CHAPTER V

_That the Chief Productive Agent in the modern world

is not Labour, but Ability, or the Faculty which

directs Labour._

[Sidenote ◆1 What was said in the last chapter shows that

productive Human Exertion is of two kinds, and does not

consist only of what is meant by Labour,]

[Sidenote ◆2 As familiar instances will show us.]

◆¹ I said in the last chapter that machinery or Fixed Capital was

congealed Wage Capital. But as Wage Capital is metamorphosed into

machinery only owing to the fact that it is at once the instrument and

the guide of Human Exertion, machinery may be called congealed exertion

also. This description of it is but half original; for Socialistic

writers have for a long time called it “congealed Labour.” But between

the two phrases there is a great and fundamental difference, and I

now bring them thus together to show what the difference is. The

first includes the whole meaning of the second, whereas the second

includes only a part of the meaning of the first. Let us take the

finest bronze statue that was ever made, and also the worst, the

feeblest, the most ridiculous. ◆² Both can with equal accuracy be

called congealed Labour; but to call them this is just as useless a

truism as to call them congealed bronze. It describes the point in

which the two statues resemble each other; it tells us nothing of what

is far more important—the points in which the two statues differ.

They differ because, whilst both are congealed Labour, the one is

also congealed imagination of the highest order, the other is also

congealed imagination of the lowest. The excellence of the metal and

of the casting may be the same in both cases. Or again, let us take

a vessel like the _City of Paris_, and let us take also the vessel

that was known as the _Bessemer Steamer_. The _Bessemer Steamer_ was

fitted with a sort of rocking saloon, which, when the vessel rolled,

was expected to remain level. The contrivance was a complete failure.

The hundreds of thousands of pounds spent on it were practically thrown

away, and the structure ended by being sold as old iron. Now these

two vessels were equally congealed Labour, and congealed Labour of

precisely the same quality; for the workmen employed on the _Bessemer

Steamer_ were as skilful as those employed on the _City of Paris_. And

yet the Labour in the one case was congealed into a piece of lumber,

and in the other case it was congealed into one of the most perfect

of those living links by which the lives of two worlds are united.

To call both the vessels, then, congealed Labour, only tells us how

success resembles failure, not how it differs from it. The _City of

Paris_ differs from the _Bessemer Steamer_ because the _City of Paris_

was congealed judgment, and the _Bessemer Steamer_ was congealed

misjudgment.

It is therefore evident that in _using_ Capital so as to make Labour

more efficacious, as distinct from _wasting_ Capital so as to make

Labour nugatory, some other human faculties are involved distinct from

the faculty of Labour; and I have employed, except when it would have

been mere pedantry to do so, the term “Human Exertion” instead of the

term “Labour,” because the former includes those other faculties, and

the latter does not; or, if it includes them, it entirely fails to

distinguish them, and merely confounds them with faculties from which

they fundamentally differ. Thus, when I pointed out in the last chapter

that Capital, in so far as it increased the productivity of Labour,

was mental and moral energy as applied to muscular energy, I might have

said with equal propriety, had my argument advanced far enough, that it

was one kind of Human Exertion guiding and controlling another kind.

Here we come to the great central fact which forms the key to the whole

economic problem: the fact that in the production of wealth two kinds

of Human Exertion are involved, and not, as economists have hitherto

told us, one—two kinds of exertion absolutely distinct, and, as we

shall see presently, following different laws.

[Sidenote ◆1 Economic writers vaguely recognise this fact, but

have never formally expressed it, or made it a part of

their systems.]

[Sidenote ◆2 They confuse all productive exertion together under

the heading of Labour.]

◆¹ Economic writers, like the world in general, do indeed recognise,

in an unscientific way, that productive exertion exhibits itself under

many various forms; but their admissions and statements with regard to

this point are entirely confused and stultified by the almost ludicrous

persistence with which they classify all these forms under the single

heading of Labour. Mill, for instance, says that a large part of

profits are really wages of the labour of superintendence. He speaks of

“the labour of the invention of industrial processes,” “the labour of

Watt in contriving the steam-engine,” and even of “the labour of the

savant and the speculative thinker.” ◆² He employs the same word to

describe the effort that invented Arkwright’s spinning-frame, and the

commonest muscular movement of any one of the mechanics who assisted

with hammer or screwdriver to construct it under Arkwright’s direction.

