17. By the death of Nero the house of Caesar became extinct, and this

gave rise to so many commotions, that in somewhat less than two years,

four emperors by violence obtained possession of the throne. The right

of the senate to name, or at least to confirm, the successors to the

throne, was still indeed acknowledged; but as the armies had found out

that they could create emperors, the power of the senate dwindled into

an empty ceremony. Servius Sulpicius Galba, now seventy-two years of

age, having been already proclaimed emperor by the legions in Spain, and

acknowledged by the senate, gained possession of Rome without striking a

blow, the attempt of Nymphidius having completely failed, and Virginius

Rufus voluntarily submitting to him. Galba, however, having given

offence both to the praetorian guard and the German legions, was

dethroned by the guards, at the instigation of his former friend Otho,

at the very time when he thought he had secured his throne by adopting

the young Licinius Piso, and had frustrated the hopes of Otho.

18. M. Otho, aged thirty-seven, was indeed acknowledged emperor by the

senate, but wanted the sanction of the German legions, who, proclaiming

their general, A. Vitellius, emperor, invaded Italy. Otho marches

against him, but after the loss of the battle of Bedriacum kills

himself--whether from fear or patriotism, remains uncertain.

The special sources for the history of Galba and Otho, are their

_Lives_ by PLUTARCH.

19. Vitellius, in his thirty-seventh year, was acknowledged emperor not

only by the senate, but likewise in the provinces; his debaucheries and

cruelty, however, together with the licentiousness of his troops, having

rendered him odious at Rome, the Syrian legions rebelled and proclaimed

their general, T. Flavius Vespasian, emperor, who, at the solicitation

of the powerful Mutianus, governor of Syria, accepted the imperial

diadem. The troops on the Danube declaring for him shortly after, and

marching into Italy under their general Antonius Primus defeated the

army of Vitellius at Cremona. Vitellius was immediately hurled from the

throne, though not till after some blood had been spilt by the

commotions that took place at Rome, in which Flavius Sabinus, the

brother of Vespasian, was slain, and the capitol burnt.

20. Flavius Vespasian ascended the throne in his fifty-ninth year, and

became thereby the founder of a dynasty which gave three emperors to

Rome. The state, almost ruined by profusion, civil war, and successive

revolutions, found in Vespasian a monarch well suited to its unhappy

condition. He endeavoured, as far as he could, to determine the

relations between himself and the senate; while, by a decree, he

restored to it all the rights and privileges which had been conferred

upon it by his predecessors of the family of Caesar, and settled and

added some others (_lex regia_). He made a thorough reform in the

completely-exhausted treasury, which he recruited in part by reducing

the countries Nero had made free, together with some others, into

provinces; partly by restoring the ancient customs, by increasing

others, and by imposing new ones: without this it would have been

impossible for him to have reestablished the discipline of the army. His

liberality in the foundation of public buildings, as well in Rome as in

other cities; and the care with which he promoted education, by granting

salaries to public teachers, are sufficient to free him from the

reproach of avarice; and although, on account of their dangerous

opinions, he banished the Stoics (who since the time of Nero had become

very numerous, and retained nearly all the principles of republicanism),

the annulling of the _judicia majestatis_ and the restoration of the

authority of the senate show how far he was from being a despot.

Rhodes, Samos, Lycia, Achaia, Thrace, Cilicia, and Commagene, were

brought by Vespasian into the condition of provinces. Foreign wars:

that against the Jews, which ended with the destruction of Jerusalem,

A. C. 70; and a much greater war against the Batavians and their

allies under Civilis, who during the late civil wars, sought to shake

off the Roman yoke, 69; but were reduced to an accommodation by

Cerealis, 70. Expeditions of Agricola in Britain, 78-85, who not only

subdued all England, and introduced the Roman manners and customs, but

also attacked and sailed round Scotland.

_D. Vespasianus, sive de vita et legislatione T. Flavii Vespasiani

Imp. commentarius, auctore_ A. G. CRAMER. Jenae, 1785. An excellent

enquiry, with illustrations of the fragments of the _lex regia_. The

second part, _de legislatione_, contains a learned commentary upon the

_senatus consulta_, during his reign.

21. His eldest son, Titus Flavius Vespasian, who in the year 70 had been

created Caesar, and reigned from his thirty-ninth to his forty-second

year, gives us the rare example of a prince becoming better on the

throne. His short and benevolent reign was, indeed, only remarkable for

its public calamities: an eruption of mount Vesuvius, overwhelming

several cities, was followed by a destructive fire, and a dreadful

plague at Rome. His early death secured him the reputation of being, if

not the happiest, at least the best of princes.

22. His younger brother and successor, L. Flavius Domitian, who reigned

from his thirtieth to his forty-fifth year, gives an example quite

opposite to that of Titus: beginning with justice and severity, he soon

degenerated into the completest despot that ever swayed the Roman

sceptre. His cruelty, joined to an equal degree of pride, and nourished

by suspicion and jealousy, made him the enemy of all who excelled him by

their exploits, their riches, or their talents. The mortifications to

which his pride must have been subjected in consequence of his

unsuccessful wars against the Catti, and more particularly the Daci,

increased his bad disposition. His despotism was founded upon his

armies, whose pay he augmented one fourth; and that he might not

thereby diminish the treasury, as he had too much done at first, he

multiplied the _judicia majestatis_, rendering it still more terrible by

the employment of secret informers (_delatores_), in order, by

confiscations, to augment the wealth of his private treasury (_fiscus_).

By confining his cruelty chiefly to the capital, and by a strict

superintendence over the governors of provinces, Domitian prevented any

such general disorganization of the empire as took place under Nero. His

fall confirmed the general truth, that tyrants have little to fear from

the people, but much from individuals who may think their lives in

danger.

The foreign wars during this reign are rendered more worthy of remark

by being the first in which the barbarians attacked the empire with

success. Domitian's ridiculous expedition against the Catti, 82, gave

the first proof of his boundless vanity; as did the recall of the

victorious Agricola, 85, from Britain, of his jealousy. His most

important war was that against the Daci, or Getae, who, under their

brave king Dercebal, had attacked the Roman frontiers; this again

occasioned another with their neighbours, the Marcomanni, Quadi, and

Jazygi, 86-90, which turned out so unfortunate for Rome, that Domitian

was obliged to purchase a peace of the Daci by paying them an annual

tribute.

23. M. Cocceius Nerva, aged about seventy years was raised to the throne

by the murderers of Domitian; and now, at last, seemed to break forth

the dawn of a more happy period for the empire. The preceding reign of

terror completely ceased at once; and he endeavoured to impart fresh

vigour to industry, not only by diminishing the taxes, but also by

distributing lands to the poor. The insurrection of the guards

certainly cost the murderers of Domitian their lives; but it was at the

same time the cause of Nerva's securing the prosperity of the empire

after his death, by the adoption of Trajan.

24. M. Ulpius Trajan (after his adoption, Nerva Trajan), a Spaniard by

birth, governed the empire from his forty-second to his sixty-second

year. He was the first foreigner who ascended the Roman throne, and at

the same time the first of their monarchs who was equally great as a

ruler, a general, and a man. After completely abolishing the _judicia

majestatis_, he made the restoration of the _free Roman constitution_,

so far as it was compatible with a monarchical form, his peculiar care.

He restored the elective power to the _comitia_, complete liberty of

speech to the senate, and to the magistrates their former authority; and

yet he exercised the art of ruling to a degree and in a detail which few

princes have equalled. Frugal in his expenses, he was nevertheless

splendidly liberal to every useful institution, whether in Rome or the

provinces, as well as in the foundation of military roads, public

monuments, and schools for the instruction of poor children. By his wars

he extended the dominion of Rome beyond its former boundaries; subduing,

in his contests with the Daci, their country, and reducing it to a Roman

province; as he likewise did, in his wars against the Armenians and

Parthians, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and part of Arabia. Why was so great a

character disfigured by an ambition of conquest?

The first war against the Daci, in which the shameful tribute was

withdrawn and Dercebal reduced to subjection, lasted from 101-103.

But as Dercebal again rebelled, the war was renewed in 105, and

brought to a close in 106, when Dacia was reduced to a Roman province,

and many Roman colonies established therein. The war with the

Parthians arose from a dispute respecting the possession of the throne

of Armenia (see above, p. 304), 114-116: but although Rome was

victorious she gained no permanent advantage thereby.

The especial source for the history of Trajan is the _Panegyricus_ of

PLINY THE YOUNGER; the correspondence, however, of the same writer,

while governor of Bithynia, with the emperor, affords us a much deeper

insight into the spirit of his government: PLINII _Epist._ lib. x. Who

can read it without admiring the royal statesman?

RITTERSHUSII _Trajanus in lucem reproductus_. Ambegae, 1608. A mere

collection of passages occurring in ancient authors respecting Trajan.

_Res Trajani Imperatoris ad Danubium Gestae, auctore_ CONRAD MANNERT.

Norimb. 1793: and

JOH. CHRIST. ENGEL, _Commentatio de Expeditionibus Trajani ad

Danubium, et origine Valachorum_. Vindob. 1794.--Both learned

dissertations, written for the prize offered by the Royal Society of

Gottingen; the first of which obtained the prize, and the other the

_accessit_, i. e. was declared second best.

25. By the contrivances of Plotina, his wife, Trajan was succeeded by

his cousin and pupil, whom he is said also to have adopted, P. Aelius

Adrian, who reigned from his forty-second to his sixty-third year. He

was acknowledged at once by the army of Asia, with which he then was,

and the sanction of the senate followed immediately after. He differed

from his predecessor in that his chief aim was the preservation of

peace; on which account he gave up (rare moderation!), directly after

his accession, the newly conquered provinces of Asia, Armenia, Assyria,

and Mesopotamia, and so put an end to the Parthian war (see above, p.

304.) He retained, though with some unwillingness, that of Dacia,

because otherwise the Roman colonies would have become exposed. He well

made up for his pacific disposition, however, in seeking, by a general

and vigorous reform in the internal administration, and by restoring the

discipline of the army, to give greater solidity to the empire. For that

purpose he visited successively all the provinces of the Roman empire;

first the eastern, and afterwards the western; making useful regulations

and establishing order wherever he came. He improved the Roman

jurisprudence by the introduction of the _edictum perpetuum_.

Passionately fond of and well instructed in literature and the fine

arts, he gave them his liberal protection, and thus called forth another

Augustan age. Upon the whole, his reign was certainly a salutary one for

the empire; and for any single acts of injustice of which he may be

accused, he fully compensated by his choice of a successor. After having

first adopted L. Aurelius Verus (afterwards Aelius Verus), who fell a

sacrifice to his debaucheries, he next adopted T. Aurelius Antoninus

(afterwards T. Aelius Adrianus Antoninus Pius), upon condition that he

should again adopt M. Aurelius Verus (afterwards M. Aurelius Antoninus),

and L. Cesonius Commodus (afterwards L. Verus), the son of Aelius Verus.

During his reign a great revolt broke out in Judaea, under Barcochab,

132-135, occasioned by the introduction of pagan worship into the

Roman colony of _Aelia Capitolina_ (the ancient Jerusalem).

The especial source for the history of Adrian, is his _Life_ and that

of _Aelius Verus_ by AeLIUS SPARTIANUS _in Script. Hist. Aug. Minores_,

already quoted.

26. The reign of Antoninus Pius, from his forty-seventh to his

seventieth year, was without doubt the happiest period of the Roman

empire. He found everything already in excellent order; and those

ministers which Adrian had appointed, he continued in their places. His

quiet activity furnishes but little matter for history; and yet he was,

perhaps, the most noble character that ever sat upon a throne. Although

a prince, his life was that of the most blameless individual; while he

administered the affairs of the empire as though they were his own. He

honoured the senate; and the provinces flourished under him, not only

because he kept a watchful eye over the conduct of the governors, but

because he made it a maxim of his government to continue in their places

all those whose probity he had sufficiently proved. He observed rigid

order in the finances, and yet without sparing where it could be of

service in the foundation or improvement of useful institutions; as his

erection of many buildings, establishment of public teachers with

salaries in all the provinces, and other examples fully show. He carried

on no war himself; on the contrary, several foreign nations made choice

of him to arbitrate their differences. Some rebellions which broke out

in Britain and Egypt, and some frontier wars excited by the Germans, the

Daci, the Moors, and the Alani, were quelled by his lieutenants.

