the Romans defended their liberty with the greatest obstinacy,
began in the year 200, six years after the total expulsion of the
Carthaginians from their country, 206. It was exceedingly
obstinate, partly from the natural state of the country, which was
thickly populated, and where every place became a fortress; partly
from the courage of the inhabitants; but above all, owing to the
peculiar policy of the Romans, who were wont to employ their
allies to subdue other nations. This war continued, almost without
interruption, from the year 200 to 133, and was for the most part
carried on at the same time in Hispania Citerior, where the
Celtiberi were the most formidable adversaries, and in Hispania
Ulterior, where the Lusitani were equally powerful. Hostilities
were at the highest pitch in 195, under Cato, who reduced
Hispania Citerior to a state of tranquillity 185-179, when the
Celtiberi were attacked in their native territory; and 155-150,
when the Romans in both provinces were so often beaten, that
nothing was more dreaded by the soldiers at home than to be sent
there. The extortions and perfidy of Servius Galba placed
Viriathus, in the year 146, at the head of his nation, the
Lusitani: the war, however, soon extended itself to Hispania
Citerior, where many nations, particularly the Numantines, took up
arms against Rome, 143. Viriathus, sometimes victorious and
sometimes defeated, was never more formidable than in the moment
of defeat; because he knew how to take advantage of his knowledge
of the country, and of the dispositions of his countrymen. After
his murder, caused by the treachery of Caepio, 140, Lusitania was
subdued; but the Numantine war became still more violent, and the
Numantines compelled the consul Mancinus to a disadvantageous
treaty, 137. When Scipio, in the year 133, put an end to this war,
Spain was certainly tranquil; the northern parts, however, were
still unsubdued, though the Romans penetrated as far as Galatia.
22. Towards the end of this period, the Romans obtained at a much
cheaper rate the possession of one of their most important provinces;
for the profligate Attalus III. king of Pergamus, bequeathing them the
whole of his kingdom (on what account is uncertain, see above, p. 292.),
they immediately took possession of it, and kept in spite of the
resistance of the legitimate heir Aristonicus, merely ceding, as a
recompense, Phrygia to Mithridates V. king of Pontus. Thus, by a stroke
of the pen, the largest and finest part of Asia Minor became the
property of Rome. If this extraordinary legacy was the work of Roman
policy, she paid dearly enough, in the long run, for this accession to
her power and riches, by the destruction of her morals, and the dreadful
wars to which this legacy gave rise under Mithridates.
23. The foreign possessions of Rome, besides Italy, comprised at this
time under the name of provinces, a name of much higher signification in
the Latin language than in any other, Hispania Citerior and Ulterior,
Africa (the territory of Carthage), Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica,
Liguria, and Cisalpine Gaul, in the west; and in the east, Macedonia,
Achaia, and Asia (territory of Pergamus). The inhabitants of these
countries were entirely subject to Rome. The administration of them was
carried on by those who had enjoyed the office of consul, and by
praetors, subordinate to whom were the quaestors, or collectors of the
revenue. The highest military and civil powers were united in these
governors; a principal cause of that horrible oppression which was soon
felt. Troops were always kept up in the provinces; and the Latin
language everywhere introduced (except only where Greek was spoken),
that the inhabitants might be made as much like Romans as possible.
Till nearly the end of this period, praetors were expressly
appointed to each province. It was not till after the origin of
the _quaestiones perpetuae_, that it became the custom for the
praetors who had vacated office, to succeed to the provinces
(_propraetores_), a principal cause of the degeneracy of the Roman
constitution.
C. SIGONIUS, _de Antiquo jure provinciarum in Graevii Thes. Antiq.
Rom._ vol. ii.
24. The acquisition of these rich countries naturally had great
influence in augmenting the revenue of the Romans. Though Rome was not
indeed a state, like Carthage, altogether dependent upon finances, yet
she kept these adjusted in a wonderful manner; a spirit of nice order
being observed in this as well as in every other department of her
administration. If in extraordinary emergencies recourse were had to
native loans, to a change in the value of money, or a monopoly of salt,
order was soon restored; while the booty obtained from conquered
countries was also a great source of the public income so long indeed as
it was reserved for the state, and did not become the prey of the
generals.
Sources of the Roman revenue (_vectigalia_) were: 1. Tribute _a._
from the Roman citizens; that is to say, a property-tax imposed by
the senate according to the urgency of the case (which, however,
was remitted, for a long time, after the war with Perseus, 168,
being no longer necessary). _b._ Tribute of the allies (_socii_)
in Italy: which seems also to have been a property-tax; differing
in different places. _c._ Tribute of the provinces: in some a
heavy poll-tax, in others taxes on property; in all, however, they
were paid in natural productions, mostly ordinary, though
sometimes extraordinary, as well for the salary of the governor as
for the supply of the capital. 2. The revenue from the national
domains (_ager publicus_), both in Italy (especially Campania) and
in the provinces; the tythes (_decumae_) of which were paid by
means of leases for four years, granted by the censors. 3. The
revenue from the customs (_portoria_), collected in the seaports
and frontier towns. 4. The revenue arising from the mines
(_metalla_), particularly the Spanish silver mines; the
proprietors of which were obliged to pay a duty to the state. 5.
The duty upon enfranchised slaves (_aurum vicesimarium_). All
receipts flowed into the national treasury, the _aerarium_; all
outgoings were exclusively ordered by the senate; and the people
were consulted as little with regard to them as they were
respecting the imposts. The officers employed were the
_quaestores_, under whom were the _scribae_, divided into
_decurias_, who, though certainly subordinate, had nevertheless
great influence. Their services, as they were not yearly changed,
must have been indispensable to the _quaestores_ for the time
being; and the whole management of affairs, at least in detail,
must have fallen into their hands.
Upon the finances of Rome, the best work at present is:--
P. BURMANNI, _Vectigalia Populi Romani_. Leyden, 1734, 4to.
Two excellent treatises have since appeared in German upon this
subject:--
# D. H. HEGEWISCH, _Essay upon Roman Finances_. Antona, 1804, and
# R. BOSSE, _Sketch of the System of Finance in the Roman State_.
Brunswick, 1803, 2 parts. Both include the periods of the republic
and the monarchy.
THIRD PERIOD.
_From the beginning of the civil broils under the Gracchi, to the fall
of the republic. B. C. 134-30. Year of Rome, 620-724._
SOURCES. Concerning the first half of this important period of the
republic, down to the time of Cicero, we are sadly in want of precise
information. Not one of the contemporary writers has been preserved to
us, nor indeed any one of the later historians who have compiled a
history of the whole period. APPIAN, _de Bellis Civilibus_; PLUTARCH,
in his _Lives of the Gracchi_; and the spirited _Compendium_ of VEL.
PATERCULUS, are, for this portion, our principal authorities; and even
the imperfect summaries of the lost books of Livy, so masterly
supplied by Freinshemius here become of importance. For the times
which follow, the _Jugurtha_ and _Cataline_ of Sallust, are two
excellent historical cabinet pieces, and become the more valuable for
the insight they at the same time give us of the internal condition of
Rome. His great work, however, _The Histories_, is, with the exception
of a few precious fragments, unfortunately lost. For the times of
CAESAR and CICERO, we have the _Commentaries_ of the first, and the
_Orations_ and _Letters_ of the latter; both fertile sources of
information. What is left us of DIO CASSIUS'S _History_, begins with
the year 69 before Christ. Of PLUTARCH'S _Lives_, besides those of
the Gracchi, the following are connected with this period: C. MARIUS,
SYLLA, LUCULLUS, CRASSUS, SERTORIUS, CATO OF UTICA, CICERO, BRUTUS,
and ANTONIUS. Upon the sources for these lives, see my treatises cited
above, p. 321.
Among the moderns, the greater part of this period is particularly
treated of by:--
DE BROSSES, _Histoire de la Republique Romaine dans le cours du VIIe
Siecle par Salluste_, a Dijou, 1777, 3 vols. 4to.
In German by J. C. SCHLEUTER, 1790, etc. with remarks, 4 vols. The
editor of this capital work had an idea of translating Sallust, and
supplying what is lost. It contains, besides a translation of Jugurtha
and Cataline, the period between both, of which Sallust treats in his
_Histories_: that is, from Sylla's abdication, B. C. 79-67; and is
equally important for its own merits and for the period to which it
belongs.
VERTOT, _Histoire des revolutions arrivees dans le gouvernement de la
Republique Romaine_. Paris, 1796, 6 vols. 12mo. Although this justly
esteemed work includes the foregoing period, it is particularly
valuable for the present.
MABLY, _Observations sur les Romains_. Geneve, 1751, 2 vols. 8vo. A
survey of the internal history; ingenious, but as superficial as the
_Observations sur les Grecs_ by the same author.
1. The foregoing period is composed of the history of foreign wars
alone; in this, on the contrary, Rome appears in a continual state of
internal commotion. And if foreign hostilities interrupt this state of
things for a short time, it is only that it may be renewed with more
violence, till at last it ends in a furious civil war. As the almost
boundless power of the senate had laid the foundation of an exceedingly
hateful family aristocracy, against which the tribunes of the people
arrayed themselves, in the character of powerful demagogues, there arose
a new struggle between the aristocratic and democratic parties, which
almost immediately grew into two powerful factions. This contest, from
its extent and its consequences, soon became much more important than
the ancient one between the patricians and the plebeians.
This family aristocracy gradually arose from the power of the
magistrates, who now not only enjoyed a very high political
importance, but, by the government of the provinces, acquired immense
wealth. The present aristocracy, then, consisted of the ruling
families (_nobiles_) concentrated in the senate. The struggle with the
opposite party, the people (_plebs_), became so much the more violent
in consequence of the great abuses which had crept into the
administration, particularly in the division of the lands of the
republic; the ruling families securing to themselves the fruits of all
the victories and conquests, while the power of the democracy, by the
vast accumulation of people (without the means of livelihood, although
voting in the _comitia_), especially of enfranchised slaves, who,
though strangers, mostly without power or property, formed,
nevertheless, the greater part of what was then called the Roman
people.
G. AL. RUPERTI, _Stemmata gentium Romanarum_. Goett. 1795, 8vo. Almost
indispensable for obtaining a clear insight into the history of the
Roman families, and of course into that of the state.