He employs the same word to describe the power that perfected the

electric telegraph, and the power that hangs the wires from pole to

pole, like clothes-lines. He confuses under one heading the functions

of the employer and the employed—of the men who lead in industry, and

of the men who follow. He calls them all labourers, and he calls their

work Labour.

[Sidenote ◆1 But practically, Labour means muscular or manual

exertion.]

[Sidenote ◆2 Mental and moral exertion, as applied to production,

must therefore be given another name:]

Now were the question merely one of literary or philosophical

propriety, this inclusive use of the word Labour might be defensible;

but we have nothing to do here with the niceties of such trivial

criticism. We are concerned not with what a word might be made to mean,

but what it practically does mean; and if we appeal to the ordinary

use of language,—not only its use by the mass of ordinary men, but

its most frequent use by economic writers also,—we shall find that

the word Labour has a meaning which is practically settled; and we

shall find that this meaning is not an inclusive one, but exclusive.

◆¹ We shall find that Labour practically means muscular Labour, or

at all events some form of exertion of which men—common men—are as

universally capable, and that it not only never naturally includes any

other idea, but distinctly and emphatically excludes it. For instance,

when Mill in his _Principles of Political Economy_ devotes one of his

chapters to the future of the “Labouring Classes,” he instinctively

uses the phrase as meaning manual labourers. When, as not unfrequently

happens, some opulent politician says to a popular audience, “I, too,

am a labouring man,” he is either understood to be saying something

which is only true metaphorically, or is jeered at as saying something

which is not true at all. Probably no two men in the United Kingdom

have worked harder or for longer hours than Mr. Gladstone and Lord

Salisbury; yet no one could call Mr. Gladstone a labour member, or

say that Lord Salisbury was an instance of a labouring man being a

peer. The Watts, the Stevensons, the Whitworths, the Bessemers, the

Armstrongs, the Brasseys, are, according to the formal definition of

the economists, one and all of them labourers. But what man is there

who, if, in speaking of a strike, he were to say that he supported or

opposed the claims of Labour, would be understood as meaning the claims

of employers and millionaires like these? It is evident that no one

would understand him in such a sense; and if he used the word _Labour_

thus, he would be merely trifling with language. The word, for all

practical purposes, has its meaning unequivocally fixed. It does not

mean all Human Exertion; it emphatically means a part of it only. It

means muscular and manual exertion, or exertion of which the ordinary

man is capable, as distinct from industrial exertion of any other

kind; and not only as distinct from it, but as actively opposed to and

struggling with it. Since, then, we have to deal with distinct and

opposing things, it is idle to attempt to discuss them under one and

the same name. ◆² To do so would be like describing the Franco-Prussian

War with only one name for both armies—the soldiers; or like attempting

to explain the composition of water, with only one name for oxygen and

hydrogen—the gas. Accordingly, for the industrial exertion—exertion

moral and mental—which is distinct from Labour and opposed to it, we

must find some separate and some distinctive name; and the name which I

propose to use for this purpose is Ability.

[Sidenote ◆1 In this book it will be called Ability.]

[Sidenote ◆2 There is, however, a deeper distinction between the

two than the fact of one being mental and the other

muscular.]

◆¹ Human Exertion then, as applied to the production of wealth, is of

two distinct kinds: Ability and Labour—the former being essentially

moral or mental exertion, and only incidentally muscular; the latter

being mainly muscular, and only moral or mental in a comparatively

unimportant sense. ◆² This difference between them, however, though

accidentally it is always present, and is what at first strikes the

observation, is not the fundamental difference. The fundamental

difference is of quite another kind. It lies in the following fact:

That Labour is a kind of exertion on the part of the individual, which

begins and ends with each separate task it is employed upon, whilst

Ability is a kind of exertion on the part of the individual which is

capable of affecting simultaneously the labour of an indefinite number

of individuals, and thus hastening or perfecting the accomplishment of

an indefinite number of tasks.

[Sidenote ◆1 The vital distinction is that the Labour of one man

affects one task only; the Ability of one man may affect

an indefinite number.]