The principal and almost the only source for the history of Antoninus

Pius, Dion Cassius's history of this period being lost, is his _Life_

by JULIUS CAPITOLINUS in the _Script. Hist. August._ And even this

refers to his private character rather than his public history.

Compare the excellent _Reflections_ of MARCUS AURELIUS, i, 16. upon

this prince.

_Vie des Empereurs Tite Antonin et Marc Aurele_, _par_ M. GAUTIER DE

SIBERT. Paris, 1769, 8vo. A valuable essay on the lives of the two

Antonines.

27. He was succeeded by Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the philosopher (aged

40-59 years), who immediately associated with himself, under the title

of Augustus, L. Verus (aged 30-40 years, ! 169), to whom he gave his

daughter in marriage. Notwithstanding the differences of their

character, the most cordial union existed between them during the whole

of their common reign; L. Verus, indeed, being almost always absent in

the wars, took but a very small share in the government. The reign of M.

Aurelius was marked by several great calamities: a dreadful pestilence,

a famine, and almost continual wars. Nothing short of a prince like

Aurelius, who exhibited to the world the image of wisdom seated on a

throne, could have made so much misery tolerable. Soon after his

accession, the Catti made an irruption upon the Rhine, and the Parthians

in Asia. L. Verus was sent against them. But the wars on the Danube with

the Marcomanni and their allies in Pannonia, and other northern nations,

who now began to press forward with great force upon Dacia, were of much

greater consequence. They occupied M. Aurelius from the year 167, with

but little intermission, to the end of his reign. He succeeded, indeed,

in maintaining the boundaries of the empire; but then he was the first

who settled any of the barbarians within it, or took them into the Roman

service. In the internal administration of affairs he closely followed

the steps of his predecessor, except that he was rather too much

influenced by his freedmen and family. The only rebellion which broke

out against him, was that of Avidius Cassius, his lieutenant in Syria,

occasioned by a false report of his death; but it was quelled by the

destruction of that general, as soon as the truth was made known.

The war against the Parthians (see above, p. 304) was indeed brought

to a successful issue by Verus, the principal cities of the Parthians

falling into the hands of the Romans; Verus left them, however, to be

carried on by his lieutenants, while he rioted in debaucheries at

Antioch. The first war against the Marcomanni, carried on in the

beginning and until the death of Verus, by the two emperors together,

was highly dangerous for Rome, as many other nations had joined the

Marcomanni, particularly the Quadi, Jazygi, and Vandals, and

penetrated as far as Aquileia. M. Aurelius ended this war by a

glorious peace, 174, as he found it necessary to stop the progress of

Cassius's rebellion; in 178, however, the Marcomanni again commenced

hostilities, and before their close M. Aurelius died at Sirmium.

Contemporary with these wars, yet, as it seems, without any connection

with them, were the attacks of other nations upon Dacia, the Bastarnae,

Alani, etc. who poured in from the north, probably pressed forward by

the advance of the Goths. _This was the first symptom of the great

migration of nations now beginning._

The especial sources for the history of M. Aurelius, are the

Biographies of him and L. Verus, written by JULIUS CAPITOLINUS, as

well as that of Avidius Cassius, by VULCATIUS GALLICANUS in _Script.

Hist. August._ The letters discovered in Milan, among and together

with the writings of FRONTO, are of no historical service.--His

principles are best learnt from his _Meditations on himself_.

CH. MEINERS _de M. Aurel. Antonini ingenio, moribus, et scriptis, in

Commentat. Soc. Gotting._ vol. vi.

28. By means of adoption the Roman empire had been blessed, during the

last eighty years, with a succession of rulers such as have not often

fell to the lot of any kingdom. But in J. Commodus the son of M.

Aurelius (probably the offspring of a gladiator), who reigned from his

nineteenth to his thirty-first year, there ascended the throne a monster

of cruelty, insolence, and lewdness. At the commencement of his reign he

bought a peace of the Marcomanni that he might return to Rome. Being

himself unable to support the burden of government, the helm of state

was placed in the hands of the stern and cruel Perennis, praefect of the

praetorian guard; but who, being murdered by the discontented soldiers,

was succeeded by the freedman Cleander, who put up all for sale, till he

fell a sacrifice to his own insatiable avarice, in a revolt of the

people, caused by their want of provisions. The extravagant propensity

of Commodus for the diversions of the amphitheatres, and the combats of

wild beasts and gladiators, wherein he himself usually took a part, in

the character of Hercules, became a chief cause of his dissipation, and

thereby of his cruelty; till at last he was killed at the instigation of

his concubine Marcia, Laetus the praefect of the praetorian guard, and

Electus. The wars on the frontiers during his reign, in Dacia, and

especially in Britain, were successfully carried on by his lieutenants,

generals who belonged to the school of his father.

The especial source for the history of Commodus is his private life

by AEL. LAMPRIDIUS, in the _Script. Hist. August._--The history of

Herodian begins with his reign.

29. The disasters under M. Aurelius, and the extravagances of Commodus,

had injured the empire, but not enfeebled it. Towards the close of the

period of the Antonines it still retained its pristine vigour. If wise

regulations, internal peace, moderate taxes, a certain degree of

political, and unrestrained civil liberty, are sufficient to form the

happiness of a commonwealth, it must have been found in the Roman. What

a number of advantages did it possess over every other, simply from its

situation! Proofs of it appear on every side. A vigorous population,

rich provinces, flourishing and splendid cities, and a lively internal

and foreign trade. But the most solid foundation of the happiness of a

nation consists in its moral greatness, and this we here seek for in

vain. Otherwise the nation would not so easily have suffered itself to

be brought under the yoke of Commodus by praetorian cohorts and the

legions. But what best shows the strength which the empire still

retained, is the opposition it continued to make, for two hundred years

longer, to the formidable attacks from without.

D. H. HEGEWISCH _upon the Epochs in Roman History most favourable to

Humanity_. Hamburg, 1800-8.

Foreign commerce, so flourishing in this period, could only be carried

on, to any extent, with the east--mostly with India--as the Roman

empire spread over all the west. This trade continued to be carried on

through Egypt, and also through Palmyra and Syria. Information

thereupon will be found in

W. ROBERTSON'S _Disquisition concerning the Knowledge which the

Ancients had of India_. London, 1791, 4to. Often reprinted. And

particularly upon Egypt, in

W. VINCENT, _the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea_. London, 1802, 4to. 2

vols. A very instructive work.

HEEREN, _Commentationes de Graecorum et Romanorum de India notitia, et

cum Indis commerciis_: _in Commentat. Soc. Gott._ vol. x. xi.

SECOND SECTION.

_From the death of Commodus to Diocletian, A. C. 193-284._

SOURCES. The Extracts of Xiphilinus from DION CASSIUS, lib.

lxxiii-lxxx. though often imperfect, reach down as low as the

consulate of Dion himself under Alexander Severus, 229.--HERODIANI

_Hist._ libri viii. comprise the period from Commodus to Gordian,

180-238.--The _Scriptores Historiae Augustae Minores_ contain the

private lives of the emperors down to Diocletian, by JULIUS

CAPITOLINUS, FLAVIUS VOPISCUS, etc.--The _Breviaria Historiae Romanae_

of EUTROPIUS, AURELIUS VICTOR, and S. RUFUS are particularly important

for this period.--Finally, the important information that may be

derived from the study of medals and coins, not only for this section,

but for the whole history of the emperors, may be best learnt by

consulting the writers upon those subjects: J. VAILLANT, _Numismata

Augustorum et Caesarum_, _cura_ J. F. BALDINO. Rome, 1743, 3 vols. _The

Medallic History of Imperial Rome_, by W. COOKE. London, 1781, 2

vols.--But above all, the volumes belonging to this period in ECKHEL,

_Doctrina Nummorum Veterum_.

With the period of the Antonines begins the great work of the British

historian:

_The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_, by EDWARD

GIBBON. Oxford, 1828, 8 vols. 8vo. In worth and extent this work is

superior to all others. It embraces the whole period of the middle

ages; but only the first part belongs to this period.

1. The extinction of the race of the Antonines by the death of Commodus

was attended with convulsions similar to those which took place when the

house of Caesar became extinct at the death of Nero. It is true that P.

Helvius Pertinax, aged sixty-seven, praefect of the city, was raised to

the throne by the murderers of Commodus; and that he was acknowledged,

first by the guards, and afterwards by the senate. But the reform which

he was obliged to make at the beginning of his reign in the finances,

rendered him so odious to the soldiers and courtiers, that a revolt of

the first, excited by Laetus, cost him his life before he had reigned

quite three months. This was the first commencement of that dreadful

military despotism which forms the ruling character of this period; and

to none did it become so terrible as to those who wished to make it the

main support of their absolute power.

The insolence of the praetorian guard had risen very high during the

reign of Commodus; but it had never, even in the time of the

Antonines, been entirely suppressed. It was only by large donatives

that their consent could be purchased, their caprice satisfied, and

their good humour maintained; especially at every new adoption. One of

the greatest reproaches to the age of the Antonines is, that those

great princes, who seem to have had the means so much in their power,

did not free themselves from so annoying a dependence.

JUL. CAPITOLINI _Pertinax Imp. in Script. Hist. Aug._

2. When, upon the death of Pertinax, the rich and profligate M. Didius

Julianus, aged fifty-seven, had outbid, to the great scandal of the

people, all his competitors for the empire, and purchased it of the

praetorian guard, an insurrection of the legions, who were better able to

create emperors, very naturally followed. But as the army of Illyria

proclaimed their general Septimius Severus, the army of Syria,

Pescennius Niger, and the army of Britain, Albinus, nothing less than a

series of civil wars could decide who should maintain himself on the

throne.

AEL. SPARTIANI _Didius Julianus, in Script. Hist. Aug._

3. Septimius Severus, however, aged 49-66, was the first who got

possession of Rome, and, after the execution of Didius Julianus, he was

acknowledged by the senate. He dismissed, it is true, the old praetorian

guard, but immediately chose, from his own army, one four times more

numerous in its stead. And after he had provisionally declared Albinus

emperor, he marched his army against Pescennius Niger, already master of

the east, whom, after several contests near the Issus, he defeated and

slew. Nevertheless, having first taken and destroyed the strong city of

Byzantium, a war with Albinus soon followed, whom the perfidious Severus

had already attempted to remove by assassination. After a bloody defeat

near Lyons, Albinus kills himself. These civil wars were followed by

hostilities against the Parthians, who had taken the part of Pescennius,

and which ended with the plundering of their principal cities (see

above, p. 304). Severus possessed most of the virtues of a soldier; but

the insatiable avarice of his minister Plautianus, the formidable

captain of the praetorian guard, robbed the empire even of those

advantages which may be enjoyed under a military government, until he

was put to death at the instigation of Caracalla. To keep his legions

employed, Severus undertook an expedition into Britain, where, after

extending the boundaries of the empire, he died at York (_Eboracum_),

leaving his son the maxim, "to enrich the soldiers, and hold the rest

for nothing."

Agricola had already erected a line of fortresses, probably between

the Firth of Clyde and the Firth of Forth. These were changed by

Adrian into a wall along the present boundaries of Scotland. Severus

again extended the frontiers, reestablished the fortresses of

Agricola, and afterwards built a wall from sea to sea; his son,

however, gave up the conquered country, and the wall of Adrian again

became the boundary of the empire.

AEL. SPARTIANI _Septimius Severus et Pescennius Niger_.