2. Commencement of the disturbances under the tribunate of Tib.
Sempronius Gracchus, whom former connections had long made the man of
the people. His desire was to relieve the distress of the lower orders;
and the means whereby he hoped to do this was a better division of the
lands of the republic, now almost exclusively in the hands of the
aristocracy. His reform, therefore, naturally led at once to a struggle
with that party. Tib. Gracchus however soon found, by experience, that a
demagogue cannot stop where he would, however pure his intentions may be
at first; and no sooner had he obtained a prolongation of his term of
office, in opposition to the usual custom, than he fell a sacrifice to
his undertaking.
The first agrarian law of Gracchus was confirmed by the people,
notwithstanding the fruitless opposition of his colleague Octavius,
who was deposed; it decreed, that no person should possess above five
hundred acres of land, nor any child above half that quantity. This
law was, in fact, only a renewal of the ancient _lex Licinia_; in the
condition, however, in which Rome now was, it bore much harder upon
the property usurped by the great families, than it did in former
times. Appointment of a committee for dividing the national lands, and
for enquiring also at the same time which were the property of the
state (_ager publicus_) and which were not. New popular propositions
of the elder Gracchus, especially that for the division of the
treasures left by king Attalus of Pergamus, with the view of securing
his continuance in office; great insurrection of the aristocratic
party under Scipio Nasica, and murder of Tiberius Gracchus, on the day
of electing the new tribunes of the people.
3. The fall of the chief of the new party, however, occasioned any thing
rather than its destruction. Not only was there no mention of an
abrogation of the agrarian law, but the senate was obliged to allow the
place in the commission, which had become vacant by the death of
Gracchus, to be filled up; and Scipio Nasica himself was sent out of the
way, under the pretext of an embassy to Asia. The party of the senate
did, indeed, find a powerful support for a short time in the return of
Scipio Aemilianus (_d._ 129) from Spain; but its greatest support was
found in the difficulties of the law itself, which prevented its
execution.
Great revolt of the slaves in Sicily under Eunus, 134-131. This
contributed not a little to keep alive the dissensions, as it showed
the necessity of a reform.
4. Evident endeavours of the tribunes of the people to increase their
power, Gracchus having now awakened them to a sense of it. Not satisfied
with a seat and voice in the senate, Carbo wished that the renewing of
their dignity should be passed into a law. By the removal, however, of
the chiefs of the lower party, upon honourable pretexts, new troubles
were put off for some years.
First establishment of the Roman power in Transalpine Gaul by M.
Fulvius Flaccus, on the occasion of his being sent to the assistance
of Massilia, 128. Southern Gaul became a Roman province as early as
122, in consequence of the defeat of the Allobrogi and Averni by Q.
Fabius, who had been sent against them to support the Aedui, the allies
of Rome. Capture of the Balearian isles by Metellus, 123. Quaestorship
of C. Gracchus in Sicily, 128-125.
5. These palliative remedies, however, availed nothing after the return
of C. Gracchus from Sicily with a full determination to tread in the
footsteps of his brother. Like him, it is true, he fell a victim to his
enterprise; but the storm that he raised during the two years of his
tribunate fell so much the more heavily, as the popular excitement was
more general, and from his possessing more of the shining talents
necessary to form a powerful demagogue than his brother.
First tribunate of C. Gracchus, 123. Renewal of the agrarian law, and
rendering its provisions more strict. Nevertheless, as he increased
the fermentation by his popular measures and by acting the demagogue,
and obtained the renewal of the tribunate for the following year, 122,
he so far extended his plan, as to render it not only highly dangerous
to the aristocracy, but even to the state itself. Establishment of
distributions of corn to the poor people. Plan for the formation of
the knights (_ordo equestris_) into a political body, as a
counterbalance to the senate, by conferring on it the right of
administering justice, (_judicia_,) which was taken from the senate.
Still more important project of granting to the Italian allies the
privileges of Roman citizenship; and also the formation of colonies,
not only in Campania, but also out of Italy, in Carthage. The highly
refined policy of the senate, however, by lessening this man of the
people in the eyes of his admirers, through the assistance of the
tribune Livius Drusius, prevented his complete triumph; and, once
declining, Gracchus soon experienced the fate of every demagogue,
whose complete fall is then irretrievable. General insurrection, and
assassination of C. Gracchus, 121.
6. The victory of the aristocratic faction was this time not only much
more certain and bloody, they turned the advantages it gave them to such
good account, that they eluded the agrarian law of Gracchus, and indeed,
at last, completely abrogated it. But the seeds of discord already
disseminated, especially among the Italian allies, could not be so soon
checked, when once the subjects of these states had conceived the idea
that they were entitled to a share in the government. How soon these
party struggles might be renewed, or indeed a civil war break out,
depended almost entirely upon foreign circumstances, and the chance of a
bolder leader being found.
Agrarian law evaded: at first by repealing an act which prohibited the
transfer of the national lands already divided, whereby the patricians
were enabled to buy them again;--afterwards by the _lex Thoria:_
complete stop put to all further divisions, a land-tax, to be
distributed among the people, being instituted in its stead; but even
this latter was very soon annulled.
# D. H. HEGEWISCH, _History of the Civil Wars of the Gracchi_.
Altona, 1801.
# _History of the Revolution of the Gracchi in my Miscellaneous
Historical Works._ Vol. iii. 1821.
7. Visible effects of this party spirit upon public morals, which now
began to decline the more rapidly, in proportion to the increase of
foreign connections. Neither the severity of the censorship, nor the
laws against luxury (_leges sumtuariae_), nor those which now became
necessary against celibacy, could be of much service in this respect.
This degeneracy was not only to be found in the cupidity of the higher
ranks, but also in the licentiousness of the lower orders.
Luxury in Rome was first displayed in the public administration (owing
to the excessive accumulation of wealth in the treasury, especially
during the Macedonian wars) before it infected private life; and the
avarice of the great long preceded the latter. The sources from whence
they satisfied this passion were found in the extortions of the
governors of provinces, their great power, and the distance from Rome
rendering the _leges repetundarum_ of but little effect. Probably the
endeavours of the allied princes and kings to gain a party in the
senate was a still more fruitful source, as they could obtain their
end only by purchase, and so gave a new impulse to the cupidity and
intriguing disposition of the members of that council. But private
luxury requires everywhere some time to ripen. It attained its height
immediately after the Mithridatic wars.
# D. MEINER, _History of the Corruption of the Morals and Constitution
of the Romans_. Leips. 1782.
# MEIEROTTO, _Morals and Manners of the Romans at different periods of
the Republic_. Berlin, 1776. Which considers the subject in several
points of view.
# C. A. BOTTIGER, _Sabina, or, morning scenes at the toilette of a
rich Roman lady_. Leips. 1806, 2 vols. A true and lively description
of the luxury of the Roman ladies, but principally at its most
brilliant period. It has been translated into French.
8. This corruption was manifested in a striking manner in the next
great war that Rome entered into, which was in Africa, against Jugurtha
of Numidia, the adopted grandson of Masinissa; and soon after against
his ally Bocchus of Mauritania. This war, kindled and maintained by the
avarice of the Roman nobles, which Jugurtha had already had an
opportunity of knowing at the siege of Numantia, paved the way to the
aggrandizement of C. Marius, a new demagogue, who, being also a
formidable general, did much more harm to the state than even the
Gracchi.
Commencement of the quarrel of Jugurtha with the two sons of Micipsa,
and assassination of Hiempsal, one of them, 118.--When the other,
Adherbal, arrived at Rome, 117, the party of Jugurtha had already
succeeded, and obtained a partition of the kingdom. New attack upon
Adherbal, who is besieged in Cirta, and, notwithstanding the repeated
embassies of Rome to Jugurtha, is compelled to surrender, and is put
to death, 112. The tribune C. Memmius constrains the senate to declare
war against Jugurtha; but Jugurtha purchases a peace of the consul
Calpurnius Piso, 111.--Nevertheless Memmius hinders the ratification
of the peace, and Jugurtha is required to justify himself at Rome. He
would probably, however, have bought his acquittal, if the murder of
his kinsman Massiva, 110, by the help of Bomilcar, had not rendered it
impossible. The war is renewed under the consul Sp. Albinus and his
brother Aulus, 110, but with very little success, until the
incorruptible Q. Metellus took the command, 109, who would have put an
end to it, notwithstanding the great talents now displayed as a
general by Jugurtha, and his alliance with Bocchus, 108, had he not
been supplanted by Marius, who obtains the consulship by his
popularity, 107. Marius is obliged to have recourse to perfidy to get
Jugurtha into his hands, who is betrayed by Bocchus, 106. Numidia is
divided between Bocchus and two grandsons of Masinissa, Hiempsal and
Hiarbas.
9. The elevation of Marius to the consulate not only humbled the power
of the aristocracy, but also showed, for the first time, that the way
was open to a man of low birth (_homo novus_) to the highest offices;
the method, however, which he had taken to form his army, entirely
against the Roman custom, that is, of composing it of the lower orders
(_capite censis_) must have rendered him doubly formidable.
Nevertheless, he would scarcely have effected so great a change in the
constitution, if a new and terrible war had not rendered his services
indispensable:--this was the threatened invasion of the Cimbri and
Teutones the most powerful nations of the north, during which a new and
violent rebellion of the slaves was raging in Sicily:--for after the
defeat of so many Roman armies, the people believed that no one but the
conqueror of Jugurtha could save Italy; and Marius knew so well how to
turn this to account, that he remained consul during four successive
years.
The Cimbri, or Cimmerians, probably a nation of German origin, from
beyond the Black sea, originated a popular migration which extended
from thence as far as Spain. Their march was perhaps occasioned, or
accelerated, by the Scythian war of Mithridates; and their course,
like that of most nomad races, was from east to west along the Danube.
They had already, in 113, defeated the consul Papirius Carbo, near
Noreia in Styria. In their progress towards the west they were joined
by German, Celtic, and Helvetic tribes (the _Teutones_, _Ambrones_,
and _Tigurians_).--Attack Roman Gaul, 109, where they demand
settlements and defeat Junius Silanus the consul.--Defeat of L.