◆¹ This vital distinction, hitherto so entirely neglected, should be

written in letters of fire on the mind of everybody who wishes to

understand, to improve, or even to discuss intelligibly, the economic

conditions of a country such as ours. Unless it is recognised, and

terms are found to express it, it is impossible to think clearly about

the question; much more is it impossible to argue clearly about it: for

men’s thoughts, even if for moments they are correct and clear, will be

presently tripped up and entangled in the language they are obliged to

use. Thus, we constantly find that when men have declared all wealth

to be due to Labour, more or less consciously including Ability in the

term, they go on to speak of Labour and the labouring classes, more

or less consciously excluding it; and we can hardly open a review or

a newspaper, or listen to a speech on any economic problem, without

finding the labouring classes spoken of as “the producers,” to the

obvious and intentional exclusion of the classes who exercise Ability;

whereas it can be demonstrated, as we shall see in another chapter,

that of the wealth enjoyed by this country to-day, Labour produces

little more than a third.

Let us go back then to the definitions I have just now given, and

insist on them and enlarge them and explain them, so as to make them

absolutely clear.

[Sidenote ◆1 Familiar examples will show the truth of this.]

Labour, I said, is a kind of exertion on the part of the individual,

which begins and ends with each separate task it is employed upon;

whilst Ability is a kind of exertion on the part of the individual

which is capable of affecting simultaneously the labour of an

indefinite number of individuals. ◆¹ Here are some examples. An

English navvy, it is said, will do more work in a day than a French

navvy; he will dig or wheel away more barrow-loads of earth; but

the greater power of the one, if the two work together, has no

tendency to communicate itself to the other. The one, let us say,

will wheel twelve barrow-loads, whilst the other will wheel ten. We

will imagine, then, a gang of ten French navvies, who in a given time

wheel a hundred barrow-loads. One of them dies, and his place is

taken by an Englishman. The Englishman wheels twelve loads instead

of ten; but the rest of the gang continue to wheel ten only. Let us

suppose, however, that the Englishman, instead of being a navvy, is

a little cripple who has this kind of ability—that he can show the

navvies how to attack with their picks each separate ton of earth

in the most efficacious way, and how to run their barrows along the

easiest tracks or gradients. He might quite conceivably enable the

nine Frenchmen to wheel fifteen barrow-loads in the time that they

formerly consumed in wheeling ten; and thus, though the gang contained

one labourer less than formerly, yet owing to the presence of one

man of ability, the efficacy of its exertions would be increased by

fifty per cent. Or again, let us take the case of some machine, whose

efficiency is in proportion to the niceness with which certain of its

parts are finished. The skilled workman whose labour finishes such

parts contributes by doing so to the efficiency of that one machine

only; he does nothing to influence the labour of any other workman,

or facilitate the production of any other machine similar to it. But

the man who, by his inventive ability, makes the machine simpler, or

introduces into it some new principle, so that, without requiring so

much or such skilled labour to construct it, it will, when constructed,

be twice as efficient as before, may, by his ability, affect individual

machines without number, and increase the efficiency of the labour

of many millions of workmen. Such a case as this is specially worth

considering, because it exposes an error to which I shall again refer

hereafter—the error often made by economic writers, of treating Ability

as a species of Skilled Labour. For Skilled Labour is itself so far

from being the same thing as Ability, that it is in some respects more

distinct from it than Labour of more common kinds; for the secret

of it is less capable of being communicated to other labourers. For

instance, one of the most perfect chronometers ever made—namely, that

invented by Mudge in the last century—required for its construction

Labour of such unusual nicety, that though two specimens, made under

the direct supervision of the inventor, went with an accuracy that has

not since been surpassed, the difficulty of reproducing them rendered

the invention valueless. But the great example of this particular truth

is to be found in a certain fact connected with the history of the

steam-engine—a fact which is little known, whose significance has never

been realised, and which I shall mention a little later on. It may thus

be said with regard to the production of wealth generally, that it

will be limited in proportion to the exceptionally skilled labour it

requires, whilst it will be increased in proportion to the exceptional

ability that is applied to it.

[Sidenote ◆1 We shall now be able to describe Capital accurately

as _Ability_ controlling _Labour_.]

◆¹ The difference, then, between Ability and Labour must be now

abundantly clear. As a general rule, there is the broad difference

on the surface, that the one is mainly mental and the other mainly

muscular; but to this rule there are many exceptions, and the

difference in question is accidental and superficial. The essential,

the fundamental difference from a practical point of view is, that

whilst Labour is the exertion of a single man applied to a single

task, Ability is the exertion of a single man applied to an indefinite

number of tasks, and an indefinite number of individuals.

