ROBERT FULTON

_November 1813._

_S M^c Elroy del._

_"Stuart's Naval & Mail Steamers U.S."_

_Sarony & Major. Eng. N.Y._]

[Illustration: Figure 2.--"DEMOLOGOS," A WOOD ENGRAVING based on the

sketch which Robert Fulton showed to President Madison in 1813. This

wood engraving appears as plate 1 in Charles B. Stuart's _Naval and Mail

Steamers of the United States_, and illustrates the section on Naval

Steamers, from which the account "The Demologos; or, Fulton the First,"

is here reproduced (pp. 167-171). Stuart obtained the sketch, assumed to

have been made for Fulton's patent on the design of the _Steam Battery_,

from the files of the U.S. Navy Department.]

On December 24, 1813, Robert Fulton invited a group of

friends--prominent merchants, professional men and naval officers--to

his home in New York City and there presented a proposal for a project

of great local interest. At that time the War of 1812 was in its second

year and the economic effect of the British naval blockade was being

felt severely. The blockade cut off seaborne trade and posed a constant

threat of attack upon New York and other important ports, particularly

Baltimore. To defend the ports, it had been proposed to build mobile

floating batteries or heavily built and armed hulks with small sailing

rigs, but the high cost of these and their doubtful value in helping to

break the blockade, compared to the value and action of a very heavy,

large frigate, or a 74-gun ship, caused authorities to hesitate to

proceed with the construction of any blockships or floating batteries.

Fulton's proposal concerned a floating battery propelled by steam

power. He believed that steam propulsion not only would give it

effective maneuverability with no loss of gunpower, but also would allow

a successful attack upon the Royal Navy blockading ships during periods

of protracted calm, when sailing men-of-war were nearly helpless. The

blockaders then could be attacked and picked off, one by one, by the

heavily armed steamboat.

Among those present at the meeting was Major General Henry Dearborn, a

leading citizen and soldier who was later to become noted in American

political history. The first step taken during this meeting was the

founding of the Coast and Harbor Defense Company with Dearborn as

president, Fulton as engineer, and Thomas Morris as secretary. Next, a

committee was established to raise funds from Federal, State, and New

York City governments as well as from individual contributors to build

the battery. The members of this committee consisted of General

Dearborn, Commodore Stephen Decatur, U.S.N.; General Morgan Lewis;

Commodore Jacob Jones; U.S.N.; Noah Brown, shipbuilder; Samuel L.

Mitchill; Henry Rutgers; and Thomas Morris.

The committee proved cumbersome and was reduced to General Lewis, Issac

Bronson, Henry Rutgers, Nathan Sanford, Thomas Morris, Oliver Wolcott,

and John Jacob Astor. Known as the Coast Defense Society and with the

name of _Pyremon_ given the ship in prospectus, they attempted,

unsuccessfully, to raise funds privately.

The estimated sums to build a battery 130 feet long, with a 50-foot

beam, capable of a speed of 5 mph, and carrying 24 long guns (18-pdr.),

was $110,000. Fulton, still the chief engineer, in an effort to interest

the Federal Government, built a model of the proposed vessel and

submitted it to some prominent naval officers--Commodore Stephen

Decatur, Jacob Jones, James Biddle, Samuel Evans, Oliver Perry, Samuel

Warrington, and Jacob Lewis. All gave their support to the Society in a

written statement and this recommendation proved helpful to the project

in Congress and in the Navy Department. In the process of passing a bill

which went to the Senate Naval Affairs Committee calling for $250,000

for the construction of the floating battery, the sum was raised to

$1,500,000 for the construction of "one or more" floating batteries and

passed on March 9, 1814.

