them in

return for their confidence,--and furthermore perceiving Caesar's

necessity and seeing that his armed followers were many and were

everywhere in the city, they were unable either to trust or to be

cheered by his words. On the contrary, as they had fresh in their memory

the fear caused by former events, they suspected him also, particularly

because the ambassadors apparently intended to initiate a reconciliation

were chosen, to be sure, but did not go out. Indeed, for even making

mention of them once Piso, his father-in-law, was severely rebuked.

[-17-] The people, far from getting at that time the money which he had

promised them, had to give him all the rest that remained in the public

coffers for the support of his soldiers, whom they feared. Amid all

these happenings, as being favorable, they wore the garb of peace, which

they had not as yet put off. Lucius Metellus, a tribune, opposed the

proposition about the money, and when his efforts proved ineffectual

went to the treasury and kept watch of its doors. The soldiers, paying

little heed to either his guarding or his outspokenness, cut through the

bar,--for the consuls had the key, as if it were not possible for

persons to use axes in place of it,--and carried out all the money. In

fact, Caesar's other projects also, as I have often stated, he both

brought to vote and carried out in the same fashion, under the name of

democracy,--the most of them being introduced by Antony,--but with the

substance of despotism. Both men named their political rivals enemies of

their country and declared that they themselves were fighting for the

public interests, whereas each really ruined those interests and

increased only his own private possessions.

[-18-] After taking these steps Caesar occupied Sardinia and Sicily

without a battle, as the governors there at that time withdrew.

Aristobulus he sent home to Palestine to accomplish something against

Pompey. He also allowed the children of those proscribed by Sulla to

canvass for office, and arranged everything else both in the city and in

the rest of Italy to his own best advantage, so far as circumstances

permitted. Affairs, at home he now committed to Antony's care and

himself set out for Spain which distinctly chose to follow Pompey and

caused him some uneasiness lest his rival should induce the Gallic

countries to revolt. Meantime Cicero and other senators did not appear

in Caesar's sight, but retired to join Pompey, who, they believed, had

more justice on his side and would conquer in the war. For the consuls

before setting sail and Pompey using the authority of proconsul had

ordered them all to accompany him to Thessalonica on the general ground

that the capital was being held by certain enemies but that they

themselves were the senate and would maintain the form of the government

wherever they should be. For this reason most of the senators and the

knights, some of them immediately and others later, and all the cities

that were not subdued by Caesar's arms, embraced his cause.

Dio's Rome, Volume 2 An Historical Narrative Originally Composed in Greek During the Reigns of Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and Alexander Severus: and Now Presented in English Form · 第 16 / 29 段