Cassius Longinus and M. Aurelius Scaurus, 107.--Great defeat of the
Romans in Gaul, 105, occasioned by the disagreement of their generals,
the consuls, Cn. Manlius and Q. Servius Caepio. Marius obtains the
command, and remains consul from 104-101. The migrations of the
Cimbri--a part of whom reach the Pyrenees, but are driven back by the
Celtiberians, 103--give Marius time to complete his army. In 102,
after dividing themselves, they first attempted to penetrate into
Italy: the Teutones through Provence, and the Cimbri by Tyrol.--Great
defeat and slaughter of the Teutones by Marius, near Aix, 102.--The
Cimbri, on the contrary, effect an invasion and make progress till
Marius comes to the help of Catulus. Great battle and defeat of the
Cimbri near the Po, July 30, 101.
J. MULLER, _Bellum Cimbricum_. Tigur, 1772. A youthful essay of that
celebrated historian. Compare
# MANNERT, _Geography,_ etc. part iii.
10. Although during this war the power of the popular party had sensibly
increased, yet the storm did not break out until Marius _bought_ his
sixth consulate. Now, even in Rome itself, he wished to avenge himself
upon his enemies; and what could the senate do, when it had at its head
a demagogue in the consul himself?--His league with the tribune
Saturnius, and the praetor Glaucias, forming already a true triumvirate,
would have overthrown the republic after the expulsion of Metellus, if
the unbridled licentiousness of the rabble connected with his allies had
not obliged him to break with them, lest he should sacrifice the whole
of his popularity.
The measures of this cabal, who wished to appear as if treading in the
steps of the Gracchi, were principally directed against Q. Metellus,
the chief of the party of the senate, and who, since the African war,
had been the mortal foe of Marius. After the exile of Metellus,
occasioned by his opposition to a new agrarian law, this faction
usurped the rights of the people, and lorded it in the committees;
until, at a new election of consuls, a general revolt, favoured by
Marius himself, took place of all the well-disposed citizens against
them; Saturnius and Glaucias were besieged in the capitol, forced to
surrender, and executed. The return of Metellus from his voluntary
exile soon followed, 92, much against the will of Marius, who was
obliged to retire into Asia.
11. The few years of tranquillity which Rome now enjoyed, brought to
maturity many benefits and many evils, the seeds of which had been
already sown. On one hand the rising eloquence of Antonius, Crassus, and
others, was employed with effect against the oppressors of the provinces
in the state trials (_questiones_); and some generous spirits used all
their endeavours to heal the wounds of Sicily, Asia, and other
provinces, by a better administration; while, on the other hand, the
power of the _ordo equestris_ became a source of much abuse: for besides
their right to sit in the tribunals (_judiciis_), which C. Gracchus had
conferred upon them, they had also obtained the farming of the leases,
and thereby the collection of the revenue in the provinces; by which
means they were enabled not only to oppose every reform that was
attempted in the latter, but even at Rome to hold the senate in a state
of dependence. The struggle which now arose between them and the senate
respecting the _judicia_ (or right to preside in the tribunal), was one
of the most fatal to the republic, as this right was abused by them for
the purpose of satisfying their personal rancour, and oppressing the
greatest men. The tribune M. Livius Drusus the younger, it is true,
wrested from them half their power; but, alas! the manner in which he
did it kindled into a flame the fire which had been smouldering from the
time of the Gracchi.
Acquisition of Cyrene by the testament of king Apion, 97;
notwithstanding which it maintained its independence, although
probably by paying a tribute. Adjustment of the differences between
the kings of Asia Minor by the praetor Sylla, 92 (see above, p. 294).
12. Revolt of the Italian tribes, who desire to obtain the right of
Roman citizens; whereupon the bloody _war of the allies_ ensues.
Although the oppression of Rome had been preparing this war for a long
time, yet it was an immediate consequence of the intrigues of the Roman
demagogues, who since the law of the younger Gracchus, had, with the
view of making themselves popular, continually flattered the allies with
the hope of sharing the privileges of Roman citizenship. It was however
soon seen, that the allies were not at a loss among themselves for
leaders, capable of forming great plans and executing them with vigour.
Italy was about to become a republic, with Corfinium for its capital
instead of Rome. Neither could Rome have saved herself from such an
event, but by gradually permitting the allies to enjoy the complete
freedom of the city.
After the civil wars of the Gracchi, large bands of the allies were
continually flocking to Rome. These were in the pay of the demagogues,
whom the _lex Licinia_, 95, had banished from Rome, and thereby laid
the foundation of the revolt. From that time the conspiracy among
these tribes began, and attained without interruption such a degree of
maturity, that the carelessness of Rome can only be accounted for from
the party fury which then existed, and which the _lex Varia_, 91,
enacted against the promoters of rebellion, served only to inflame the
more. The murder of the tribune Livius Drusus, 91, a very ambiguous
character, brought the affair to an open rupture. In this alliance
were the Marsi, Picentes, Peligni, Marrucini, Frentani, the Samnites,
who played a principal part, the Hirpini, Apuli, and the Lucani. In
this war, which was so much the more bloody, as it was mostly composed
of separate contests and sieges, especially of the Roman colonies, Cn.
Pompeius the elder, L. Cato, Marius, and, above all, Sylla,
particularly distinguished themselves on the side of the Romans; and
among the generals of the allies Pompadias, C. Papius,
etc.--Concession of the freedom of the city, first to such allies as
remained faithful, the Latins, Umbrians, etc. by the _lex Julia_, 91;
afterwards, by degrees, to the remainder by the _lex Plotia_. Some,
nevertheless, still continued in arms.
HEYNE, _de Belli Socialis causis et eventu, in Opusc._ t. iii.
13. The war now just ended, essentially changed the constitution of
Rome, as she no longer remained, as hitherto, the exclusive head of the
whole state; and although the new citizens were only formed into eight
tribes, yet their influence must soon have been felt in the committees,
on account of the readiness with which they promoted factions. Besides
this, the long-cherished private hatred between Marius and Sylla was
greatly strengthened by this war, as Sylla's fame was considerably
raised thereby, while that of Marius was proportionably diminished. An
opportunity was only wanted, like that which the first Pontine war soon
furnished, to stir up a new civil war, which threatened to destroy the
liberty of Rome.
14. Alliance of Marius with the tribune Sulpicius, with the view of
wresting from Sylla the command of the forces against Mithridates,
already conferred upon him by the senate. The ease with which Sylla, at
the head of an army on which he could depend, expelled the chiefs of
this party, seems to have left him ignorant of the fact, that the party
itself was not thereby destroyed. However judicious may have been his
other measures, the elevation of Cinna to the consulship was an error in
policy of which Italy had still more reason to repent than himself. How
much blood might have been spared if Sylla had not unseasonably wished
to become popular!
Proposition of Sulpicius for an indiscriminate distribution of the new
citizens and freemen among all the tribes of Italy, that he might
thereby gain a strong party in his favour, which, by a violent
assembly of the people, transfers the command from Sylla to Marius.
March of Sylla upon Rome, and expulsion of Marius, who, by a series of
adventures almost surpassing belief, escapes to Africa and is
proscribed with his son and ten of his partisans. Reestablishment of
the power of the senate, whose number is made up by three hundred
knights. Sylla, after having caused his friend C. Octavius and his
enemy L. Cinna to be elected consuls, hastens back to Greece.
15. First war against Mithridates the Great. Sylla gains several
victories over that king's generals in Greece; wrests from him all his
conquests, and restricts him to his hereditary dominions. Rome since the
time of Hannibal had met with no such powerful opponent as the king of
Pontus, who in a few months had become master of all Asia Minor,
Macedonia, and Greece, and threatened even Italy itself; we must besides
consider, that the war on the side of Rome was carried on in a manner
altogether different from that of any previous one; as Sylla, after the
victory of the opposite party, being himself proscribed in Rome, was
obliged to continue it with his own army, and his own private resources.
The unfortunate countries which were the theatre of this war, felt as
many calamities during the struggle, as Italy was doomed to suffer after
its close.
Commencement of the war by Mithridates before the termination of that
of the allies, 89, by taking possession of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia.
He was not less formidable by his alliance with the tribes along the
Danube, and his navy, than by his land forces; and the irritation of
the people of Asia against Rome rendered his enterprise still more
easy. Double victory over Nicomedes king of Bithynia and the Roman
general M. Aquilius, followed by the conquest of all Asia Minor except
the isle of Rhodes. Massacre of all the Roman citizens in the states
of Asia Minor. Expedition of the king's army into Greece, under the
command of his general Archelaus, who makes Athens the theatre of the
war, 88. Siege and capture of that unfortunate town by Sylla, 1st
March, 87. Repeated great defeats of Mithridates's army under the
command of Archelaus, near Chalcis, and afterwards near Orchomenus, by
Sylla, 86, whose general plan was formed upon the entire destruction
of his enemies. Negotiations for peace commenced by Archelaus, and
finally settled at a personal conference between Sylla and
Mithridates. The adverse party in Rome, however, had in the mean time
sent a new army into Asia Minor, to act as well against Sylla as
against Mithridates, under the command of L. Valerius Flaccus, who,
however, is assassinated by his lieutenant Fimbria. The latter gains
some advantages over the king, but, being shut up by Sylla, kills
himself. Owing to the licentiousness of his army, which Sylla dared
not restrain; and the heavy contributions exacted by him in Asia Minor
after the peace, in order to carry on the war in Italy, 84; together
with the bodies of pirates formed out of the fleet disbanded by
Mithridates, these unfortunate countries were almost ruined; the
opulent cities more especially.
16. But during this war a new revolution took place in Rome, which not
only overthrew the order reestablished by Sylla, but also, by the
victory of the democratic faction under Cinna and Marius, gave rise to a
wild anarchy of the people, and which the death of Marius, alas, too
late for Rome! only rendered more destructive; as the leaders themselves
could no longer restrain the savage hordes of their own party. However
dreadful the prospect of the return of Sylla might seem, it was
nevertheless the only hope that remained for all those who had not
joined the popular faction, or had not some connection with its leaders.