To supervise the start of construction, the Coast Defense Society

appointed a committee consisting of Dearborn, Wolcott, Morris, Mitchill,

and Rutgers, with Fulton as engineer, and a model and drawing of the

proposed vessel was submitted to the Patent Office. The Secretary of the

Navy, although supporting the project, delayed action until he had

weighed the importance of the batteries in relation to other war needs,

for at this time the naval shipbuilding program on the Great Lakes was

considered of prime importance. He also raised some technical questions

concerning the design of the batteries, which Fulton answered with a

description of the vessel as 138 feet on deck, 120 feet on the keel, 55

feet beam (each hull to have a 20-foot beam and the "race" between to be

15 feet wide), draft 8 or 9 feet loaded, and the intended speed was to

be 4-1/2 to 5 mph. The ship was to carry 24 long guns (32-pdr.), the

engine was to be 130 hp, and the total cost, $200,000. In his letters to

the Secretary of the Navy, Fulton stated that Adam and Noah Brown would

build the hull for $69,800 and that he would build the engine, machinery

and boilers for $78,000, a total of $147,800. He intended to have the

boilers, valves, fastenings, and air pumps of brass or copper, which

would raise the machinery costs 59 percent above that of stationary

engines and boilers then in use.

On May 23, 1814, the Secretary of the Navy authorized the Coast Defense

Society and its committee to act as Navy agents and to enter into the

contracts required to build a vessel, and to draw on the Navy

storekeepers or Navy Yard commandants for such stores or articles on

hand needed for construction. The contracts were prepared and the

committee now was officially empowered to act for the Society, with

Rutgers, Wolcott, Morris, Dearborn, Mitchill, and Fulton. On June 4,

Dearborn asked the Navy Department for $25,000 advance, for work had

started. On the 6th, he informed the Secretary that he had been ordered

to assume command of the defenses of Boston and that Rutgers had been

appointed chairman of the construction committee in his place.

It is apparent that the Navy Department was pressed for funds, due to

the very extensive shipbuilding programs on Lakes Erie, Ontario, and

Champlain in addition to the seagoing vessels being built in some of the

coastal ports. This was certainly one cause for the Secretary of the

Navy's reluctance to carry out the requirements of the bill passed by

Congress immediately after its signature and, also, this reluctance

caused the supervisory committee much embarrassment in its

administration of the contract.

Another factor which caused difficulty in the administration of the

contract was the position of Adam and Noah Brown. The brothers were

deeply involved in the shipbuilding program on the Lakes, in which they

were associated at times with Henry Eckford. The Browns constructed a

blockhouse, shops, and quarters at Erie; in addition to Perry's two

brigs and five of his schooners, they also built some of the Lake

Ontario vessels and, later, the _Saratoga_ on Lake Champlain. In their

New York yard, whose operation continued throughout the war, they built

some large letter-of-marques: the _General Armstrong_, _Prince de

Neufchatel_, _Zebra_, _Paul Jones_, and some smaller vessels. They also

cut down the 2-decked, merchant ship _China_ into a single flush-deck

letter-of-marque, renamed _Yorktown_; and they had a contract to build

the sloop-of-war _Peacock_. It is remarkable that the Browns could

undertake and complete so much work between 1813 and 1815 and still be

able to build the steam battery in a very short time.

With the contracts in order, the Browns began building. The keels of the

battery were laid June 20, 1814. It is apparent that the Browns prepared

the original hull plans, undoubtedly before the building authority was

obtained. The vessel required only about four months to build; she was

launched October 29, 1814, at 9 a.m. This was an excellent performance,

considering the size of the vessel, the amount of timber required and

handled in her massive construction, and the other work being done by

the builders. During the ship's construction, sightseers were a nuisance

and finally guards had to be obtained. During the building of the steam

battery, work had to be practically stopped on the sloop-of-war

_Peacock_ at one period after she had been partially planked.

There were difficulties in obtaining metalwork for the vessel during her

construction, due to the blockade and the demand for such material for

other shipbuilding at New York. On November 21, 1814, the ship was towed

from the Browns' yard on the East River by Fulton's _Car of Neptune_ and

_Fulton_, each lashed to the sides of the battery, and taken to Fulton's

works on the North River. There Fulton supervised in person the

completion of the vessel and construction of her machinery. Undoubtedly

only a little of his time was required in inspection of the Browns' work

on the battery, for the shipbuilders had been closely associated with

Fulton throughout the life of the project and were fully capable as ship

designers. The work on the machinery was another matter, however, for

men capable of working metal were scarce and few workmen could read

plans. Fulton had some of the work done outside of his own plant,

particularly the brass and copper work (mostly by John Youle's foundry).