JUL. CAPITOLINI _Claudius Albinus, in Script. Hist. Aug._

4. The deadly hatred which reigned between the two sons of Severus, M.

Aurelius Antoninus Bassianus Caracalla, aged 23-29, and his young

step-brother Geta, aged twenty-one, led to a dreadful catastrophe; for

at their return to Rome, and after a fruitless proposition had been made

for a division of the empire, Geta was assassinated in the arms of his

mother Julia Domna, together with all those who were considered as his

friends. The restless spirit of Caracalla, however, soon drew him from

Rome, and in traversing first the provinces along the Danube, and then

those of the east, he ruined them all by his exactions and cruelty, to

which he was driven for money to pay his soldiers, and to purchase peace

of his enemies on the frontiers. The same necessity led him to grant the

right of citizenship to all the provinces, that he might thereby gain

the duty of the _vicesima hereditatum et manumissionum_ (twentieth upon

inheritances and enfranchisements), which he very soon afterwards

changed into a tenth (_decima_).--With respect to his foreign wars, his

first was against the Catti and Alemanni, among whom he remained a long

time, sometimes as a friend and sometimes as an enemy. But his principal

efforts, after having previously ordered a dreadful massacre of the

inhabitants of Alexandria, to satisfy his cruel rapacity, were directed

against the Parthians (see above, p. 304); and in his wars against them

he was assassinated by Macrinus, the praefect of the praetorian guard.

The praefect, or captain, of the praetorian guard became, from the time

of Severus, the most important officer in the state. Besides the

command of the guards, the finances were also under his control,

together with an extensive criminal jurisdiction. A natural

consequence of the continually increasing despotism.

AEL. SPARTIANI _Antoninus Caracalla et Ant. Geta, in Script. Hist.

Aug._

5. His murderer, M. Opelius Macrinus, aged fifty-three, was recognized

as emperor by the soldiers, and forthwith acknowledged by the senate. He

immediately created his son, M. Opelius Diadumenus, aged nine years,

Caesar, and gave him the name of Antoninus. He disgracefully terminated

the war against the Parthians by purchasing a peace, and changed the

_decima_ (tenth) of Caracalla again into the _vicesima_ (twentieth).

However, while he still remained in Asia, Bassianus Heliogabalus,

grand-nephew of Julia Domna, and high priest in the temple of the Sun at

Emesa, whom his mother gave out for a son of Caracalla, was proclaimed

emperor by the legions, and, after a combat with the guards,

subsequently to which Macrinus and his son lost their lives, they raised

him to the throne.

Maesa, the sister of Julia Domna, had two daughters, both widows;

Soaemis, the eldest, was the mother of Heliogabalus, Mammaea, the

youngest, the mother of Alexander Severus.

JUL. CAPITOLINI _Opelius Macrinus, in Script. Hist. Aug._

6. Heliogabalus, aged 14-18, who assumed the additional name of M.

Aurelius Antoninus, brought with him from Syria the superstitions and

voluptuousness of that country. He introduced the worship of his god

Heliogabal in Rome, and wallowed openly in such brutal and infamous

debaucheries, that history can scarcely find a parallel to his

dissolute, shameless, and scandalous conduct. How low must the morality

of that age have been sunk, in which a boy could so early have ripened

into a monster!--The debasement of the senate, and of all important

offices, which he filled with the degraded companions of his own lusts

and vices, was systematically planned by him; and he deserves no credit

even for the adoption of his cousin, the virtuous Alexander Severus, as

he shortly after endeavoured to take away his life, but was himself for

that reason assassinated by the praetorian guards.

# AEL. LAMPRIDII _Ant. Heliogabalus, in Script. Hist. Aug._

7. His young cousin and successor, M. Aurelius Alexander Severus, aged

14-27, who had been carefully educated under the direction of his mother

Mammaea, proved one of the best princes in an age and upon a throne where

virtues were more dangerous than vices. Under favour of his youth he

endeavoured to effect a reform, in which he was supported by the

cooperation of the guards, who had elevated him to the throne. He

restored the authority of the senate, from among whom he chose, with

rigid justice, his privy council of state, banishing the creatures of

Heliogabalus from their places. The revolution in the Parthian empire,

out of which was now formed the new Persian, was of so much importance

to Rome, that it obliged Alexander to undertake a war against

Artaxerxes, in which he was probably victorious. But while marching in

haste to protect the frontiers against the advance of the Germans upon

the Rhine, his soldiers, exasperated at the severity of his discipline,

and incited by the Thracian Maximin, murdered him in his own tent. His

praefect of the praetorian guard, Ulpian, had already, for the same cause,

fallen a victim to this spirit of insubordination, which was not checked

even by the immediate presence of the emperor himself.

The revolution in Parthia, whereby a new Persian empire was formed

(see above, p. 304.), became a source of almost perpetual war to Rome;

Artaxerxes I. and his successors, the Sassanides, claiming to be

descendants of the ancient kings of Persia, formed pretensions to the

possession of all the Asiatic provinces of the Roman empire.

AELII LAMPRIDII _Alexander Severus_, _in Script. Hist. Aug._

HEYNE _de Alexandro Severo Judicium_, Comment. i. ii. in _Opuscula

Academica_, vol. vi.

8. The death of A. Severus raised military despotism to the highest

pitch, as it placed on the throne the half savage C. Julius Maximinus,

by birth a Thracian peasant. At first he continued the war against the

Germans with great success, repulsing them beyond the Rhine; and

resolved, by crossing Pannonia, to carry the war even among the

Sarmatians. But his insatiable rapacity, which spared neither the

capital nor the provinces, made him hateful to all; and Gordian,

proconsul of Africa, in his eightieth year, was, together with his son

of the same name, proclaimed Augustus by the people, and immediately

acknowledged by the senate. Upon this, Maximinus, eager to take

vengeance on the senate, marched directly from Sirmium towards Italy. In

the mean time, the legions of the almost defenceless Gordians were

defeated in Africa, and themselves slain by Capellianus the governor of

Numidia. Notwithstanding this, as the senate could expect no mercy, they

chose as co-emperors the praefect of the city, Maximus Pupienus, and

Clodius Balbinus, who, in conformity with the wishes of the people,

created the young Gordian III. Caesar. In the meanwhile Maximinus, having

besieged Aquileia, and the enterprise proving unsuccessful, was slain by

his own troops. Pupienus and Balbinus now seemed in quiet possession of

the throne; but the guards, who had already been engaged in a bloody

feud with the people, and were not willing to receive an emperor of the

senate's choosing, killed them both, and proclaimed as Augustus,

Gordian, already created Caesar.

JUL. CAPITOLINI _Maximinus Gordiani tres, Pupienus et Balbinus_, _in

Script. Hist. August._

9. The reign of the young M. Antoninus Gordianus lasted from his twelfth

to his eighteenth year. He was grandson of the proconsul who had lost

his life in Africa, and in the early part of his reign, acquired a

degree of firmness from the support of his father-in-law, Misitheus,

praefect of the praetorian guard, as well as from the successful

expedition which he undertook into Syria against the Persians, who had

invaded that province. But after the death of Misitheus, Philip the

Arabian, being made praefect of the guards in his stead, found means to

gain the troops over to himself, and, after driving Gordian from the

throne, caused him to be assassinated.

10. The reign of M. Julius Philippus was interrupted by several

insurrections, especially in Pannonia; until at length Decius, whom he

himself had sent thither to quell the rebellion, was compelled by the

troops to assume the diadem. Philip was soon after defeated by him near

Verona, where he perished, together with his son of the same name. In

this reign the secular games, _ludi saeculares_, were celebrated, one

thousand years from the foundation of the city.

11. Under the reign of his successor, Trajanus Decius, aged fifty, the

Goths for the first time forced their way into the Roman empire by

crossing the Danube; and although Decius in the beginning opposed them

with success, he was at last slain by them in Thrace, together with his

son, Cl. Herennius Decius, already created Caesar. Upon this the army

proclaimed C. Trebonianus Gallus emperor, who created his son, Volusian,

Caesar; and having invited Hostilian, the yet remaining son of Decius,

with the ostensible purpose of securing his cooperation, he nevertheless

soon contrived to get rid of him. He purchased a peace of the Goths;

but, despised by his generals, he became involved in a war with his

victorious lieutenant, Aemilius Aemilianus, in Moesia, and was slain,

together with his son, by his own army. In three months, however,

Aemilianus shared the same fate; Publius Licinius Valerianus, the friend

and avenger of Gallus, advancing against him with the legions stationed

in Gaul. Both the people and army hoped to see the empire restored under

Valerian, already sixty years of age; but, although his generals

defended the frontiers against the Germans and Goths, he himself had the

misfortune to be defeated and taken prisoner by the superior forces of

the Persians. Upon this event his son and associate in the empire, P.

Licinius Gallienus, who knew everything except the art of governing,

reigned alone. Under his indolent rule the Roman empire seemed on one

hand ready to be split into a number of small states, while on the other

it seemed about to fall a prey to the barbarians; for the lieutenants in

most of the provinces declared themselves independent of a prince whom

they despised, and to which, indeed, they were driven, like Posthumius

in Gaul, for their own security.--There were nineteen of these; but as

many of them named their sons Caesars, this period has been very

improperly distinguished by the name of _the thirty tyrants_, although

their intolerable oppressions might well justify the latter expression.

The Persians at the same time were victorious in the east, and the

Germans in the west.

The German nations which were now become so formidable to the Roman

empire, were: 1. The great confederation of tribes under the name of

_Franks_, who spread over Gaul along the whole extent of the Lower

Rhine. 2. The allied nations of the Alemanni on the Upper Rhine. 3.

The Goths, the most powerful of all, who had formed a monarchy upon

the banks of the Lower Danube and the northern coasts of the Black

sea, which soon extended from the Boristhenes to the Don; and who

became formidable, not only by their land forces, but also by their

naval power, especially after they had captured the peninsula of Crim

Tartary (_Chersonesus Taurica_); and by means of their fleets they not

only kept the Grecian, but likewise the Asiatic provinces in a

continual state of alarm.

TREBELLI POLLIONIS _Valerianus, Gallieni duo, triginta tyranni_, _in

Script. Hist. Aug._

# _Concerning the thirty tyrants under the Roman emperor Gallienus_,

by J. C. F. MANSO; at the end of his _Life of Constantine_.

12. Gallienus losing his life before Milan, in the war against Aureolus

an usurper, had nevertheless recommended M. Aurelius Claudius (aged

45-47) for his successor. The new Augustus reestablished in some degree

the tottering empire; not only by taking Aureolus prisoner and defeating

the Alemanni, but also by a decisive victory gained at Nissa over the

Goths, who had invaded Moesia. He died, however, soon after, at Sirmium,

of a pestilential disease, naming for his successor Aurelian, a hero

like himself, who mounted the throne upon the death of Quintillus the

late emperor's brother, who had at first proclaimed himself Augustus,

but afterwards died by his own hand.

TREBELLII POLLIONIS _divus Claudius_, _in Script. Hist. Aug._

13. During the reign of L. Domitius Aurelianus, which lasted almost five

years, those countries which had been partly or entirely lost to the

empire were restored. Having first driven back the Goths and the

Alemanni, who had advanced as far as Umbria, he undertook his expedition

against the celebrated Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, who at that time

possessed Syria, Egypt, and part of Asia Minor. These countries he again

brought under the dominion of the empire, after having defeated Zenobia

and made her prisoner. The western provinces of Gaul, Britain, and

Spain, which since the time of Gallienus had been governed by separate

rulers, and were now under the dominion of Tetricus, he reduced to their

former obedience. Dacia, on the contrary, he willingly abandoned; and as

he transported the Roman inhabitants across the Danube into Moesia, the

latter henceforward bore the name of _Dacia Aureliani_. Hated for his

severity, which in a warrior so easily degenerates into cruelty, he was

assassinated in Illyria at the instigation of his private secretary

Mnestheus.