Revolt of Cinna, brought on by the proscriptions, soon after the
departure of Sylla; Cinna, by distributing the new citizens into all
the tribes, hoped to raise himself a party; but C. Octavius, at the
head of the senate and ancient citizens, drove him from Rome, and
forced him to give up the consulship, 87. He however soon raised a
powerful army in Campania, and recalled Marius from exile. Capture and
pillage of Rome, already weakened by famine, and horrible massacre of
the inhabitants; after which Marius and Cinna name themselves consuls
and banish Sylla. Death of Marius, 13th Jan. 86. C. Papirius Carbo
succeeds him in the consulship. The mediation of the senate is
useless, as the chiefs of both parties can only hope for security by
the annihilation of their adversaries. The murder of Cinna by his own
soldiers, 84, entirely deprives the dominant faction of a competent
leader. Neither the cowardly Carbo, although he remained consul alone,
nor the stupid Norbanus, nor the youth C. Marius (the son), had
sufficient personal authority for that purpose; and Sertorius leaves
Italy in good time to kindle a new flame in Spain.
17. Return of Sylla to Italy, and a terrible civil war, which ends only
with the extermination of the democratic faction, and his own elevation
to the perpetual dictatorship. Although his enemies had so much
advantage over him in point of numbers, yet their party was so little
consolidated, that he with his veterans could not fail to obtain an easy
victory. The slaughter during this war fell for the most part upon the
Italian tribes, who had joined the party of Marius, and this afforded
Sylla the means of giving settlements to his own soldiers; but most of
the horrors of this revolution which fell to the share of Rome, were
reserved till the day of victory was past. Sylla's proscription, which
should only have punished his personal enemies, was the signal for a
general massacre, as every one took that opportunity to rid himself of
his private foes; and avarice did as much as vengeance. Who in these
days, so terrible to Italy, was sure of his life or property? And yet,
when we consider the dreadful circumstances which attended the foregoing
dominion of the people, deduct all that was done without Sylla's
knowledge, and consider how much he was obliged to do in order to
satisfy his army, we shall find it difficult to say how far he deserves
the reproach of wanton cruelty.
Sylla's arrival; victory over Norbanus immediately after, and
seduction of the army of the consul Scipio, 82. After this almost
every person of distinction declared in his favour, and the young
Pompey having brought to him an army which he had himself raised, his
party acquired more consideration, and himself more power. Victory
over the younger Marius, near Sacriportum, who throws himself into
Praeneste, where he is besieged. But the great and decisive battle
gained before the gates of Rome, over the Samnites under the command
of Telisinus, is followed by the fall of Praeneste and the capture of
Rome. After the proscription which immediately ensued, Sylla is
created perpetual dictator, and secures his power in Rome by the
emancipation of ten thousand slaves, whose masters he had proscribed;
and in Italy by colonies of his veterans, whom he establishes at the
expense of his enemies.
18. Great reform in the constitution during the two years' dictatorship
of Sylla. The aristocracy of the senate, which he filled up with
knights, was not only reestablished, but he also stopped the sources
from which the great disorders of the democracy had hitherto proceeded.
It seems probable that his natural indolence, which led him to prefer a
life of luxurious ease to one of laborious activity, when he was no
longer spurred to the latter by his passions, was the chief cause of his
voluntary abdication. He had, however, the great advantage over Marius,
of not being the sport of his own feelings. The conduct of Sylla,
indeed, was so consistent throughout, that it satisfactorily shows he
knew very well what was his ultimate aim--which Marius never did.
Internal regulations of Sylla by the _leges Corneliae_. 1. Law to
restrain the influence of the tribunes, by taking from them their
legislative power. 2. Law respecting the succession to the magistracy;
the number of praetors fixed to eight, and the quaestors to twenty. 3.
_Lex de majestate_, especially to limit the power of the governors of
provinces, and to abolish their exactions. 4. _Lex de judiciis_,
whereby the _judicia_ were again restored to the senate. 5. Several
police regulations, _de sicariis_, _de veneficiis_, etc. for the
preservation and tranquillity of Rome, upon which everything depended.
6. The _lex de civitate_, taking from the Latins and several Italian
cities and tribes the privileges of Roman citizens, upon which they
set so much store, although we scarcely know in what they consisted.
_Foreign wars_: War in Africa against the leaders of the democratic
faction, Cn. Domitius and king Hiarbas, which is ended by a triumph to
Pompey, 80. Second war against Mithridates begun by Murena, in hopes
of obtaining a triumph, to whom Archelaus came over; but which, under
the command of Sylla, terminates in an accommodation.
19. Nevertheless it was impossible that the enactments of Sylla should
be long observed; as the evil lay too deep to be eradicated by laws.
A free state like that of Rome, with no middle class, must, from its
nature, be exposed to continual convulsions, and these will be more or
less violent in proportion to its greatness. Besides, as in the last
revolution almost all property had changed hands, there was spread
over all Italy a powerful party, who desired nothing so much as a
counter-revolution. And to this we may add, that there were many young
men, such as Lucullus, Crassus, and above all Pompey, who had opened to
themselves a career during the late troubles, which they would scarcely
yet wish to bring to a close. It will not then appear strange, that
immediately after the death of Sylla (! 88), a consul, M. Aemilius
Lepidus, should form the design of becoming a second Marius; a design
which could only be frustrated by the courage and activity of such a
patriotic citizen as Q. Lutatius Catulus, his colleague.
Attempt of Lepidus to rescind the acts of Sylla, 78. Defeated, first
before Rome and again in Etruria, by Catulus and Pompey, 77, after
which he dies in Sardinia.
20. But much more dangerous for Rome might have been the civil war
kindled by Sertorius in Spain, if the plan of that exalted republican to
invade Italy had succeeded. Even Pompey himself, after a six years'
struggle, would hardly have prevented it, had it not been for the
worthlessness of the Roman vagabonds who surrounded him, and his
assassination by Perpenna. The rapid termination of the war after the
fall of its conductor, is a circumstance much more creditable to
Sertorius than to the conqueror Pompey.
The forces of Sertorius in Spain, consisted not only of the party of
Marius which he had collected, but more essentially of the Spaniards,
particularly the Lusitanians, whom he had inspired with an unbounded
confidence in himself. Very variable success of the war against
Metellus and Pompey, who receive but very little support from Rome,
77-75. Negotiation of Sertorius with Mithridates the Great, and
interchange of embassies without any important result, 75. Sertorius
assassinated by Perpenna, 72.
21. Before, however, the flame of war was totally extinguished in the
west, Mithridates kindled a new and much fiercer one in the east; at the
same time a war of slaves and gladiators was raging with terrible fury
in Italy itself; and whole fleets of pirates not only ravaged the
Italian coasts, but threatened Rome herself with a famine, and obliged
her to have recourse to a mode of naval warfare altogether peculiar. All
these enemies were not without intelligence with one another; and
colossal as was the power of the republic at that time, and rich as Rome
was in distinguished men, it seems probable that the storm which beat on
every side between 75-71, would have razed her to the ground, if a
stricter alliance could have been formed between Sertorius, Spartacus,
and Mithridates. But the great difficulty of communication which at that
time existed, and without which probably a republic such as the Roman
never could have been formed, proved of more assistance at this crisis
than at any other.
The third Mithridatic war, occasioned by the will of Nicomedes king of
Bithynia, who had bequeathed his kingdom to Rome (see above, p. 294),
was carried on in Asia Minor, first by Lucullus, 74-67, and afterwards
by Pompey, 66-64. Mithridates, being better prepared, had already
concluded an alliance with Sertorius in Spain, 75. But the deliverance
of Cyzicus by Lucullus, 73, and the defeat of the king's fleet,
intended to act against Italy, not only frustrated all his original
plans, but were followed by the occupation of his own dominions, 72
and 71, by the enemy, notwithstanding a new army which Mithridates
collected, mostly from the nomad hordes of Northern Asia. Flight of
Mithridates to Tigranes, 71, who positively refused to deliver him up,
and formed an alliance with him, 70; while the Parthian, Arsaces XII.
held both parties in suspense by negotiations. Victory of Lucullus
over the allied sovereigns, near Tigranocerta, 69, and Artaxata, 68;
but the mutinies which now broke out among his troops not only
hindered him from following up these advantages, but turned the scale
so much in Mithridates's favour, that in 68 and 67 he quickly regained
almost all his dominions, even while the Roman commissioners were on
their route to take possession of them. Lucullus, by his reform in the
finances of Asia Minor, raises a powerful party against himself in
Rome, and thereby loses his command.
22. The war of the slaves and gladiators, which happened nearly at the
same time, was, from the theatre of action being in its neighbourhood,
equally dangerous to Rome; it became still more terrible from the
violence with which these outraged beings sought to revenge their
wrongs, and more formidable from the talents of their leader, Spartacus;
and the conclusion of this struggle seemed, therefore, of so much
importance to Rome, that it gave M. Crassus a much higher influence in
the state than he could ever have obtained by his riches alone.
Commencement of this war by a number of runaway gladiators, who, being
strengthened by an almost general revolt of the slaves in Campania,
73, soon became very formidable. The defeat of four generals, one
after the other, throws open to Spartacus the road to the Alps, and
enables him to leave Italy; but the greediness of booty manifested by
his hordes, who wished to plunder Rome, obliged him to return. Crassus
takes the command and rescues Rome, 72; upon which Spartacus retires
into Lower Italy, hoping to form a junction with the pirates, and to
carry the war into Sicily, but is deceived by them, 71. His complete
overthrow near the Silarus, 71. Pompey, then returning from Spain,
finds means to seize a sprig of the laurel chaplet which by right
should have adorned only the brow of Crassus; hence arises a
misunderstanding between these two commanders, during their consulate,
70, which threatened to be dangerous to the state.
23. The war against the pirates of Sicily and Isauria was not only very
important in itself, but still more so in its consequences. It procured
for Pompey a legal power such as no Roman general had ever before
enjoyed; and the quick and glorious manner in which he brought it to a
close, opened for him the way to the great object of his ambition--the
conduct of the war in Asia against Mithridates.