As a result, Fulton was required to move from plant to plant, keeping

each job under almost constant observation and personally supervising

the workmen. The equipment then available for building a large engine

was inadequate in many ways. The large steam cylinder presented a

problem: it had to be recast several times and some of the other parts

gave trouble, either in casting or in machining and fitting.

[Illustration: Figure 3.--SCALE MODEL of _Steam Battery_, showing double

hull, in the Museum of History and Technology. (Smithsonian photo

P-63390-D.)]

Guns for the battery were another problem. Only 3 long guns (32-pdr.),

were available at the Navy Yard. The Secretary of the Navy promised some

captured guns then at Philadelphia. Because of the blockade, these had

to come overland to New York. The captured guns thus obtained were

probably English, part of the cargo of the British ship _John of

Lancaster_ captured by the frigate _President_ early in the war.

Apparently 24 guns were obtained this way; only 2 were obtained from the

Navy Yard. In July the Supervising Committee carried out some

experimental damage studies, in which a 32-pdr. was fired at a target

representing a section of the topsides of the battery. Drawings of the

result were sent to the Secretary of the Navy.

Further problems arose over the delays of the government in making

payments: the banks discounted the Treasury notes, so the Committee

members had to advance $5,000 out of their own pockets. There was fear

that British agents might damage the vessel, and although the project

was undoubtedly known to the British, no evidence of any act of sabotage

was ever found. Captain David Porter was assigned to the command of the

battery in November, and it was upon his request that the vessel was

later rigged with sails.

With the _Steam Battery_ approaching completion, the Secretary of the

Navy became more enthusiastic and the construction of other batteries of

this type was again proposed. Captain Stiles, a Baltimore merchant,

offered to build a steam battery, the hull to cost $50,000; the entire

cost of the vessel, $150,000, was raised in Baltimore and the frames of

a battery erected. Another battery was projected at Philadelphia and the

Secretary of the Navy wanted one or more built at Sackett's Harbor, but

naval officers and Fulton objected. A bill put before Congress to

authorize another half million to build steam batteries passed the first

reading January 9, 1815, went to the House February 22, 1815, but the

end of the war prevented any further action on it.

On February 24, 1815, Fulton died. He had been to Trenton, New Jersey,

to attend a hearing on the steamboat monopoly and, on the way back, the

ferry on North River was caught in the ice. Fulton and his lawyer,

Emmet, had to walk over the ice to get ashore. On the way, Emmet fell

through and Fulton got wet and chilled while helping him. After two or

three days in bed Fulton went to his foundry to inspect the battery's

machinery causing a relapse from which he died. This resulted in some

delay in completing the machinery and stopped work on the _Mute_, an

80-foot, manually propelled, torpedo boat that Fulton was having built

in the Browns' yard.

It was decided to suspend work on the Baltimore battery after an

expenditure of $61,500, but the New York battery was to be completed to

prove the project was practical. The final payment of $50,000 was made

four months after it was requested.

Charles Stoudinger, Fulton's foreman or superintendent, was able to

complete and install the ship's machinery. On June 10, 1815, the vessel

was given a short trial run in the harbor with Stoudinger and the Navy

inspector, Captain Smith, on board. This trial revealed the need of some

mechanical alterations; sails were not used, and it was found she could

stem the strong tide and a fresh headwind. The vessel also was visited

by the officers of French men-of-war at anchor in the harbor.

On July 4, 1815, she was given another trial. She left Fulton's works at

Corlear's Hook at 9 a.m., ran out to Sandy Hook Lighthouse, bore west

and returned, a total of 53 miles under steam, reaching her slip at 5:20

p.m. She was found to steer "like a pilot boat." This prolonged trial

revealed that the stokehold was not sufficiently ventilated and more

deck openings were required. The windsails used in existing hatches were

inadequate. The paddle wheel was too low and had to be raised 18 inches,

and there were still some desirable modifications to be made in the

machinery.