FLAV. VOPISCI _divus Aurelianus_, _in Script. Hist. Aug._

Palmyra in the Syrian desert, enriched by the Indian trade, and one of

the most ancient cities in the world, became a Roman colony in the

time of Trajan. Odenatus, the husband of Zenobia, had acquired so much

celebrity by his victories over the Persians, that Gallienus had even

named him Augustus with himself. He was murdered, however, by his

cousin Maeonius, 267. Zenobia now took possession of the government for

her sons Vabalathus, Herennianus, and Timolaus, without, however,

being acknowledged at Rome. After this, in the time of Claudius, she

added Egypt to her dominions. Aurelian, having first defeated her near

Antioch and Emesa, soon afterwards took Palmyra, which, in consequence

of a revolt, he destroyed.--Even in its ruins Palmyra is still

magnificent.

_The Ruins of Palmyra_, by R. WOOD. London, 1753; and the _Ruins of

Balbec, otherwise Heliopolis_, by the same author, London, 1757, give

us clear and certain ideas of the splendour and magnitude of these

cities.

A. H. L. HEEREN, _de Commercio urbis Palmyrae vicinarumque urbium_, in

_Comment. recent. Soc. Gotting._ vol. vii. and the Appendix to

Heeren's Researches.

14. An interregnum of six months followed upon the death of Aurelian,

till at length the senate, at the repeated solicitations of the army,

ventured to fill up the vacant throne. The object of their choice,

however, M. Claudius Tacitus, the worthiest of the senators, was

unfortunately seventy-five years old, and perished after a short reign

of six months, in an expedition against the Goths. Upon this event the

army of Syria raised M. Aurelius Probus to the purple; while Florianus

the brother of Tacitus, who had already been acknowledged at Rome, was

put to death by his own people.

FLAV. VOPISCI _Tacitus; ejusd. Florianus_, _in Script. Hist. Aug._

15. The six years' reign of Probus was a warlike one. He defeated the

Germans, and forced them beyond the Rhine and Danube; strengthening the

frontiers by building a strong wall from the Danube, near Regensburg, to

the Rhine. He also obliged the Persians to make peace. Nevertheless, the

number of towns which he reestablished and peopled with prisoners of

war, and the vineyards which he caused his soldiers to plant on the

Rhine, are proofs that he had taste and inclination for the arts of

peace. This policy, however, would not suit the legions! After he had

perished, therefore, by the hands of his soldiers, they proclaimed the

praefect of the praetorian guard, M. Aurelius Carus, emperor, who created

his two sons Caesars--men very unlike each other in disposition, M.

Aurelius Carinus being one of the greatest reprobates, while M.

Aurelius Numerianus was gentle by nature, and had a mind well formed by

study. The new emperor, having defeated the Goths, marched against the

Persians, but was shortly afterwards killed, it is said, by a flash of

lightning. Nor did his son Numerianus long survive him, being murdered

by his own father-in-law, Arrius Aper, the praetorian praefect.

FLAV. VOPISCI _Probus imper. ejusd. Carus, Numirianus et Carinus_, _in

Script. Hist. Aug._

16. Although this period gives us a finished picture of a complete

military despotism, it is still evident that this was owing to the

entire separation of the military order from the rest of the people, by

the introduction of standing armies, and the extinction of all national

spirit among the citizens. The legions decided because the people were

unarmed. It was, indeed, only among them, situated far from the soft

luxuries of the capital, and engaged in almost a continual struggle with

the barbarians, that a remnant of the ancient Roman character was still

preserved. The nomination of their leaders to the purple became a

natural consequence, not only of the uncertainty of the succession,

which could not be fixed by mere ordinances, but often of necessity,

from their being in the field under the pressure of urgent

circumstances. Thus a succession of distinguished generals came to the

throne: what authority, indeed, would an emperor at that time have had

who was not a general? All durable reform, however, was rendered quite

impossible by the quick succession of rulers. Even the best among them

could do but very little for the internal administration; as all their

energies were required to protect the frontiers, and defend themselves

against usurpers, who, with the exception of the formality of being

acknowledged by the senate, had claims as well founded as their own.

17. The decline of the empire also became so much the more rapid, in

proportion as in these days of terror luxury had increased not only in

the splendour and profligate effeminacy of private life, but more

particularly in public, to a pitch almost beyond belief. The latter was

especially shown in the exhibitions of the amphitheatre and circus; by

which not only every new ruler, but even every new magistrate was

obliged to purchase the favour of the people. Thus these remnants of a

free constitution served only to accelerate the general ruin! What

enjoyments, indeed, could be found under the rod of despotism, except

those of the grossest sensuality; and to satisfy this, the intellectual

amusements of the theatre (mimes and pantomimes), and even those of

rhetoric and poetry, were made to contribute.

18. Yet, during this general decay, the gradual spread of the Christian

religion was working a reform altogether of a different nature. Before

the end of this period it had opened itself a way into every province,

and, notwithstanding the frequent persecutions, had made converts in

every rank of society, and was now on the eve of becoming the

predominant form of worship. We shall be better able to estimate its

value, if we consider it as the vehicle by which civilization made its

way among the rude nations that now appeared on the scene, than if we

merely consider it as the means of improving the manners and morals of

the Roman world. In a political view it became of the greatest

importance on account of the hierarchy, the frame-work of which was now

in a great measure constructed among its professors. It was afterwards

adopted as a state religion; and although the ancient creed of Rome had

formerly been on the same footing, yet it was only calculated for the

republic, and not at all for the now existing monarchy. The overthrow of

paganism was necessarily attended with some violent convulsions, yet its

loss was nothing to be compared with the support which the throne

afterwards found in the hierarchy.

The dispersion of the Jews, and especially the persecutions which were

renewed from time to time, after the reign of Nero, (but which only

served to kindle enthusiasm,) strongly cooperated in spreading the

Christian religion. These persecutions were principally called forth

against the Christians on account of their forming themselves into a

separate society, which caused them to be regarded as a dangerous sect

at Rome, notwithstanding the general toleration granted to every other

system of religious belief. Although towards the end of this period,

only a very small proportion of the inhabitants of the Roman empire as

yet professed the Christian faith, it nevertheless had followers in

every province.

# _History of the Social Constitution of the Christian Church_, by

D. G. J. PLANCK, 4 parts, 1800. It is the first part of this excellent

work which relates to this period.

THIRD SECTION.

_From Diocletian to the overthrow of the Roman empire in the west,

A. C. 284-476._

SOURCES. It now becomes of importance to enquire whether the

historians were Christians or pagans. ZOSIMUS, the imitator of

Polybius, belonged to the last. He describes the fall of the Roman

state, as his model does the previous part. Of his _Histories_ only

five books and a half, to the time of Gratian, 410, have descended to

us. He was certainly a violent antagonist of the Christians, yet,

nevertheless, the best writer of this period. AMMIANI MARCELLINI

_Historiarum_, lib. xiv-xxxi. from the year 353-378 (the first

thirteen books are lost). Probably a Christian, but yet no flatterer;

and, notwithstanding his tiresome prolixity, highly instructive.

Together with the writers of general history already noticed at p.

437, we must here especially add to the abbreviators, PAULI OROSII

_Hist._ lib. vii. and ZONARAE _Annales_. The _Panegyrici Veteres_, from

Diocletian to Theodosius, can only be used with circumspection.--The

writers of church history, such as EUSEBIUS, in his _Hist. Eccles._

lib. x. and in his _Vita Constantini Magni_, lib. v. as well as his

continuators, SOCRATES, THEODORET, SOZOMENUS, and EVAGRIUS, are also

highly important for the political history of this period, though,

from their partiality towards the Christian emperors, they should

rather be classed with the panegyrists than the historians. To these

may be added another principal source, viz. the _Constitutions_ of the

emperors, which have been preserved in the _Codex Theodosianus_ and

_Justinianeus_, from the time of Constantine the Great.

Besides the works quoted at pages 411, 437, the Byzantine historians

here become of importance. We shall mention also:

_Histoire du Bas-Empire depuis Constantin_, _par_ M. LE BEAU,

_continuee par_ M. AMEILHON. Paris, 1824, 20 vols. 8vo. The first

seven parts only belong to this period.

# The German translation of GUTHRIE and GRAY'S _Universal History_,

5 sections, 1 vol. Leipsic, 1768. Rendered very useful by the

labours of Ritter.

_Histoire du Bas-Empire, depuis Constantin jusqu' a la prise de

Constantinople en 1453_, _par_ CARENTIN ROYOU. Paris, 1803, 4 vols.

8vo. A useful abridgement, without much research.

1. The reign of C. Valerius Diocletian, aged 39-60, proclaimed emperor

after the murder of Numerianus, by the troops in Chalcedon, begins a new

section in Roman history. To the period of military despotism succeeded

the period of partitions. After Diocletian had defeated Carinus the yet

remaining Caesar, in Upper Moesia, where he was assassinated, he made M.

Valerius Maximianus Herculius, a rough warrior who had hitherto been his

comrade in arms, the sharer of his throne. Herculius now contended with

the Alemanni and Burgundians on the banks of the Rhine, while Diocletian

himself made head against the Persians. Nevertheless, the two Augusti

soon found themselves unable to withstand the barbarians, who were

pressing forward on every side, more especially as Carausius had usurped

and maintained the title of Caesar in Britain. Each of them, therefore,

created a Caesar: Diocletian chose C. Galerius, and Maximianus Flavius

Constantius Chlorus, both of whom had distinguished themselves as

generals, at that time the only road to advancement. The whole empire

was now divided between these four rulers; so that each had certain

provinces to govern and defend; without detriment, however, to the unity

of the whole, or to the dependence in which a Caesar stood as the

subordinate assistant and future successor of his Augustus.

In the partition, 292, Diocletian possessed the eastern provinces;

Galerius, Thrace, and the countries on the Danube (Illyricum);

Maximianus, Italy, Africa, and the islands; and Constantius, the

western provinces of Gaul, Spain, Britain, and Mauritania.

2. This new system could not but have a striking effect upon the spirit

of the government. It was now not only in fact, but also in form,

entirely in the hands of the rulers. By their continual absence from

Rome they became freed from that moral restraint in which the authority

of the senate, and the name of the republic, not yet entirely laid

aside, had held before them. Diocletian formally assumed the diadem,

and, with the ornaments of the east, introduced its luxuries into his

court. Thus was laid the foundation of that structure which Constantine

the Great had to complete.

3. The consequences of this new system became also oppressive to the

provinces, inasmuch as they had now to maintain four rulers, with their

courts, and as many armies. But however loud might be the complaints of

the oppression occasioned thereby, it was, perhaps, the only means of

deferring the final overthrow of the whole edifice. In fact, they

succeeded not only in defeating the usurpers, Allectus in Britain (who

had murdered Carausius in 293), Julian in Africa, and Achilleus in

Egypt; but also in defending the frontiers, which, indeed, by the

victories of Galerius over the Persians, they extended as far as the

Tigris. Did not, however, the gloomy perspective present itself, that

among so many rulers, and the undefined relations which existed between

the Caesars and the emperors, the union could not be of long continuance?

4. Diocletian voluntarily abdicated the throne (although the growing

power and encroaching disposition of Galerius might perhaps have had

some influence), and obliged his colleague Maximianus to do the same.

The two Caesars, Constantius and Galerius, were proclaimed Augusti, and

altered the division of the empire, so that the former possessed all the

western countries, of which, however, he freely ceded Italy and Africa

to Galerius, who had all the remaining provinces. The latter, during the

same year, created Flavius Severus, Caesar, and confided to him the

government of Italy and Africa; as he did also C. Galerius Maximin, to

whom he gave the Asiatic provinces. The administration of the two

emperors, however, was very different; Constantius was as much beloved

for his mild and disinterested government, as Galerius was hated for his

harshness and prodigality. Constantius died very soon after at York,

leaving his son Constantine heir to his dominions, who was immediately

proclaimed Augustus by the legions, although Galerius would only

acknowledge him as Caesar.

5. Thus Constantine, who afterwards obtained the surname of Great, began

to rule, aged 33-64, though at first only over Britain, Spain, and Gaul;

nevertheless, after seventeen years of violence and warfare, he

succeeded in opening himself a way to the sole dominion of the empire.