The extraordinary power acquired by these pirates was owing partly to
the great negligence of the Romans in sea affairs, (see page 340),
partly to the war against Mithridates, who had taken the pirates into
his pay, and partly also to the Roman oppressions in Asia Minor. War
had been undertaken against them as early as 75, by P. Servilius; but
his victories, though they procured him the title of _Isauricus_, did
them but little harm. They were to be dreaded, not only for their
piracies, but because they also offered an easy means of communication
between the other enemies of Rome from Spain to Asia. The new attack
of the praetor M. Antonius upon Crete, proved a complete failure; but
it was the cause of that hitherto independent island being again
attacked, 68, by Metellus, and reduced to a Roman province, 67. Pompey
takes the command against the pirates with extraordinary privileges,
obtained for him by Gabinius, and finishes the war in forty days, 67.
24. After these triumphs over so many enemies, Mithridates was the only
one which now remained; and Pompey had here again the good fortune to
conclude a struggle already near its end; for notwithstanding his late
success, Mithridates had never been able completely to recover himself.
His fall undoubtedly raised the power of Rome in Asia Minor to its
highest pitch; but it brought her, at the same time, into contact with
the Parthians.
Pompey obtains the conduct of the war against Mithridates with very
extensive privileges, procured for him by the tribune Manilius (_lex
Manilia_), notwithstanding the opposition of Catulus, 67. His victory
by night, near the Euphrates, 66. Subjection of Tigranes, while
Mithridates flies into the Crimea, 65, whence he endeavours to renew
the war. Campaign of Pompey in the countries about the Caucasus, 65;
he marches thence into Syria, 64. Mithridates kills himself in
consequence of the defection of his son Phraates, 63. Settlement of
Asiatic affairs by Pompey: besides the ancient province of Asia, the
maritime countries of Bithynia, nearly all Paphlagonia and Pontus, are
formed into a Roman province, under the name of Bithynia; while on the
southern coast Cilicia and Pamphylia form another under the name of
Cilicia; Phoenicia and Syria compose a third, under the name of Syria.
On the other hand, Great Armenia is left to Tigranes; Cappadocia to
Ariobarzanes; the Bosphorus to Pharnaces; Judaea to Hyrcanus (see page
310); and some other small states are also given to petty princes, all
of whom remain dependent on Rome. The tribes inhabiting Thrace during
the Mithridatic war, were first defeated by Sylla, 85, and their power
was afterwards nearly destroyed by the proconsuls of Macedonia: as by
Appius, in 77; by Curio, who drove them to the Danube, 75-73; and
especially by M. Lucullus, while his brother was engaged in Asia. Not
only the security of Macedonia, but the daring plans of Mithridates
rendered this necessary.
25. The fall of Mithridates raised the republic to the highest pitch of
her power: there was no longer any foreign foe of whom she could be
afraid. But her internal administration had undergone great changes
during these wars. Sylla's aristocratic constitution was shaken by
Pompey, in a most essential point, by the reestablishment of the power
of the tribunes, which was done because neither he nor any leading men
could obtain their ends without their assistance. It was by their means
that Pompey had procured such unlimited power in his two late
expeditions, that the existence of the republic was thereby endangered.
It was, however, a fortunate circumstance for Rome, that Pompey's vanity
was sufficiently gratified by his being at the head of affairs, where he
avoided the appearance of an oppressor.
Reiterated attempts of the tribune Sicinius to annul the constitution
of Sylla defeated by the senate, 76. But as early as 75 Opimius
obtained that the tribunes should not be excluded from honourable
offices, and that the judgments (_judicia_) should be restored to the
knights (_equites_). The attempts of Licinius Macer, 72, to restore
the tribunes to all their former powers, encountered but a short
opposition; and their complete reestablishment was effected by Pompey
and Crassus during their consulate, in 70.
26. This victory of the democratic faction, however, in consequence of
the use made of it by some leading men, necessarily led the way to an
oligarchy, which after the consulate of Pompey and Crassus became very
oppressive. Catiline's conspiracy, which was not matured till after
several attempts, would have broken up this confined aristocracy, and
placed the helm of state in the hands of another and still more
dangerous faction: a faction composed in part of needy profligates and
criminals dreading the punishment of their crimes, and partly of
ambitious nobles. It occasioned a short civil war; but procured Cicero a
place in the administration. With what pleasure do we forgive the little
weaknesses and failings of one so gifted with talents and great virtues!
of one who first taught Rome, in so many ways, what it was to be great
in the robe of peace!
Catiline's first conspiracy, in which Caesar and Crassus seem to have
been implicated, 66, as well as in the second, 65: failure of the
former by chance--of the latter through Piso's death. The third broke
out in 64, as well in Rome, where the conspirators, having no armed
force, were soon suppressed by the vigilance and activity of Cicero,
63, as in Etruria, where a victory of the proconsul Antonius over
Catiline, who was left dead on the field, concluded it, 62.
27. The suppression of this conspiracy, however, did not stay the effect
which the recently concluded Asiatic war had upon Roman manners. The
luxury of the east, though united with Grecian taste, which had been
introduced among the great by Lucullus; the immense riches poured into
the treasury by Pompey; the tempting examples of unlimited power, which
single citizens had already exercised; the purchase of the magistracy by
individuals, in order, like Verres, after the squandering of millions,
to enrich themselves again in the provinces; the demands of the soldiers
upon their generals; and the ease with which an army might be raised by
him who had only money enough to pay it; all these circumstances must
have foreboded new and approaching convulsions, even if the preceding
storms in this colossal republic, in which we must now judge of virtues
and vices, as well as of riches and power, by a very magnified standard,
had not formed men of that gigantic character they did:--men like Cato,
who struggled alone to stem the impetuous torrent of the revolution, and
was sufficiently powerful to retard its progress for a time; or, like
Pompey, who by good fortune and the art of acquiring influence, arose
to a degree of authority and power never before attained by any citizen
of a free state; or, like Crassus, "who only considered him as rich that
could maintain an army by his own private means," founding their
pretensions on wealth; or, finally, like the aspiring and now powerful
Caesar, whose boundless ambition could only be surpassed by his talents,
and courage, "who would rather be the first in a village than the second
in Rome." The return of Pompey from Asia, threatening the senate with a
new dictator, appeared an eventful moment.
Attempt of Pompey, through the tribune Metellus Nepos, to be allowed
to return to Rome at the head of his army, frustrated by the firmness
of Cato, 62.
28. The arrival of Pompey in Rome renewed the struggle between the
senate and that powerful general, although he had disbanded his army on
landing in Italy. The ratification of his management of affairs in Asia,
which was the chief point of contention, was opposed by the leading men
of the senate, Cato, the two Metelli, and Lucullus, which induced Pompey
to attach himself entirely to the popular party, by whose means he hoped
to obtain his end; Caesar's return, however, from his province of
Lusitania, entirely changed the face of affairs.
29. Close union between Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus; that is, a secret
alliance, formed by the interposition of Caesar. That which formed the
height of the ambition of Pompey and Crassus was only regarded by Caesar
as the means by which he might be able to effect his. His consulate--a
kind of dictatorship under the mask of great popularity--necessarily
paved the way to his future career, as by giving him the government of
the two Gauls and Illyria for five years, it opened a wide field for
conquest, and gave him an opportunity of forming an army devoted to his
will.
Caesar's abode and campaign in Gaul from the spring of 58 till the end
of the year 50. By arresting the emigration of the Helvetians, and by
the expulsion of the Germans, under Ariovistus, from Gaul, 58, Caesar
gained an opportunity of intermeddling in the internal affairs of that
country, and afterwards of subduing it, which was completed by his
victory over the Belgae, 57, and the Aquitani, 56; so that Caesar was at
liberty to undertake his several expeditions, as well in Britain, 55
and 54, as in Germany, 54 and 53. But the repeated revolts of the
Gauls, 53-51, especially under Vercingetorix, 52, occasioned a war no
less obstinate than their first conquest. Roman policy continued the
same throughout. The Gauls were subdued, by the Romans appearing as
_their deliverers_; and in the country they found allies in the Aedui,
Allobroges, etc.
30. The triumvirate, in order to establish their power upon a solid
foundation, took care, by the management of the tribune Clodius, to get
rid of the leaders of the senate, Cato and Cicero, before the departure
of Caesar; and this they did by giving the former a kingdom to govern,
and by procuring the banishment of the latter. They must however soon
have discovered, that so bold a demagogue as Clodius could not be used
as a mere machine. And, indeed, after Caesar's departure he raised
himself so much above the triumvirs, that Pompey was soon obliged, for
his own preservation, to permit Cicero to return from exile, which could
only be effected by the most violent efforts of the tribune Milo. The
power of Clodius, however, was but little injured thereby, although
Pompey, to put a stop to the source of these disorders, and revive his
own popularity, procured the nomination of himself as _praefectus
annonae_, or superintendent of provisions.
Exile of Cicero, the greater part of which he spent in Macedonia, from
April, 58, till 4th Sept. 57. Ptolemy king of Cyprus deposed, and that
island reduced to a Roman province by Cato, on the proposition of
Clodius, 57 (see page 264). The personal dislike of Clodius and the
riches of the king were the causes that brought upon him this
misfortune.
MIDDLETON'S _Life of Cicero_, 2 vols. 8vo. This work is almost a
complete history of Rome during the age of Cicero; for whom the writer
discovers an undue partiality.
# M. TULLIUS CICERO, _all his Letters translated, in chronological
order, and illustrated with notes_, by C. M. WIELAND. Zurich, 1808.
With a preliminary view of the life of Cicero. Of all Germans the
writings of Wieland, whether original or translations (and to which
can we give the preference?) afford the most lively insight into
Greek and Roman antiquity at various periods. What writer has so
truly seized its spirit, and placed it so faithfully and elegantly
before his readers? His labours on the Letters of Cicero (whose
foibles he exposes with a rigorous and unflinching hand) serve to
make us much better acquainted with Rome, as it then was, than any
Roman history.
31. A jealousy arises between the triumvirate, as Caesar, though absent,
still found means to keep up his party at Rome in such watchful
activity, that Pompey and Crassus considered it impossible to maintain
their own influence, except by procuring such concessions as had been
made to him. Harmony once more restored by an accommodation at Lucca, as
the parties found it necessary to preserve a good understanding with
each other.
The terms of this accommodation were; that Caesar should have his
government prolonged for another five years; and that Pompey and
Crassus should enjoy the consulship for the ensuing year, the former
receiving the provinces of Spain and Africa; and the latter that of
Syria, for the purpose of carrying on a war against the Parthians. In
proportion as these conditions were kept secret, there remained less
secrecy respecting the alliance itself.