[Sidenote ◆1 It is, of course, understood that this definition

applies only to Capital used so as actually to make

Labour more productive, not to Capital wasted.]

◆¹ And now let us go back to the subject of Capital. I have said that

Capital is one kind of Human Exertion guiding and controlling another

kind. We can at last express this with more brevity, and say that

Capital is Ability guiding and controlling Labour. This is no mere

rhetorical or metaphorical statement. It is the accurate expression of

what is at once a theoretical truth and an historical fact; and to show

the reader that it is so, let me remove certain objections which may

very possibly suggest themselves. In the first place, it may be said

that Capital belongs constantly to idle and foolish persons, or even

indeed to idiots, to all of whom it yields a revenue. This is true; but

such an objection altogether ignores the fact that though such persons

own the Capital, they do not administer it. An idiot inherits shares in

a great commercial house; but the men who manage the business are not

idiots. They only pay the idiot a certain sum for allowing his Capital

to be made use of by their Ability. It may, however, be said further

that many men, neither idle nor idiotic, had administered Capital

themselves, and had succeeded merely in wasting it. This again is true;

but where Capital is wasted the productive powers of the nation are

not increased by it. It is, however, a broad historical fact that, by

the application of Capital the productive powers of the nation have

been increasing continually for more than a hundred years, and are

increasing still; and this is the fact, or the phenomenon, which we

are engaged in studying. Capital for us, then, means Capital applied

successfully; and when I say that Capital is Ability guiding and

controlling Labour, it is of Capital applied successfully, and not of

Capital wasted, that I must in every case be understood to be speaking;

just as if it were said that a battle was won by British bayonets, the

bayonets meant would be those that the combatants used, not those that

deserters happened to throw away. The fact, indeed, that in certain

hands so much Capital is thrown away and wasted, is nothing but a proof

of what I say, that as a productive agent Capital represents, and

practically _is_, Ability.

[Sidenote ◆1 Capital is to Ability something like what the brain

is to the mind.]

It may, however, be said—and the objection is worth noticing—that

Capital is a material thing, and Ability a mental thing; and it may be

asked how, except metaphorically, the one can be said to be the other?

◆¹ An answer may be given by the analogy of the mind and brain. So long

as the mind inhabits and directs a human body, mind and matter are

two sides of the same thing. It is only through the brain that mind

has power over the muscles; and the brain is powerful only because

it is the organ of the mind. Now Ability is to Capital what mind is

to the brain; and, like mind and brain, the two terms may be used

interchangeably. Capital is that through which the Ability of one set

of men acts on the muscles—that is to say, the Labour—of another set,

whether by setting Labour to produce machinery, or by so organising

various multitudes of labourers that each multitude becomes a single

machine in itself, or by settling or devising the uses to which these

machines shall be put.

[Sidenote ◆1 And this would be as true of Capital in a Socialistic

State as in any other.]

And it will be well, in case any Socialist should happen to read these

pages, to point out that my insisting on this fact is no piece of

special pleading on behalf of the private capitalist. ◆¹ The whole of

the above argument would apply to Capital, no matter who owned it:

individuals, or the community as a whole. For no matter who owned it,

or who divided the proceeds of it, the entire control of it would

have to be in the hands of Ability. In what, or how many, individuals

Ability may be held to reside; how such individuals are best found,

tested, and brought forward; and how their power over Capital may be

best attained by them—whether as owners, or as borrowers, or as State

officials,—is a totally different question, and is in this place beside

the point.

At present, it will be enough to sum up what we have seen thus far. The

causes of wealth are not, as is commonly said, three: Land, Labour, and

Capital. This analysis omits the most important cause altogether, and

makes it impossible to explain, or even reason about, the phenomenon

of industrial progress. The causes of wealth are four—Land, Labour,

Capital, and Ability: the two first being the indispensable elements in

the production of any wealth whatsoever; the fourth being the cause of

all progress in production; and the third, as it now exists, being the

creation of the fourth, and the means through; which it operates. These

two last, as we shall see presently, may, except for special purposes,

be treated as only one, and will be best included under the one term

Ability.

And now let us turn back to the condition of this country at the close

of the last century, and the reader will see why, at the outset of the

above inquiry, I fixed his attention on that particular period.

Labour and the Popular Welfare · 第 5 / 8 章