The rulers disagreed among themselves; and formidable usurpers started

up and rendered war inevitable.

The history of the first seven years of Constantine, 306-313, is very

complicated; after that, he had only one rival to struggle with,

314-323. At his accession, Galerius, as Augustus, was in possession of

all the other provinces; of which, however, he had given to Caesar

Maximin the government of those of Asia, and to Caesar Severus, now

created Augustus, Italy and Africa. The latter, however, rendering

himself odious by his oppression, Maxentius, the son of the former

emperor, Maximianus, assumed the title of Augustus at Rome (Oct. 28,

306), and associated his father with himself in the government; so

that at this time there were six rulers: Galerius, Severus,

Constantine, Maximin, and the usurpers Maxentius and his father

Maximianus. But in the year 307, Severus, wishing to oppose Maxentius,

was abandoned by his own troops, upon which he surrendered himself to

Maximianus, who caused him to be executed. In his place Galerius

created his friend Licinius, Augustus; and Maximin obtained the same

dignity from his army in Asia. In the mean time, Maximianus, after

having endeavoured to supplant his own son in Rome, fled to

Constantine, who had crossed over into Gaul and there defeated the

Franks, 306; but having made an attempt upon the life of Constantine,

who had married his daughter Fausta, that emperor caused him to be put

to death, 310. As the excesses of Galerius soon brought him to the

grave, 311, there only remained Constantine, Licinius, and Maximin,

and the usurper Maxentius. The latter was soon defeated and slain,

312, before the gates of Rome, by Constantine, who thereby became

master of Italy and the capital. A war having broken out about the

same time between Maximin and Licinius, Maximin was defeated near

Adrianople, and then killed himself, 313. The year 314 brought on a

war between the two remaining emperors, Constantine and Licinius,

which, however, ended the same year in an accommodation, by which

Constantine obtained all the countries on the south bank of the

Danube, as well as Thrace and Moesia Inferior; it broke out again,

however, in 322, and was finally terminated by a decisive victory in

Bithynia, and the total overthrow of Licinius, whom Constantine put to

death, 324.

6. However opposite may be the opinions formed respecting the reign of

Constantine the Great, its consequences are perfectly plain. Although he

annihilated military despotism, he established in its stead, if not

completely, yet in great measure, the despotism of the court, and

likewise the power of the hierarchy. He had already, during his

expedition against Maxentius, decided in favour of the Christian

religion; and since he thereby gained a vast number of partisans in all

the provinces, and weakened at the same time the power of his

co-emperors, or competitors, it was the surest way he could have taken

to obtain sole dominion, the great object of his ambition. This change

must nevertheless have had very considerable influence on every part of

the government, as he found in the previously established hierarchy a

powerful support of the throne; and since he, in concert with it,

settled what was, and what was not the orthodox doctrine, he introduced

a spirit of persecution heretofore unknown.

At a period in which religious parties must almost necessarily have

become political parties, we can by no means venture to judge of the

importance of the sect by the importance of their points of doctrine.

The quarrels of the Arians, which arose at this time, gave

Constantine, by the council of Nice, 325, the opportunity he wished

for, of making good his authority in religious legislation.

7. The removal of the seat of empire from Rome to Constantinople was

connected with this change in the form of worship--as a Christian court

would have been awkwardly situated in a city still altogether

pagan--although the need there was of protecting the frontiers against

the Goths and Persians had a considerable share therein. It did,

indeed, become the principal means of establishing the despotism of the

court; but those who regard it as one of the causes of the decline of

the empire, should remember, that for an empire fallen so low as the

Roman was at this time, despotism was almost the only support that

remained.

The various partitions of the empire from the time of Diocletian, had

led the way to this change of the capital; because a natural result of

that system was, that the emperors and Caesars, when not with the army

as they usually were, would reside in different cities. The seat of

Diocletian's government was at Nicomedia; of Maximian's, at Milan;

even Constantine himself remained but very little at Rome. In these

new residences they felt themselves unfettered; and therefore,

although the Roman senate existed till after the time of Constantine,

its authority must have fallen of itself from the time of Diocletian.

8. We ought not, therefore, to wonder that the consequence of this

removal was so complete a change in the whole form of government, that

after a short time it seemed to be altogether a different state. A

partition of the empire was made, which, though it might in part have

been founded on those which had previously existed, was yet so

different, that it not only changed the ancient divisions of the

provinces, but completely altered their mode of government.--The court,

with the exception of polygamy, assumed entirely the form of an eastern

court.--A revolution also had taken place in the military system, by the

complete separation of the civil and military authorities, which the

praetorian praefects had hitherto possessed, but who now became merely

civil governors.

According to the new division the whole empire was divided into four

_praefectures_, each of which had its _dioceses_, and each diocese its

_provinces_. The praefectures were: I. The eastern (_praefectura

Orientis_); it contained five dioceses; 1. _Orientis_; 2. _Aegypti_;

3. _Asiae_; 4. _Ponti_; 5. _Thraciae_; forming altogether forty-eight

provinces, and comprising all the countries of Asia and Egypt,

together with the frontier countries of Libya and Thrace. II.

_Praefectura Illyrici_, containing two dioceses; 1. _Macedoniae_; 2.

_Daciae_; forming eleven provinces, and comprising Moesia, Macedon,

Greece, and Crete. III. _Praefectura Italiae_, containing three

dioceses; 1. _Italiae_; 2. _Illyrici_; 3. _Africae_; forming twenty-nine

provinces, and comprising Italy, the countries on the south of the

Danube, as far as the boundaries of Moesia; the islands of Sicily,

Sardinia, and Corsica, and the African provinces of the Syrtis. IV.

_Praefectura Galliarum_, containing three dioceses; 1. _Galliae_; 2.

_Hispaniae_; 3. _Britanniae_; forming altogether twenty-eight provinces,

and comprising Spain and the Balearian islands, Gaul, Helvetia, and

Britain.--Each of these praefectures was under a _praefectus praetorio_

(praetorian praefect), but who was merely a civil governor, and had

under him _vicarios_, in the dioceses, as well as the _rectores

provinciarum_, of various ranks and titles. They were named

_proconsules praesides_, etc. Besides these, Rome and Constantinople,

not being included in any of the four praefectures, had each its

praefect.

As principal officers of state and the court (_s. cubiculi_), we now

for the first time meet with the _praepositus s. cubiculi_

(grand-chamberlain), under whom were all the _comites palatii_ and

_cubicularii_, in four divisions; these, at a later period, were

frequently eunuchs of great influence; the _magister officiorum_

(chancellor, minister of the interior); the _comes sacrarum

largitiorum_ (minister of the finances); the _quaestor_ (the organ of

the emperors in legislation; minister of justice and secretary of

state); the _comes rei principis_ (minister of the crown-treasury)

[privy-purse]; the two _comites domesticorum_ (commander of the

household guards), each of whom had his corps (_scholas_) under him.

The number of the state officers and courtiers was continually

increasing. If the good of a commonwealth consisted in forms, ranks,

and titles, the Roman empire must at this time have been truly happy!

At the head of the troops were the _magistri peditum_ (masters of the

infantry) and the _magistri equitum_ (masters of the horse), under the

_magister utriusque militae_ (general in chief of the whole army).

Their subordinate commanders were called _comites_ and _duces_.

Constantine considerably reduced the army. In the arrangement of the

troops he also made great alterations; these, however, were but of

slight consequence compared with that which was produced by admitting

into the service a continually increasing number of barbarians.

_Notitia dignitatem utriusque Imperii cum not._ PANCIROLLI GRAEV.

_Thesaur. Antiquitat. Rom._ vol. vii.

9. It would naturally be expected that these great changes should lead

to others in the system of taxation. New taxes, or old ones revived,

were added to those already existing, and became, by the manner in which

they were collected, doubly oppressive. We shall particularly notice,

_a._ The annual land-tax (_indictio_). _b._ The tax upon trade (_aurum

lustrale_). _c._ The free gift (_don. gratuit._), now grown into an

obligatory tax (_aurum coronarium_). To these we must add the municipal

expenses, which fell entirely upon the citizens, and especially upon the

civic officers (_decuriones_), places which must have been generally

held by the rich, as Constantine had in great measure appropriated the

wealth of the cities to the endowment of churches, and the support of

the clergy.

_a._ The land-tax, or _indiction_, which if not first introduced by

Constantine was entirely regulated under him, was collected after an

exact register, or public valuation, of all the landed estates. Its

amount was yearly fixed and prescribed by the emperor (_indicebatur_),

and levied by the rectors of provinces and the decurions; an arbitrary

standard (_caput_) being taken as the rate of assessment.

As this register was probably reviewed every fifteen years, it gave

rise to the _cycle of indictions_ of fifteen years, which became the

common era, beginning from September 1, 312. In this manner the tax

included all those who were possessed of property. _b._ The tax on

commerce; which was levied on almost every kind of trade. It was

collected every four years, whence the _aurum lustrale_. _c._ The

_aurum coronarium_ grew out of the custom which obtained of

presenting the emperors with golden crowns on particular occasions;

the value of which was at last exacted in money. Every considerable

city was obliged to pay it.

10. The rapid spread of the Christian religion, the promulgation of

which was enforced as a duty upon all its professors, was now

accelerated by the endeavours of the court. Constantine forbade

sacrifices, and shut up the temples; and the violent zeal of his

successors unfortunately soon turned them into ruins.

_Histoire de Constantin-le-Grand_, _par le_ R. P. BERN. DE VARENNE.

Paris, 1778, 4to.

_Vita di Constantino il Grande dell'_ ABB. FR. GUSTA. Fuligno, 1786.

Both these works, especially the first, are written in a tone of

panegyric; the latest, and by far the best, is

# _Life of Constantine the Great_, by J. C. F. MANSO. Bresl. 1817.

With several very learned appendixes, which clear up some particular

points.

11. The three Caesars and sons of Constantine the Great, Constantine,

337-340; Constantius, 337-361; and Constans, 337-350; had been carefully

educated, and yet resembled one another as much in their vices as they

did in their names. They indeed divided the empire again upon the death

of their father; but were so eager after territory, which neither of

them was qualified to govern, that a series of wars followed for the

next twelve years, till at last Constantius was left master of the

whole; and by the murder of most of his relations secured the throne to

himself.

In the partition of the empire Constantine obtained the _praefectura

Galliarum_, Constans the _praefectura Italiae et Illyrici_, and

Constantius the _praefectura Orientis_. But as Constantine desired to

add Italy and Africa to his portion, he attacked Constans, and

thereby lost his life, so that Constans came into thee possession of

the western countries. In consequence, however, of his wretched

misgovernment, Magnentius, a general, proclaimed himself emperor in

Gaul, and Constans was slain in endeavouring to escape, 350. A war

with Constantius, who was then occupied in the east, became

inevitable, and broke out 351. The usurper was defeated first at Mursa

in Pannonia, then retreating into Gaul he was again defeated, 353;

upon which he slew himself, together with his family.

12. As Constantius, however--sunk in effeminacy and debauchery, and

surrounded and governed by eunuchs--was unable to sustain the weight of

government alone, he took his cousin Constantius Gallus, hitherto a

state prisoner, and whose father he had formerly slain, to his

assistance, created him Caesar, and sent him into the east against the

Parthians. But his excessive arrogance, which was fomented by his wife

Constantina, rendered him so dangerous that Constantius recalled him,

and caused him, upon his return, to be put to death in Istria. His

younger brother Fl. Julian, from whom the suspicious Constantius

believed he had nothing to fear, was promoted in his place, created

Caesar, and sent to defend the frontiers on the Rhine. Although Julian

passed suddenly from study to warfare, he not only fought against the

Germans with success, but also made a deep inroad into their country. In

the mean time Constantius, after his generals had been beaten by the

Persians, who wished to reconquer the provinces they had ceded, was

preparing an expedition against them in person, and with that view

endeavoured gradually to withdraw the troops of Julian, in consequence

of which the latter, suspecting his design, was induced to accept the

diadem presented by his soldiers. While marching, however, along the

Danube against Constantius, he received information of that prince's

death in Asia.