32. Second consulate of Pompey and Crassus. It was only amidst violent
storms that they could effect their purposes; as it depended upon which
faction should first gain or keep possession of the forum. The
resistance they met with from the inflexible disposition of Cato, who in
his austere virtue alone found means to secure himself a powerful party,
shows how unfairly those judge who consider the power of the triumvirate
as unlimited, and the nation as entirely corrupted.
Campaign of Crassus against the Parthians, undertaken at his own
expense, 54. Instead, however, of gathering laurels like Caesar, he and
his whole army were completely overthrown in Mesopotamia, 53; and the
Parthians from this time maintain a powerful preponderance in Asia
(see above, p. 302).
33. As the triumvirate by this failure of Crassus was reduced to a
duumvirate, Pompey (who remained in Rome, and governed his provinces by
lieutenants), in the midst of continual domestic broils, which he
cunningly took care to foment, was evidently aiming to become the
acknowledged head of the senate and republic. The idea that a dictator
was necessary prevailed more and more during an anarchy of eight months,
in which no appointment of a consul could take place; and
notwithstanding the opposition of Cato, Pompey succeeded, after a
violent commotion, in which Clodius was murdered by Milo, in getting
himself nominated sole consul; a power equal to that of dictator.
Consulate of Pompey, 52, in which, at the end of seven months, he took
as colleague his father-in-law Metellus Scipio. The government of his
provinces, which afterwards became the chief seat of the republicans,
is prolonged for five years.
34. From this time civil war became inevitable; for not only the chiefs
of the parties, but also their adherents desired it. The approach of the
time when Caesar's command would expire, necessarily hastened the crisis.
Could it be supposed that the conqueror of Gaul would return to a
private life, and leave his rival at the head of the republic? The steps
taken on both sides towards an accommodation were only made to escape
the odium which would attach to him who struck the first blow. But
Pompey unfortunately could never understand his opponent, who did all
himself, all completely, and all alone. The brilliant light in which
Pompey now appeared, as _defender of the republic_, delighted him so
much, that it made him forget what belonged to its defence; while Caesar
avoided, with the greatest care, every appearance of usurpation. The
friend, the protector of the people against the usurpations of their
enemies, was the character which he now chose to assume.
Commencement of the contest upon Caesar's demand to be allowed to hold
the consulship while absent, 52. Caesar, by the most lavish corruption,
had increased his adherents in Rome, gained the tribunes, and among
them especially the powerful speaker C. Curio (whom he did not think
too dearly purchased at the price of about half a million sterling);
by this man it was suggested to Caesar that he should give up his
command, and leave a successor to be appointed in his place, 51, if
Pompey would do the same: a proposition which created a prejudice much
in his favour. Repeated, but insincere offers of both parties for an
accommodation, 50, till at last a decree of the senate was passed,
Jan. 7, 49, by which Caesar was commanded "to disband his army under
the penalty of being declared an enemy to the republic," without
regard to the intercessions of the tribunes, whose flight to him gave
an appearance of popularity to his party. Caesar crosses the Rubicon,
the boundary of his province.
35. The civil war now about to break out, seemed likely to spread over
nearly all the countries of the Roman empire; as Pompey, finding it
impossible to maintain himself in Italy, had chosen Greece for the
principal theatre of the war; while his lieutenants, with the armies
under their command, occupied Spain and Africa. Caesar, by the able
disposition of his legions, was everywhere present, without exciting
beforehand any suspicion of his movements. A combination of
circumstances, however, carried the war into Alexandria, and even as far
as Pontus; indeed it might be called rather a series of six successive
wars than merely one, all of which Caesar, by flying with his legions
from one quarter of the world to the other, ended, within five years,
victoriously and in person.
Rapid occupation of Italy in sixty days (when the troops under
Domitius surrendered at Corfinus), which, as well as Sicily and
Sardinia, were subdued by Caesar almost without opposition; Pompey,
with his troops and adherents, having crossed over to Greece. Caesar's
first campaign in Spain against Pompey's generals, Afranius and
Petreius, whom he forces to surrender; this, however, is
counterbalanced by the loss of the legions under Curio in Africa. In
December, 49, however, Caesar is again in Italy, and named dictator,
which he exchanges for the consulate. Spirited expedition into Greece
with the ships he had been previously collecting together, Jan. 4, 49.
Unfortunate engagement at Dyrrachium. Removal of the war into
Thessaly, and decisive battle of Pharsalia, July 20, 48, after which
Pompey flies to Alexandria, where he is killed on his landing. Caesar
arrives three days after him at Alexandria.
36. Caesar, after the victory of Pharsalia, again nominated dictator,
with great privileges. The death of Pompey, however, does not destroy
his party; and the six months' war of Alexandria, as well as the
expedition into Pontus against Pharnaces, gave them time to rally their
forces both in Africa under Cato, and in Spain under the sons of Pompey.
During the Alexandrine war (see above, p. 266) and the expedition
against Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates,--who had obtained the
kingdom of his father, but was slain by Caesar immediately after his
arrival, 47,--great disorders had broken out in Rome, caused by the
tribune Dolabella's flattering the people with the abolition of debts
(_novae tabulae_), notwithstanding the military power of M. Antony, whom
Caesar had sent to Rome as master of the horse (_magister equitum_), as
this abandoned sensualist at first actually favoured the projects of
the tribune. Caesar's return to Rome, December, 47, put an end, it is
true, to these disorders; but the increase of the opposite party in
Africa, and an insurrection among his soldiers, obliged him to set out
for Africa immediately, January, 46. Victory near Thapsus over Scipio
and Juba; after which Cato kills himself at Utica. Numidia, the
kingdom of Juba, becomes a Roman province. Caesar after his return to
Rome in June, is only able to stay there four months, as, before the
end of the year, he is obliged to set out for Spain to crush the
dangerous efforts of Pompey's two sons. Bloody battle at Munda, March,
45, after which Cneius is killed, but Sextus escapes to the
Celtiberians.
37. Nothing seems more evident than that Caesar did not, like Sylla,
overthrow the republic for the purpose of reestablishing it; and it is
perhaps impossible to say what could be the final views of a childless
usurper, who throughout his whole career, seemed only to be guided by an
inordinate ambition, springing from a consciousness of superior powers,
and to satisfy which, no means seemed to him difficult or unlawful. The
period of his dictatorship was so short, and so much interrupted by
war, that his ultimate plans had not time for their development. He
endeavoured to establish his dominion by popular measures; and although
his army must still have been his main support, yet no proscription was
granted to satisfy it. The reestablishment of order in the distracted
country of Italy, and particularly in the capital, was his first care;
and he proposed to follow that by an expedition against the powerful
Parthian empire. His attempts, however, to obtain the diadem, seemed to
place it beyond a doubt that he wished to introduce a formal monarchy.
But the destruction of the form of the republic was shown to be more
dangerous than the overthrow of the republic itself.
The following were the honours and privileges granted to Caesar by the
senate. After the battle of Pharsalia, 48, he was nominated dictator
for one year and consul for five years; and obtained the _potestas
tribunicia_, as well as the right of making war and peace, the
exclusive right of the committees, with the exception of the tribunes,
and the possession of the provinces. The dictatorship was renewed to
him, 47, for ten years, as well as the _praefectura morum_, and was at
last, 145, conferred upon him for ever, with the title of _imperator_.
Although Caesar thus became absolute master of the republic, it appears
to have been done without laying aside the republican forms.
38. Conspiracy against Caesar, formed by Brutus and Cassius, and
terminating in the death of Caesar. Men so exalted as were the chiefs of
this plot, easily understand one another; and it was quite in accordance
with their character not to meditate upon the consequences of their
deed. Caesar's death was a great misfortune for Rome. Experience soon
showed that the republic could not be reestablished thereby; and his
life might probably have spared the state some of those calamities which
now, by its change to a monarchy, became unavoidable.
We still want a discriminating life of Caesar, who in modern times has
been as extravagantly praised as Alexander has been unjustly censured.
As generals and conquerors, both were equally great--and little; as a
man, however, the Macedonian, in the brilliant period of his life, to
which Caesar never attained, was superior; to the great political ideas
which developed themselves in Alexander, we know of none corresponding
in Caesar; who knew better than any how to attain dominion, but little
of preserving it.
_Histoire de la Vie de Jules Caesar_, _par_ M. DE BURY, Paris, 1758, 2
vols. 8vo.
# _Life of C. Julius Caesar_, _by_ A. G. MEISSNER, _continued by_
J. Ch. L. Haken, 1811, 4 parts. At present the best.
_Caius Julius Caesar, from original sources_, _by_ PROFESSOR SOELTL. A
short biography, judiciously executed.
39. Notwithstanding the amnesty at first declared, the funeral obsequies
of Caesar soon showed, that peace was of all things the least desired by
his generals, M. Antony and M. Lepidus, now become the head of his
party; and the arrival of Caesar's nephew, C. Octavius (afterwards Caesar
Octavianus), whom he had adopted in his will, rendered affairs still
more complicated, as every one strove for himself; Antony's particular
object being to raise himself into Caesar's place. However earnestly they
sought to gain the people, it was in fact the legions who decided, and
the command of them depended, for the most part, upon the possession of
the provinces. We cannot therefore wonder, that while they sought to
revenge the murder of Caesar, this became the chief cause of the
struggle, and in a few months led to a civil war.
At the time of Caesar's death, M. Antonius was actual consul, and
Dolabella consul-elect; M. Lepidus _magister equitum_ (master of the
horse); M. Brutus and Cassius, praetors (the first, _praetor urbanus_).
Caesar had given to the former the province of Macedonia, and to the
latter that of Syria, which had been confirmed to them by the senate.
M. Lepidus had been nominated to Transalpine, and D. Brutus to
Cisalpine Gaul. But soon after the murder of Caesar, Antony obtained,
by a decree of the people, Macedonia for himself, and Syria for his
colleague Dolabella, with whom he had formed a close connection;
instead of which the senate decreed to Cassius Cyrene, and to Brutus,
who now had the important charge of supplying Rome with provisions,
Crete. But soon after (June 1, 44), Antony desired, by a new change,
to obtain Cisalpine Gaul for himself, and Macedonia for his brother C.