On September 11, 1815, she was again given a trial run. All alterations

had been made, including the addition of hatches and raising the paddle

wheel, and her battery was on board with all stores, supplies, and

equipment. She had 26 long guns (32-pdr.), mounted on pivoted carriages,

and now drew 10 feet 4 inches. On this day she left her slip at 8:38

a.m. and went through the Narrows into the Lower Bay, where she

maneuvered around the new frigate _Java_ at anchor there. The battery

then was given a thorough trial under steam and sail and, with the ship

underway, her guns were fired to see if concussion would damage the

machinery. The vessel was found to be a practical one, capable of

meeting the government's requirements in all respects; her speed was

5-1/2 knots. However, the stokehold temperature had reached 116°

Fahrenheit! She returned to her slip at 7:00 p.m.

On December 28, 1815, the Committee in a written report to the

Secretary of the Navy,[5] gave a description of the vessel and praised

her performance. At this time a set of plans was made by "Mr. Morgan,"

of whom no other reference has appeared, and sent to the Navy

Department. These cannot now be found. The Committee recommended the

battery be commissioned and used for training purposes. This suggestion

was not followed.

The ship remained in her slip during the winter, and in June 1816 she

was turned over to the Navy and delivered to Captain Samuel Evans,

commandant of the New York Navy Yard. Captain Joseph Bainbridge was

assigned to her command. However, she was not commissioned and soon

after her delivery she was housed over and placed "in ordinary," that

is, laid up. The final settlement showed that the Committee, as Navy

agents, had paid out $286,162.12 with $872.00 unpaid, as well as a claim

for $3,364.00 by Adam and Noah Brown, making a total of $290,398.12.

The following year, on June 18, 1817, she was unroofed and put into

service with a small crew. With President James Monroe on board, she

left the Navy Yard about noon for a short trip to the Narrows and then

to Staten Island and returned in the evening. The next day she was again

placed "in ordinary."

Four years later, in 1821, when her guns and machinery were removed, it

was found that she was rapidly becoming rotten. She was then utilized as

a receiving ship. At 2:30 p.m. on June 4, 1829, she blew up, killing 24

men and 1 woman, with 19 persons listed as injured. Among those killed

was one officer, Lt. S. M. Brackenridge. Two lieutenants and a Sailing

Master were hurt, four midshipmen were severely injured, and five

persons were listed as missing. The explosion of 2-1/2 barrels of

condemned gunpowder was sufficient, due to her rotten condition, to

destroy the ship completely. A Court of Inquiry blamed a 60-year-old

gunner, who supposedly entered a magazine with a candle to get powder

for the evening gun. It was stated to the court that about 300 pounds of

powder in casks and in cartridges was on board the ship at the time.[3]

She was not replaced until the coast-defense steamer _Fulton_ was built

in 1837-38, though in 1822 the Navy purchased for $16,000 a "steam

galliot" of 100 tons, the _Sea Gull_, to be used as a dispatch boat for

the West Indian squadron engaged in suppressing piracy during 1823. In

1825 she was laid up at Philadelphia, and in 1840 she was sold for

$4,750.

It is a curious fact that the battery did not receive an official name,

as did the sailing blockship on the ways at New Orleans, which at the

end of the War of 1812 was officially listed as the _Tchifonta_. Nor was

the battery given a number, as were the gunboats. In official

correspondence and lists, the steam battery is referred to as the

"Fulton Steam Frigate," or as the "Steam Battery," but in later years

she was referred to as the "Fulton" or "Fulton the First." Perhaps the

explanation is that as she was the only one of her kind she was not

numbered, and as she was not considered fit for coastal or extended

ocean voyages, she was not given a name.

Smithsonian Institution - United States National Museum - Bulletin 240 Contributions From the Museum of History and Technology Papers 34-44 on Science and Technology · 第 142 / 318 题