13. Fl. Julian, (the apostate,) who reigned from his twenty-ninth to his

thirty-second year, was the last and most highly gifted prince of the

house of Constantine. Instructed by misfortunes and study, he yet had

some faults, though certainly free from great vices. He began with

reforming the luxury of the court. His abjuration of the religion now

become dominant, and which he wished to annihilate by degrees, was an

error in policy, which he must have discovered to his cost had his reign

been prolonged. Wishing, however, to terminate the war against the

Persians, he penetrated as far as the Tigris, where he lost his life in

an engagement, after a reign of three years.

# _The Emperor Julian and his Times_, by AUGUST. NEANDER. Leipsic,

1812. An historical sketch.

14. Fl. Jovianus, now thirty-three years of age, was immediately raised

to the purple by the army. He concluded a peace with the Persians, by

which he restored them all the territory that had been conquered from

them since the year 297. After a short reign of eight months he was

carried off by a sudden disorder; and the army proclaimed Fl.

Valentinian at Nice in his stead, Valentinian almost immediately

associated his brother Valens with himself in the government, and

divided the empire by giving him the _praefectura Orientis_, and

retaining the rest for himself.

15. The reign of Valentinian I. in the east, who, in the year 367,

created his son Gratian Augustus with himself, is distinguished by the

system of toleration which he followed with regard to the affairs of

religion, though in other respects a cruel prince. Nearly the whole of

his reign was taken up in almost continual struggles with the German

nations, who had recovered from the losses they had suffered under

Julian. His first efforts were directed against the Franks, the Saxons,

and the Alemanni on the Rhine; and afterwards against the Quadi and

other nations on the Danube; where he died of apoplexy at Guntz in

Hungary.

16. In the mean time his brother Valens (aged 38-52 years) had to

contend with a powerful insurrection which had broken out in the east. A

certain Procopius had instigated the people to this, by taking advantage

of the discontent occasioned by the oppression of Valens, who, having

adopted the opinion of the Arians, was more disliked in the east than

his brother was in the west. His war against the Persians ended with a

truce. But the most important event that happened during his reign, was

the entrance of the Huns into Europe, which took place towards its

close. This in its turn gave rise to the great popular migration, by

which the Roman empire in the west may properly be said to have been

overthrown. The immediate consequence was the admission of the greater

part of the Visigoths into the Roman empire, and this occasioned a war

which cost Valens his life.

The Huns, a nomad people of Asia, belonged to the great Mongolian

race. Having penetrated to the Don, 373, they subdued the Goths upon

that river as far as the Theiss. The Goths, divided into Ostrogoths

and Visigoths, were separated from one another by the Dnieper. The

former, driven from their country, fell upon the Visigoths, in

consequence of which the emperor Valens was requested by the latter to

grant them admission into the Roman empire, and with the exception of

the Vandals, who had been seated in Pannonia from the time of

Constantine, they were the first barbarian nation that had been

settled within the boundaries of the empire. The scandalous oppression

of the Roman governor, however, drove them into rebellion; and as

Valens marched against them, he was defeated near Adrianople and lost

his life, 378.

17. During these events, Gratian (aged 16-24 years) succeeded his father

Valentinian I. in the west, and immediately associated his brother,

Valentinian II. (aged 5-21 years) with himself in the empire; giving

him, though under his own superintendence, the _praefectura Italiae et

Illyrici_. Gratian set forward to the assistance of his uncle Valens

against the Goths, but receiving on his march an account of his defeat

and death, and fearing the east might fall a prey to the Goths, he

raised Theodosius, a Spaniard, who had already distinguished himself as

a warrior, to the purple, and gave him the _praefectura Orientis et

Illyrici_.

18. The indolent reign of Gratian led to the rebellion of Maximus, a

commander in Britain, who, crossing into Gaul, was so strongly supported

by the defection of the Gallic legions, that Gratian was obliged to seek

safety in flight. He was, however, overtaken and put to death at Lyons.

By this event Maximus found himself in possession of all the _praefectura

Galliarum_; and by promising Theodosius not to interfere with the young

Valentinian II. in Italy, he prevailed upon him to acknowledge him

emperor. But having broken his promise by the invasion of Italy, he was

defeated and made prisoner by Theodosius in Pannonia, and soon after

executed. Upon this Valentinian II. a youth of whom great hopes were

entertained, became again master of all the west. But, unfortunately, he

was murdered by the offended Arbogast, his _magister militum_; who,

thereupon, raised to the throne his own friend Eugenius, _magister

officiorum_. Theodosius, however, so far from acknowledging, declared

war against him and made him prisoner. He himself thus became master of

the whole empire, but died in the following year.

19. The vigorous reign of Theodosius in the east, from his thirty-fourth

to his fiftieth year, was not less devoted to politics than to religion.

The dexterity with which he at first broke the power of the victorious

Goths (though they still preserved their quarters in the provinces on

the Danube), procured him considerable influence, which the strength and

activity of his character enabled him easily to maintain. The blind

zeal, however, with which he persecuted Arianism, now the prevailing

creed in the east, and restored the orthodox belief, as well as the

persecutions which he directed against the pagans and the destruction of

their temples, occasioned the most dreadful convulsions. His efforts to

preserve the boundaries of the empire, not a province of which was lost

before his death, required an increase of taxes; and however oppressive

this might be, we cannot impute it to the ruler as a crime. In an

empire so enfeebled in itself, and which, nevertheless, had powerful

foes on every side to contend with, it followed that every active reign

would be oppressive. Yet never before had the internal depopulation of

the empire made it necessary to take so many barbarians into Roman pay,

as under this reign; whence naturally followed a change in the arms and

tactics of the Roman armies.

P. ERASM. MULLER, _de genio saeculi Theodosiani_. Havniae, 1798, 2 vols.

A very learned and in every respect excellent description of the

deeply-decayed Roman world as it now stood.

20. Theodosius left two sons, between whom the empire was divided. Both

parts, however, were certainly considered as forming but one empire--an

opinion which afterwards prevailed, and even till late in the middle

ages had important consequences--yet never since this period have they

been reunited under one ruler. The eastern empire, comprising the

_praefectura Orientis et Illyrici_, was allotted to the eldest son,

Arcadius (aged 18-31) under the guardianship of Rufinus the Gaul. The

western, or the _praefectura Galliarum et Italiae_, to the younger,

Honorius, aged 11-39, under the guardianship of the Vandal Stilico.

21. The western empire, to the history of which we shall now confine

ourselves, suffered such violent shocks during the reign of Honorius, as

made its approaching fall plainly visible. The intrigues of Stilico to

procure himself the government of the whole empire, opened a way for the

Goths into its interior, just at a time when they were doubly

formidable, fortune having given them a leader greatly superior to any

they had hitherto had. Alaric king of the Visigoths established himself

and his people in the Roman empire, became master of Rome, and mounted

the throne: it was the mere effect of chance that he did not overthrow

it altogether.

Both Honorius and Arcadius, especially the latter, belonged to that

class of men who never come to years of maturity; their favourites and

ministers therefore governed according to their own inclination.

Stilico, who made Honorius his son-in-law, was not deficient, indeed,

in abilities for governing; and his endeavour to obtain the management

of the whole empire, arose, perhaps, from the conviction that it was

necessary he should have it. He could not, however, gain his object by

intrigue; for after the murder of Rufinus; 395, he found a still more

powerful opponent in the eunuch Eutropius, his successor in the east.

Under the regency of Stilico, Gaul, in consequence of its troops being

withdrawn to oppose Alaric, 400, was inundated by German tribes--by

Vandals, Alani, and Suevi--who from thence penetrated even into Spain.

Nevertheless, he preserved Italy from their attacks by the victory

which he gained, 403, over Alaric at Verona; and again over

Radagaisus, 405, who had advanced with other German hordes as far as

Florence. But Stilico, having entered into a secret alliance with

Alaric, for the purpose of wresting eastern Illyrica from the empire

of the east, was overreached by the intrigues of the new favourite

Olympius, whose cabal knew how to take advantage of the weakness of

Honorius, and of the jealousy of the Roman and foreign soldiers.

Stilico was accused of aspiring to the throne, and was executed August

23, 408. Rome lost in him the only general that was left to defend

her. Alaric invaded Italy the same year, 408, and the besieged Rome

was obliged to purchase peace; the conditions, however, not being

fulfilled, he was again, 409, before Rome, became master of the city,

and created Attalus, the praefect of the city, emperor instead of

Honorius, who had shut himself up in Ravenna. In 410 he assumed the

diadem; and, making himself master of the city by force, gave it up to

be plundered by his troops. Soon afterwards, while projecting the

capture of Sicily and Africa, he died in lower Italy. His

brother-in-law and successor, Adolphus, together with his Goths, left

Italy, now completely exhausted, 412, went into Gaul, and from thence

proceeding into Spain, founded there the empire of the Visigoths: he

carried with him, however, Placidia the sister of Honorius, either as

prisoner or as hostage, and married her in Gaul. During these events

an usurper arose in Britain and Gaul named Constantine, 407: he was

vanquished, and put to death, 411, by Constantius, one of Honorius's

generals. This latter prince not only gave Constantius his sister

Placidia, who had become a widow and was restored in 417, in marriage,

but also named him Augustus in 421. He died, however, a few months

after, so that Placidia henceforward had a considerable share in the

government. She went nevertheless, 423, to Constantinople, where she

remained until the death of Honorius.

# _Fl. Stilico, or the Wallenstein of Antiquity_, by CHR. FR. SCHULZE,

1805. Not written by way of comparison.

22. In this manner was a great part of Spain, and part of Gaul, cut off

from the Roman empire during the reign of Honorius. After his death the

secretary John usurped the government, but was defeated by the eastern

emperor Theodosius II. The nephew of Honorius, Valentinian III. a minor

(aged 6-36), was then raised to the throne, under the guardian care of

his mother Placidia (! 450). Under his miserable reign the western

empire was stripped of almost all her provinces with the exception of

Italy. Yet the government of his mother, and afterwards his own

incapacity, were as much the cause as the stormy migration of barbarous

tribes, which now convulsed all Europe.

Britain had been voluntarily left by the Romans since 427. In Africa,

the governor Boniface having been driven into rebellion by the

intrigues of the Roman general Aetius, who possessed the ear of

Placidia, invited the Vandals from Spain, under the command of

Genseric, to come to his assistance. The latter then obtained

possession of the country, 429-439; indeed, even as early as 435,

Valentinian was obliged to make a formal cession of it to them.

Valentinian's wife Eudoxia, a Grecian princess, was purchased by the

cession of western Illyricum (Pannonia, Dalmatia, and Noricum); so

that of all the countries south of the Danube there now only remained

those which belonged to the praefecture of Italy: Rhaetia and

Vindelicia. On the south-east of Gaul was formed, 435, the kingdom of

the Burgundians, which, besides the south-east part of France,

comprised also Switzerland and Savoy. The south-west was under the

dominion of the Visigoths. There remained only the territory north of

the Loire which still submitted to the Roman governors; the last of

whom, Syagrius, survived the fall of the empire itself; holding out

till the year 486, when he was defeated near Soissons by Clodovicus,

or Clovis, king of the Franks.