Antony, both of which he procured from the people.
40. As M. Antony sought by force to establish himself in Cisalpine Gaul,
and D. Brutus refused to give it up to him, and retired into Mutina, a
short, indeed, but very bloody civil war arose, (_bellum mutinense_.)
The eloquence of Cicero had caused Antony to be declared an enemy of the
republic; and the two new consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, together with
Caesar Octavianus, were sent against him. The defeat of Antony compelled
him to seek refuge beyond the Alps with Lepidus; but the two consuls
being slain, Octavianus at the head of his legions was too importunate
to be refused the consulship, and soon convinced the defenceless senate,
how impossible it was to reestablish the commonwealth by their powerless
decrees. The employment, moreover, of the _magistratus suffecti_, which
soon after arose, was in itself a sufficient proof that it was now no
more than the shadow of what it had formerly been.
The Mutine war begins in December, 44, and closes with the defeat of
Antony at Mutina, April 14, 43. Octavius obtains the consulate, Sept.
22.
41. Octavianus, deserting the party of the senate, enters into a secret
negotiation with Antony and Lepidus; the consequence of which is a
meeting of the parties at Bononia, and the formation of a new
triumvirate. They declare themselves the chiefs of the republic for five
years, under the title of _triumviri reipublicae constituendae_; and
dividing the provinces among themselves according to their own pleasure,
they make the destruction of the republican party their principal
object. A new proscription in Rome itself, and a declaration of war
against the murderers of Caesar, were the means by which they proposed to
effect it.
The agreement of the triumvirate was concluded Nov. 27, 43, after
which the march of the triumvirs upon Rome gives the signal for the
massacre of the proscribed, which soon extends all over Italy, and in
which Cicero perishes, Dec. 7. The cause of this new proscription was
not party hatred alone, but was as much, perhaps more, owing on the
one hand to the want of money for carrying on the war they had
undertaken, and on the other to a desire of satisfying the turbulent
demands of the legions. Where is to be found a time so full of terror
as this, when even tears were forbidden?
42. The civil war, now on the eve of breaking out, may be considered
therefore as a war between the oligarchy and the defenders of the
republic. The Roman world was, as it were, divided between the two; and
although the former had possession of Italy, and the western provinces,
that advantage seemed counterbalanced to the chiefs of the opposite
party by the possession of the eastern countries, and the naval power of
Sextus Pompey, which seemed to assure them the dominion of the sea.
M. Brutus had taken possession of his province of Macedonia as early
as the autumn of 44; while Cassius, on the contrary, had to contend
for that of Syria with Dolabella, who by the murder of the proconsul
Trebonius had possessed himself of Asia. Being, however, for this
offence, declared an enemy by the senate, and shut up in Laodicea by
Cassius, he killed himself, June 5, 43. From this time Brutus and
Cassius were masters of all the eastern provinces, at whose expense
they maintained their troops, though not without much oppression. S.
Pompey, after the victory of Munda, 45, having secreted himself in
Spain, and afterwards become a chief of freebooters, had grown very
powerful; when the senate, after Caesar's assassination, having made
him commander of the sea-forces, he with them took possession of
Spain, and, after the conclusion of the triumvirate, of Sicily, and
then, very soon after, of Sardinia and Corsica. It was a great thing
for the triumvirate, that C. Pompey did not know how to reap half the
profit he might have done from his power and good fortune.
43. Macedonia became the theatre of the new civil war, and together with
the goodness of their cause, superior talents, and greater power both by
land and sea, seemed combined to ensure the victory to Brutus and
Cassius. But in the decisive battle at Philippi, fortune played one of
her most capricious tricks, and with the two chiefs fell the last
supporters of the republic.
Double battle at Philippi towards the close of the year 42; voluntary
death of Cassius after the first, and of Brutus after the second
engagement.
PLUTARCHI _Vita Bruti_; from the narratives of eyewitnesses.
44. The history of the eleven years intervening between the battle of
Philippi and that of Actium, is little more than an account of the
quarrels of the oligarchy among themselves. The most subtle was, in the
end, victorious; for M. Antony possessed all the sensuality of Caesar,
without his genius: and the insignificant Lepidus soon fell a sacrifice
to his own vanity and weakness. While Antony went into Asia to arrange
the affairs of the eastern provinces, and from thence with Cleopatra to
Alexandria, Octavianus returned to Rome. But the famine which then
reigned in that city through Pompey's blockade of the seacoast; the
misery spread throughout Italy by the wresting of patrimonial lands from
the proprietors to distribute among the veterans; and the insatiable
covetousness of the latter rendered his situation as dangerous now as it
had been before the war. Besides all this, the hatred of the enraged
consort of Antony, who had entered into an alliance with her
brother-in-law, the consul L. Antony, brought on, towards the end of the
year, a civil war, which ended with the surrender and burning of
Perusium, in which L. Antony had shut himself up, and which was already
much weakened by famine.
The _bellum Perusinum_ lasted from the end of the year 41 till April,
40.
45. This war, however, had nearly led to one still greater; for M.
Antony, as the enemy of Octavianus, had come to Italy in order to assist
his brother, and with the intention of forming an alliance with S.
Pompey against the former. But fortunately for the world, not only was
harmony restored between the triumvirs, but on account of the great
famine which prevailed at Rome, a peace was also concluded with Pompey,
although it lasted but a very short time.
The principal object of the peace between the triumvirs was a new
division of the provinces, by which the city of Scodra in Illyria was
fixed upon as the boundary. Antony obtained all the eastern provinces;
Octavianus all the western; and Lepidus Africa. Italy remained in
common to them all. The marriage of Antony with Octavia, Fulvia being
dead, was intended to cement this agreement. In the peace concluded
with S. Pompey at Misenum, he obtained the islands of Sicily,
Sardinia, and Corsica, and the promise of Achaia.
46. Pompey, however, was not long in finding that an alliance between
him and the triumvirs would only end in his own destruction; and the war
which he soon commenced, and which Octavianus could not bring to a close
but with the assistance of Agrippa, was of so much the more importance,
as it not only decided the fate of Pompey, but by leading to
dissensions, and the expulsion of Lepidus, reduced the triumvirate to a
duumvirate.
After a doubtful engagement at sea, 38, and the formation of a new
fleet, Pompey was attacked on all sides at the same time; Lepidus
coming from Africa, and Antony sending also some ships. Final
overthrow of Pompey, who flies to Asia and there perishes.--Lepidus
wishing to take possession of Sicily, Octavianus gains over his
troops, and obliges him to retire from the triumvirate.
47. The foreign wars in which Octavianus as well as Antony were engaged
in the following years, prevented for some time their mutual jealousy
from coming to an open rupture. Octavianus, to tame his unruly legions,
employed them with some success against the nations of Dalmatia and
Pannonia; whilst Antony undertook an expedition against the powerful
Parthians and their neighbours. But in offending Rome by his conduct in
these wars, he only armed his opponent against himself; and his formal
separation from Octavia, loosened the only tie which had hitherto held
together the two masters of the world.
After his first stay in Alexandria, 41, Antony returned to Italy, 40,
and then, having made peace with Octavianus, he carried his new wife
Octavia with him into Greece, where he remained till the year 37.
Although his lieutenant Ventidius had fought with success against the
Parthians, who had invaded Syria (see above, p. 302.), Antony
determined to undertake an expedition against them himself, 36. But
although in alliance with Artavasdes king of Armenia (whom he soon
after accused of treachery), in seeking to effect an entrance into
Parthia, by passing through Armenia and Media, a different route from
that taken by Crassus, he was very nearly meeting with the same fate,
and the expedition completely failed. He then revenged himself upon
Artavasdes, who fell into his hands in a fresh expedition which he
made, 34, and deprived him of his kingdom. After his triumphal
entrance into Alexandria, he made a grant of this as well as other
countries to Cleopatra and her children. (See above, p. 267.) In 33,
he intended to renew his expedition against the Parthians, in alliance
with the king of Media; but having, at the instigation of Cleopatra,
ordered Octavia to return home, when she had already come as far as
Athens on her way to meet him, Octavianus and Antony reciprocally
accused each other before the senate, and war was declared at Rome,
though only against Cleopatra.
48. Greece became again the theatre of war; and although the forces of
Antony were most considerable, yet Octavianus had the advantage of
having, at least in appearance, the better cause. The naval victory of
Actium decided for Octavianus, who could scarcely believe it, till he
found that Antony had forsaken his fleet and army, the latter of which
surrendered without striking a blow. The capture of Egypt followed, (see
above, p. 267.) and that country was reduced to a Roman province; the
death of Antony and Cleopatra ended the war, and left Octavianus
absolute master of the republic.
The history of the last days of Antony, principally after his decline,
having been written under the rule of his enemies, must be received
with that mistrust which all such histories require. It has furnished
abundant matter for the retailers of anecdote. The history of
Cleopatra rests partly on the accounts of her physician Olympus, of
which Plutarch made use.
FOURTH PERIOD.
HISTORY OF THE ROMAN STATE AS A MONARCHY TO THE OVERTHROW OF THE
WESTERN EMPIRE. B. C. 30.-A. C. 476.
_Geographical outline. View of the Roman empire and provinces, and other
countries connected with it by war or commerce._
The ordinary boundaries of the Roman empire, which, however, it
sometimes exceeded, were in Europe the two great rivers of the Rhine and
Danube; in Asia, the Euphrates and the sandy desert of Syria; in Africa
likewise, the sandy regions. It thus included the fairest portions of
the earth, surrounding the Mediterranean sea.
EUROPEAN COUNTRIES: I. Spain (Hispania). Boundaries: on the east the
Pyrenees, on the south, north, and west, the sea. Principal rivers: the
Minius (Minho), Durius (Douro), Tagus (Tejo), Anas (Guadiana), Baetis
(Guadalquiver), which flow into the Atlantic; and the Iberus (Ebro),
which falls into the Mediterranean. Mountains: besides the Pyrenees, the
Idubeda along the Iberus, Orospeda (Sierra Morena). Divided into three
provinces. 1. Lusitania: northern boundary the Durius, southern, the
Anas. Principal tribes: Lusitani, Turdetani. Principal town: Augusta
Emerita. 2. Baetica: boundaries on the north and west the Anas, on the
east the mountains of Orospeda. Principal tribes: Turduli, Bastuli.