23. But while the western empire seemed thus of itself almost to fall to

pieces, another impetuous rush of nations took place, which threatened

the whole of western Europe. The victorious hordes of Huns who now

occupied the territory formerly the seat of the Goths, between the Don

and the Theiss, and even as far as the Volga, had united themselves,

since the year 444, under one common chief, Attila; who, by this union

and his own superior talents as a warrior and ruler, became the most

powerful prince of his time. The eastern empire having bought a peace by

paying him a yearly tribute, he fell with a mighty army upon the western

provinces. The united forces, however, of the Romans under Aetius and the

Visigoths, obliged him near Chalons (_in campis Catalaunicis_) to

retreat. Nevertheless, the following year he again invaded Italy, where

he had a secret understanding with the licentious Honoria, Valentinian's

sister. The cause of his second retreat, which was soon followed by his

death, is unknown. The miserable Valentinian soon after deprived the

Roman empire of its best general, being led by his suspicions to put

Aetius to death. He himself, however, was soon doomed to undergo the

punishment of his debaucheries, being murdered in a conspiracy formed by

Petronius Maximus, whose wife he had dishonoured, and some friends of

Aetius, whom he had executed.

24. The twenty years which intervened between the assassination of

Valentinian, and the final destruction of the Roman empire in the west,

was nearly one continued series of intestine revolutions. No less than

nine sovereigns rapidly succeeded one another. These changes, indeed,

were but of little importance in this troublesome period, compared to

the terror with which Genseric king of the Vandals filled the Roman

empire: he by his naval power having become master of the Mediterranean

and Sicily, could ravage the coasts of the defenceless Italy at his

pleasure, and even capture Rome itself. While in Italy, the German

Ricimer, general of the foreign troops in Roman pay, permitted a series

of emperors to reign in his name. It would have been his lot to put an

end to this series of Augusti, but for mere accident, which reserved

that glory for his son and successor, Odoacer, four years after his

father's death.

After the death of Valentinian, Maximus was proclaimed emperor; but as

he wished to compel Eudoxia, Valentinian's widow, to marry him, she

called over Genseric from Africa, who took and pillaged Rome, and

Maximus perished after a reign of three months, 455. He was succeeded

by M. Avitus, who ascended the throne at Arles; and he again was soon

deposed by Ricimer, 456, who, just before, had defeated the fleet of

the Vandals. Ricimer now placed upon the throne, first Julianus

Majorianus, April 1, 457; but he, having distinguished himself in the

wars against the Vandals, 461, was set aside, and Libius Severus put

in his place, who, however, died in 465, probably of poison. His

death was followed by an interregnum of two years, during which

Ricimer ruled, though without the title of emperor. At length the

patrician Anthemius, then at Constantinople (where they never gave up

their pretensions to the right of naming or confirming the sovereigns

of the west), was, though not without the consent of the powerful

Ricimer, named emperor of the west, April 12, 467, by the emperor Leo.

But differences having arisen between him and Ricimer, the latter

retired to Milan, 469, and commenced a war, in which he took and

pillaged Rome, and Anthemius was slain. Ricimer himself followed soon

after, ! Aug. 18, 472. Upon this, Anicius Olybrius, son-in-law of

Valentinian III. was proclaimed Augustus, but dying in three

months, Oct. 472, Glycerius assumed the purple at Ravenna, without,

however, being acknowledged at Constantinople, where they in

preference named Julius Nepos Augustus. The latter, in 474, having

expelled Glycerius, became also in his turn expelled by his own

general Orestes, 475, who gave the diadem to his son Romulus

Momyllus, who, as the last in the succession of Augusti, acquired

the surname of Augustulus. In 476, however, Odoacer, the leader of

the Germans in the Roman pay at Rome, sent him, after the execution

of Orestes, into captivity, and allowed him a pension. Odoacer now

remained master of Italy till the year 492, when the Ostrogoths,

under their king Theodoric, founded there a new empire.

25. Thus fell the Roman empire of the west, while that of the east,

pressed on every side, and in a situation almost similar, endured a

thousand years, notwithstanding its intestine broils, which would alone

have sufficed to destroy any other, and the hosts of barbarians who

attacked it during the middle ages. The impregnable situation of its

capital, which usually decides the fate of such kingdoms, joined to its

despotism, which is not unfrequently the main support of a kingdom in

its decline, can alone, in some measure, explain a phenomenon which has

no equal in the history of the world.

APPENDIX.

CHRONOLOGY OF HERODOTUS TO THE TIME OF CYRUS, EXTRACTED FROM THE

RESEARCHES OF M. VOLNEY. See Preface.

Although Herodotus did not write his work in chronological order, yet

we cannot doubt that he had some general plan of computing time. By

carefully selecting and comparing the separate data scattered through

his work, this plan to a certain extent may be traced out, and early

history, with regard to settled chronology, must necessarily gain a good

deal. The following essay is founded upon a procedure of this kind; it

is drawn entirely from Herodotus, and only from data which he has

precisely determined, the passages of his work being always referred to.

The year B. C. 561, in which the fall of Astyages and the Median empire

took place, as may be proved from Herodotus himself, is a fixed point of

time from which we may ascend into higher antiquity. This point of time

may be determined by the chronological data respecting the battle of

Marathon, four years before the death of Darius (Herodotus VII. 1. 4.)

agreeing with the general data of the Greeks, who fix it in the third

year of the 72nd Olymp. B. C. 490. By adding to this the thirty-two

years of Darius's reign that had already elapsed (Herodotus, ibid.), the

eight months of Smerdis (Herodotus, III. 68.), the seven years and five

months of Cambyses (Herodotus III. 66.), and the twenty-nine years of

Cyrus (Herodotus, I. 214.), we obtain the year 560 as the first year of

Cyrus.

I. CHRONOLOGY OF THE MEDIAN EMPIRE.

B. C.

End of the Median empire 561.

Duration of the Median empire one hundred and

fifty-six years (Herodotus, I, 130.)

The beginning of it, therefore, after their separation

from the Assyrians, would be 717.

In this period, at first, six years of anarchy[a] 716-710.

Reign of Deioces fifty-three years (Herodotus, I. 102.) 710-657.

Reign of Phraortes, twenty-two years (ibid.) 657-635.

Cyaxares, forty years (I. 106.) 635-595.

Irruption and dominion of the Scythians, twenty-eight

years (I. 203. 106.) 625-598.

Conquest of Nineveh (I. 106.) 597.

Astyages reigned thirty-five years (I. 130.) 595-561.

The succession of Median kings given by Ctesias, which entirely differs

from this, the author thinks might be explained by a duplication;

see # _Gott. Gel. Anz._ 1810, p. 4.

[a] These are certainly not determined from Herodotus; but they

remain after subtracting the one hundred and fifty years'

reign of the four Median kings.

II. CHRONOLOGY OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE.

The dominion of the Assyrians over Asia, or their empire, ended with the

revolt of the Medes (Herodotus, I. 95.); although the existence of their

state did not then end, but terminated with the capture of Nineveh by

Cyaxares, B. C. 597.

B. C.

Revolt of the Medes, as above 717.

The dominion of the Assyrians had endured five

hundred and twenty years (Herodotus, I. 95.)

The Assyrian empire lasted therefore from 1237-717.

As Herodotus intended to write the history of this empire in a separate

work (I. 184.), he only casually mentions (I. 7.) its founder Ninus, who

began to reign 1237; and afterwards Sennacherib and his expedition (II.

141.); and the last king, Sardanapalus (II. 150.).

The mention of Sennacherib and his expedition furnishes a point of time

for comparing the chronology of Herodotus with that of the Bible, or the

Jews. According to the latter, Sennacherib's expedition took place B. C.

714. (see above, p. 26.); his death takes place immediately after, and

he has for his successor Esar-haddon, 2 Kings, xix. 37. Here then is

certainly a contradiction, since, according to Herodotus, the Assyrian

dominion had ceased three years before, namely, 717. M. Volney

endeavours to reconcile this difficulty by the restoration of an ancient

reading in the sacred text; according to which Amon, king of Judaea,

reigned twelve years instead of two (2 Kings, xxi. 10.); from which it

would follow, that the expedition of Sennacherib took place in 724. As

this would leave seven years after his death for his successor

Esar-haddon, who agrees both in time and name with the Sardanapalus of

the Greeks (the Greek name being formed from Esar-haddon-pal, i. e.

Esar, the lord, son of Pal), the two chronologies are thus made to agree

exactly. But even in following the ancient usual reading, the greatest

difference between the two statements is only ten years; quite as little

as can be reasonably expected under such circumstances.

With regard to the Assyrian chronology of Ctesias, M. Volney has

satisfactorily shown that it is full of contradictions, and unworthy of

any credit.

III. CHRONOLOGY OF THE LYDIAN EMPIRE.

The arrangement of the Lydian chronology rests upon the settlement of

two principal facts: first, the great eclipse of the sun under Alyattes,

foretold by Thales (Herodotus, I. 74.); and secondly, the conquest of

Sardes, and overthrow of the empire under Croesus, by Cyrus; both of

which Herodotus certainly mentions, but without assigning any precise

date. But by a careful comparison of all the data it has been proved,

that the great eclipse in Asia Minor (according to the Tables of Pingre)

happened in the year 625; and the conquest of Sardes, and the end of the

Lydian empire, B. C. 557, or in the fourth year of Cyrus. Therefore:

B. C.

End of the Lydian empire 557.

It subsisted under three houses; under that of the Atyadae (fabulous and

uncertain); under that of the Heraclidae, five hundred and five years

(Herodotus, I. 7.); and under the last, that of the Mermnadae, one

hundred and seventy years.

The Heraclidae and Mermnadae, then, reigned altogether six hundred and

seventy-five years. Therefore:

B. C.

Commencement of the reign of the Heraclidae, with Agron

the son of Ninus (I. 7.) 1232.

End of this house with the murder of Candaules, by Gyges 727.

By fixings the time of Agron, son of Ninus, Herodotus verifies himself

(I. 7.); as, by the preceding data, Ninus began his reign in Assyria,

1237; consequently, it must have been in the fifth year of his reign

that he conquered Lydia, and placed his son Agron upon the throne.

B. C.

Dominion of the Mermnadae, one hundred and seventy

years, under kings of that house 727-557.

Gyges, thirty-eight years (Herodotus, I. 14.) 727-689.

Ardys, forty-nine years (Herodotus, I. 16.) 689-640.

First irruption of the Cimmerians 670.

Sadyattes, twelve years (Herodotus, I. 16.) 640-628.

Alyattes, fifty-seven years (Herodotus, I. 25.) 628-571.

War with Cyaxares, ending with the great eclipse,

and second irruption of the Cimmerians 625.

Croesus, fourteen years and fourteen days (Herodotus,

I. 86.) 571-557.

IV. CHRONOLOGY OF THE BABYLONIANS.

For this as well as for the Egyptians there is no evidence to guide

us, the data being very scanty, and taken from Herodotus alone. The

chronology of the Babylonians, according to the canon of Ptolemy, begins

with Nabonassar, 747, who was succeeded by twelve kings (mentioned in

the same canon), down to Nabopolassar; (see above, p. 28.)

B. C.

Nabopolassar 627-604.

Nebuchadnezzar 604-561.

Evil-Merodach 561-559.

Neriglissar 559-555.

Labynetus 555-538.

Conquest of Babylon by Cyrus 538.

V. CHRONOLOGY OF THE EGYPTIANS.

M. Volney very properly commences this with the dodecarchy--as of the

earlier periods only the time of Sesostris, 1365, is ascertained;--and

arranges it in the following manner.

B. C.

Dodecarchy 671-656.

Psammetichus's sole dominion thirty-nine years 656-617.

Reign of Neco, sixteen years 617-601.

-------- Psammis, six years 601-595.

-------- Apries, twenty-five years 595-570.

-------- Amasis, forty-four years 570-526.

Psammenitus, six months 525.

Conquest of Egypt by Cambyses

* * * * *

I. THE REIGNING HOUSES OF MACEDON.

I. HOUSE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.

PHILIP ! 336. married, 1. Olympias. 2. Cleopatra. (3. Concubines.)

|

+------------------------------------------------------------------+

| 1. 1. Cleopatra. 3. 3. |

| | |

ALEXANDER THE GREAT ! 323. PHILIP ARRHIDAEUS ! 317. |

married, 1. Roxana. (2. Barsine.) married Eurydice. |

| |

+--------------------------------------+ Thessalonice.

| 1. 2. | married Cassander.

ALEXANDER ! 311. HERCULES ! 309.

II. HOUSE OF ANTIPATER.

ANTIPATER ! 320.

|

CASSANDER ! 298, married Thessalonice.

|

+-------------------------------------------------------+

| PHILIP ! 297. ANTIPATER ! 294. ALEXANDER ! 294. |

III. HOUSE OF ANTIGONUS.

ANTIGONUS ! 301.

|

DEMETRIUS I. POLIORCETES ! 284.

|

+-----------------------------------------------------------------+

| Stratonice. ANTIGONUS I. GONATAS ! 242. |

married, 1. Seleucus I. |

2. Antiochus I. +-------------------------------------+

| DEMETRIUS II. ! 233. Alcyoneus. |

| |

+-------------------+ +---------------+

| PHILIP II. ! 179. | | ANTIGONUS II. |

| DOSON ! 221

+------------------------------------+

| PERSEUS ! 166. Demetrius ! 180. |

II. GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE SELEUCIDAE.

SELEUCUS I. NICATOR ! 281.

married, 1. Apame. 2. Stratonice, daughter of Demetrius Poliorcetes.

|

+--------------------------------------------------------------------+

| 1. 2. |

ANTIOCHUS I. SOTER ! 262. married, Phila married

1. Stratonice, his mother-in-law. 2. Anonymous. Antigonus Gonatas

| king of Macedon.

|

+--------------------------------------------------------------------+

| 1. 1. 2. |

ANTIOCHUS II. THEOS ! 247. Apame Laodice.

married, married Magas

1. Laodice, his sister-in-law. of Cyrene.

2. Berenice, daughter of Ptol. Philad.

|

+--------------------------------------------------------------------+

| 1. 1. 1. |

SELEUCUS II. CALLINICUS ! 227. Antiochus Stratonice married

married Laodice, Hierax. Ariarathes IV. of

daughter of Andromachus, Cappadocia.

father of Achaeus.

|

+--------------------------------------------------------------------+

| SELEUCUS III. Stratonice married ANTIOCHUS III. THE GREAT ! 187.|

CERAUNUS ! 224. Mithridates IV. married Laodice, daughter of

of Pontus. Mithridates IV. of Pontus.

|

+------------------------------------------------------------------+

| Antiochus Laodice. | ANTIOCHUS IV. Cleopatra Antiochis |

! 192. | EPIPHANES ! 164. married married

| | Ptolemy V. Ariarathes V.

| | of Cappad.

| +-----------------------------+

| | ANTIOCHUS V. EUPATOR ! 161. |

|

SELEUCUS IV. PHILOPATOR ! 176.

married his sister Laodice.

|

+------------------------------------------------------+

| DEMETRIUS I. Laodice |

! 150. married Perseus king of Maced.

|

+--------------------------------------------------------------------+

| DEMETRIUS II. NICATOR ! 126. married, ANTIOCHUS SIDETES ! 131. |

1. Cleopatra, daughter of Ptol. Philom. married his

2. Rhodogyne. | daughter-in-law, Cleopatra.

| |

+-------------------------------------+ +---------------------------+

|SELEUCUS V. ANTIOCHUS GRYPHUS ! 97. | | ANTIOCHUS CYZICENUS ! 96. |

! 125. married Cleopatra Selene, married Cleopatra,

daughter of Ptol. Phys. daughter of Ptol. Phys.

| |

| +----------------------------+

| | ANTIOCHUS EUSEBES ! c. 90. |

| married Cleopatra Selene.

| |

| +---------------------------------------+

| | ANTIOCHUS SELEUCUS CYBIOSACTES |

| ASIATICUS ! 58. ! 57. married

| Berenice, daughter

| of Ptol. Auletes.

|

+------------------------------------------------------------------+

| Seleucus Antioch. Philippus Demetr. Antioch. |

Epiph. ! 94. Epiph. ! 93. Epiph. ! 83. Eucar. Dionys.

! c. 87. ! 89.

III. GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE PTOLEMIES.

PTOLEMY I. son of LAGUS ! 284.

married, 1. Eurydice, daughter of Antipater.

2. Berenice.

(3. Concubines.)

|

+-----------------------------------------------------+

| | | |

1. | | |

Ptol. Ceraunus ! 279. | 2. |

king of Macedonia. | Arsinoe |

2. |

PTOL. II. PHILADELPHUS ! 246. 3.

married, 1. Arsinoe, daughter Magas of Cyrene.

of Lysimachus. |

2. His sister Arsinoe. +-------------+

| Berenice

|

+-------------------------------------------------------+

| PTOL. III. EVERGETES ! 221. Berenice married |

Married Berenice, Antiochus Theos.

daughter of Magas.

|

+-------------------------------------------------------------+

| PTOL. IV. PHILOPATOR ! 204. Magas. Arsinoe. |

married, 1. His sister Arsinoe.

(2. Agathoclea.)

|

+----------------------------+

| PTOL. V. EPHIPHANES ! 181. |

married Cleopatra,

daughter of Antiochus the Great.

|

+---------------------------------------------------------------------+

| PTOL. VI. PHILOMETOR ! 145. Cleopatra. PTOL. VII. PHYSCON ! 117.|

married his sister Cleopatra. married,

| 1. His sister Cleopatra.

| 2. Cleopatra the younger.

| (3. Irene.)

Cleopatra the younger. |

|

+-------------------------------------------------------------------+

| 2. | 2. | 3. |

PTOL. VIII. | PTOL. ALEXANDER | Ptol. Apion.

LATHYRUS ! 81. | I. ! 88. | king of Cyrene,

married, | married Cleopatra, | ! 97.

1, 2. his two sisters. | daughter of |

(3. Concubines.) | Ptol. Lathyrus. |

| | |

| 2. 2.

| Cleop. Selene. Cleopatra.

|

+------------------------------------------------------------+

| | | | | | |

| 2. | 3. | | |

| Cl. Berenice. | Ptol. of Cyprus | PTOL. ALEXANDER |

| | ! 57. | II. ! 80. |

| | | married |

| | | Cleop. Berenice. |

2. 3. 3. |

Cleopatra ! 88. PTOL. AULETES ! 51. Cleopatra. PTOL. ALEX.

married married, III. ! 66.

Alex. I. 1. His sister Cleop.

2. Unknown.

|

+--------------------------------------------------------------------+

| 1. | 2. | Arsinoe |

BERENICE ! 55. | PTOL. DIONYSIUS ! 47. | ! 43.

married, | married Cleopatra. |

1. Seleucus Cybios. | |

2. Archelaus. 1. 2.

CLEOPATRA ! 30. Ptol. the younger ! 44.

married, married Cleopatra.

1. 2. her brothers.

(3. Jul. Caesar.)

4. Antony

IV. THE REIGNING HOUSES OF THE JEWS.

HOUSE OF THE MACCABEES.

Mattathias ! B. C. 166.

|

+------------------------------------------------------------------+

| Judas Maccabaeus, Jonathan, Simon, high priest |

general of the army high priest ! 143. and ethnarch, ! 135.

! 161. |

+----------------------+

| John Hyrcanus ! 107. |

|

+------------------------------------------------+

| Aristobulus I. ! 106, Alex. I. Jannaeus ! 79. |

king and high priest. married Alexandra.

|

+------------------------------------------------+

| Hyrcanus II. ! 30. Aristobulus. |

high priest and ethnarch. ! 49.

|

+-----------------------------------------+

| Alexander II. ! 49. Antigonus ! 37. |

|

+-----------------------------------------------+

| Aristobulus ! 34. Mariamne ! 28. |

married Herod the Great.

II. HOUSE OF HEROD.

Antipater ! 43.

|

+----------------------------------------------------------+

| Salome. Herod the Great ! A. C. 3. |

married, 1. Doris. 2. Mariamne. 3. Many others.

|

+--------------------------------------------------------------------+

| Antipater Alexander Aristobulus Archelaus, | Philip, |

! A. C. 3. ! B. C. 5. ! B. C. 5. ethnarch, | tetrarch,

| deposed | ! A. C. 34.

+-------------------+ A. C. 6. |

| Herod II. Agrippa | |

! A. C. 44. Antipas, tetrarch,

| deposed A. C. 39.

+---------------+ married Herodias.

| Herod Agrippa |

! A. C. 100.

V. GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE CAESARS.

I.

C. Julius Caesar, praetor, ! 84.

|

+--------------------------------------------------------------+

| C. JULIUS CAESAR, dictator, Julia ! 52. |

! 44. married Accius Balbus.

| |

+-----------------------------+ +-----------------------+

| Julia ! 52. married Pompey. | | Accia ! 42, |

married C. Octavius.

|

+--------------------------------------------------------------------+

| Octavia the elder | C. OCTAVIUS (CAESAR AUGUSTUS) |

married M. Marcellus. | ! A. C. 14 (see No. II.)

|

Octavia the younger married,

1. C. Marcellus. 2. Pompey. 3. M. Antony.

II.

CAESAR OCTAVIANUS AUGUSTUS ! A. C. 14.

married, 1. Scribonia. 2. Livia, widow of Tiberius Claudius Nero.

| |

| +------------------------------------------------------+

| | TIBERIUS NERO ! A.C. 37. Nero Claudius Drusus ! 9. |

| married, 1. Vipsania. married Antonia

| 2. Julia. the younger.

| | |

| +--------------------------+ |

| | DRUSUS CAESAR ! A. C. 25.| |

| |

| +---------------------------------------------------+

| | Germanicus CLAUDIUS ! A. C. 54. |

| ! A. C. 19. married, 1. Messalina.

| married Agrippina. 2. Agrippina.

| | |

| | +------------------------------------+

| | | 1. Britannicus 1. Octavia |

| | ! A. C. 34. ! A. C. 59.

| | married Nero.

| |

| +-------------------------------------------------------+

| | Nero Drusus | Agrippina |

| ! A. C. 29. ! A. C. 35. | married,

| | 1. Cn. Domitius.

| CAIUS CALIGULA 2. Claudius.

| ! A. C. 41. |

| |

| +---------------------------------------+

| | 1. |

| DOMITIUS NERO ! A. C. 68.

| married, 1. Octavia. 2. Poppaea Sabina

|

+----------------------------------------------------------+

| 1. |

Julia ! A. C. 17.

married, 1. ! M. Cl. Marcellus. 2. Agrippa. 3. Tiberius.

|

+------------------------------------------------------------------+

| 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. |

C. Caesar L. Caesar Agrippina Julia Agrippa

! A. C. 4. ! A. C. 2. ! A. C. 35. ! A. C. 30. Posthumus

married ! A. C. 14.

Germanicus.

VI. GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE HOUSE OF CONSTANTINE.

CONSTANTIUS CHLORUS ! 306.

married, 1. Helena. 2. Theodora.

|

+-----------------------------------------------------------------+

CONSTANTINE the Great ! 337. | Jul. Constantius |

married, 1. Minervina. | ! 337. married, |

2. Fausta. Constantia 1. Galla. |

| married 2. Basilina. |

| C. Valer LICINIUS, | |

| Caesar, ! 324 +----------+ |

+--------------------------+ | Fl. Valer. |

1. | 2. | +--------------+ Licinius |

CRISPUS | CONSTANTIUS | 1. 2. ! 326. |

! 326. | ! 361. | Gallus JULIAN |

2. 2. ! 354. (the apostate) |

CONSTANTINE CONSTANS ! 363. |

! 340. ! 350. Annibalianus.

|

+-----------------------------+

| Dalmatius Annibalianus |

Caesar ! 339. ! 338.

PRINTED BY TALBOYS AND BROWNE, OXFORD.

* * * * *

Transcriber's note:

The original text includes Greek characters. For this text version

these words have been replaced with transliterations.

The dagger symbol (indicating death) has been replaced by ! within

this text version.

Also, sidenotes have been removed to ease readability of the text.

A Manual of Ancient History Particularly with Regard to the Constitutions, the Commerce, and the Colonies, of the States of Antiquity · 第 12 / 12 章