Principal towns: Corduba (Cordova), Hispalis (Seville), Gades (Cadiz),
Munda. 3. Tarraconensis, all the remainder of Spain. Principal tribes:
Callaeci, Astures, Cantabri, Vascones, in the north; Celtiberi,
Carpetani, Ilergetes, in the interior; Indigetes, Cosetani, etc. on the
Mediterranean. Chief towns: Tarraco (Tarragona), Cartago Nova
(Carthagena), Toletum (Toledo), Ilerda (Lerida); Saguntum and Numantia
(Soria) were already destroyed. The Balearic isles, Major (Majorca), and
Minor (Minorca), were considered as belonging to Spain.
II. Transalpine Gaul. Boundaries: on the west the Pyrenees; on the east
the Rhine, and a line drawn from its source to the little river Varus,
together with that river itself; on the north and south the sea.
Principal rivers: the Garumna (Garonne), Liger (Loire), Sequana
(Seine), and Scaldis (Scheldt), which empty themselves into the ocean;
the Rhodanus (Rhone), which is increased by the Arar (Saone), and falls
into the Mediterranean; and the Mosella (Moselle) and Mosa (Meuse),
which flow into the Rhine. Mountains: besides the Alps, the Jura,
Vogesus (Vosge), and Cebenna (Cevennes). Divided into four provinces. 1.
Gallia Narbonensis, or Braccata. Boundaries: on the west the Pyrenees,
on the east the Varus, on the north the Cevennian mountains. Principal
tribes: Allobroges, Volcae, Calyes. Principal towns: Narbo (Narbonne),
Tolosa (Toulouse), Nemausus (Nimes), Massilia (Marseilles), Vienna. 2.
Gallia Lugdunensis, or Celtica. Boundaries: to the south and west the
Liger (Loire), to the north the Sequana, to the east the Arar. Principal
tribes: Aedui, Lingones, Parisii, Cenomani, etc. all of Celtic origin.
Principal towns: Lugdunum (Lyons), Lutetia Parisiorum (Paris), Alesia
(Alise). 3. Gallia Aquitanica. Boundaries: the Pyrenees on the south,
the Liger on the north and east. Principal tribes: Aquitani (of Iberian
origin), Pictones, Averni, etc. of Celtic descent. Principal towns:
Climberis, Burdegala (Bourdeaux). 4. Gallia Belgica. Boundaries: on the
north and east the Rhine, on the west the Arar, on the south the
Rhodanus as far as Lugdunum, so that it comprised at first the countries
bordering on the Rhine and Helvetia. The latter, however, were
afterwards separated from it under the names of Germania Inferior and
Superior. Principal tribes: Nervii, Bellovaci, etc. in the north, of
Belgic origin; Treviri, Ubii, of German origin; Sequani, Helvetii, in
the interior, of Celtic origin. Principal towns: Vesentio (Besancon),
Verodunum (Verdun), etc. Along the Rhine in Germania Inferior: Colonia
Agrippina (Cologne). In Germania Superior: Mogontiacum (Mayence, or
Mentz), and Argentoratum (Strasburg).
III. Gallia Cisalpina, or Togata (Lombardy, see above, p. 315). But as
from the time of Caesar the inhabitants enjoyed all the privileges of
Roman citizens, it may be reckoned as forming part of Italy.
IV. Sicilia; divided into Syracuse and Lilybaeum.
V. Sardinia and Corsica, see above, p. 320.
VI. The Insulae Britannicae (British islands); but of these, only England
and the southern part of Scotland were reduced into a Roman province in
the time of Nero, under the name of Britannia Romana. Principal rivers:
Tamesis (Thames) and Sabrina (Severn). Cities: Eboracum (York) in the
north, Londinum (London) in the south. Into Scotland, Britannia
Barbaria, or Caledonia, the Romans often penetrated, but without being
ably completely to conquer it; and as for Hibernia, Ierne (Ireland), it
was visited by Roman merchants, but never by Roman legions.
VII. The countries south of the Danube, which were subdued under
Augustus and formed into the following provinces: 1. Vindelicia.
Boundaries: on the north the Danube, on the east the Aenus (Inn), on the
west Helvetia, on the south Rhaetia. Principal tribes: Vindelici,
Brigantii, etc. Principal towns: Augusta Vindelicorum (Augsburg),
Brigantia (Bregenz). 2. Rhaetia. Boundaries: on the north Vindelicia, on
the east the Inn and the Salza, on the south the chain of the Alps from
Lacus Verbanus (Lago Maggiore) to Belinzona, on the west Helvetia.
Principal tribe: Rhaeti. Principal towns: Curia (Chur), Veldidena
(Wilden), Tridentum (Trent). 3. Noricum. Boundaries: on the north the
Danube, on the west the Aenus, on the east the mountain Cetius
(Kahlenberg), and on the south the Julian Alps and the Savus (Save).
Principal tribes: Boii. Cities: Jovavum (Salzburg), Boiodurum (Passau).
4. Pannonia Superior. Boundaries: on the north and east the Danube, on
the south the Arrabo (Raab), on the west the mountain Cetius. Cities:
Vindobona (Vienna), Caruntum. 5. Pannonia Inferior. Boundaries: on the
north the Arrabo, on the east the Danube, on the south the Savus.
Cities: Taurunum (Belgrade), Mursa (Esseg), and Sirmium. 6. Moesia
Superior. Boundaries: on the north the Danube, on the south Mount
Scardus, or Scodrus, on the west Pannonia, on the east the river Cebrus
(Ischia). Cities: Singidunum (Semlin), and Naissus (Nissa). 7. Moesia
Inferior. Boundaries: on the north the Danube, on the west the Cebrus,
on the south mount Haemus (the Balkan), and on the east the Pontus
Euxinus. Cities: Odessus (Varna), Tomi (Tomisvar).
VIII. Illyricum, in its most extensive signification, comprised all the
provinces south of the Danube, together with Rhaetia and Dalmatia: but
Illyricum Proper comprehends only the lands along the coast of the
Adriatic, from Rhaetia in Italy to the river Drinus, and easterly to the
Savus. Principal towns: Salona, Epidaurus (near the present Ragusa),
Scodra (Scutari).
IX. Macedonia. Boundaries: on the north mount Scodrus, on the south the
Cambunian mountains, on the west the Adriatic, and on the east the Aegean
sea. Rivers: the Nestus, Strymon, and Halyacmon, which fall into the
Aegean sea, and the Apsus and Aoeus, which fall into the Adriatic.
Principal tribes: Paeones in the north, Pieres and Mygdones in the south.
Principal towns: Pydna, Pella, Thessalonica, Philippi, with other Greek
colonies (see above, p. 164). Dyrrachium and Apollonia on the western
coast.
X. Thrace had for some time kings of her own, though dependent on Rome,
and was first reduced to a Roman province under Claudius. Boundaries: on
the north Mount Haemus, on the west the Nestus, on the south and east the
sea. River: Hebrus. Principal tribes: Triballi, Bessi, and Odrysae.
Cities: Byzantium, Apollonia, Beroea.
XI. Achaia (Greece), see above, p. 131.
XII. To the north of the Danube the province of Dacia was brought under
the Roman empire by Trajan. Boundaries: on the south the Danube, on the
west the Tibiscus (Theiss), in the east the Hierasus (Pruth), in the
north the Carpathian mountains. Principal tribe: Daci. Chief cities;
Ulpia Trajana and Tibiscum.
ASIATIC PROVINCES: I. Asia Minor contained the provinces: 1. Asia (see
above, p. 293). 2. Bithynia, together with Paphlagonia and part of
Pontus. 3. Cilicia, with Pisidia (see above, p. 18.) II. Syria and
Phoenicia. III. The isle of Cyprus. Several other states, likewise
dependent, still preserved their kings: as, Judaea (became a Roman
province, A. D. 44.), Commagene (province A. D. 70, and, together with
Judaea, added to Syria), Cappadocia (province A. D. 17), Pontus
(completely a province under Nero). Free states at this time: Rhodes,
Samos (provinces A. D. 70), and Lycia (province A. D. 43). Beyond the
Euphrates, Armenia and Mesopotamia were reduced to provinces by Trajan,
but, as early as the time of Adrian, were abandoned.
AFRICAN PROVINCES. I. Egypt. II. Cyrenaica, with the isle of Crete. III.
Africa, Numidia (see above, p. 47). Mauritania still had its separate
king, but he was set aside, A. D. 41, and the country divided into two
provinces: 1. Mauritania Caesariensis. Boundaries: on the east the river
Ampsaga, on the west the Mulucha. Principal places: Igilgilis and
Caesaria. 2. Mauritania Tingitana, from the river Mulucha to the Atlantic
ocean. Capital: Tingis.
Principal states on the borders of the empire: I. Germania. Boundaries:
on the south the Danube, on the north the sea, on the west the Rhine, on
the east undetermined, though the Vistula is generally regarded as such.
Principal rivers: the Danubius, Rhenus (Rhine), Albis (Elbe), Visurgis
(Weser), Viadrus (Oder), and the Vistula; the Lupias (Lippe) and Amisia
(Ems) are likewise frequently mentioned. Mountains and forests: the
Hercynian forest, a general name for the forest mountains, particularly
of eastern Germany. Melibocus (the Hartz), Sudetus (the Thuringian
forest); the forest of Teutoburg, to the south of Westphalia, etc. It
would be useless to seek for a general political division, or for the
cities, of ancient Germany; we can only point out the situation of the
principal tribes. It is necessary, however, to precede this by two
observations: 1. The same territory, in the tide of forcible emigration
and conquest, and particularly after the second century, often changed
its inhabitants. 2. The names of some of the principal tribes often
became that of a confederacy. The principal tribes in the period of
Augustus were, in northern Germany; the Batavi in Holland; the Frisii in
Friesland; the Bructeri in Westphalia; the lesser and larger Chauci in
Oldenburg and Bremen; the Cherusci, likewise the name of a
confederation, in Brunswick; the Catti in Hesse. In southern (central)
Germany: the Hermunduri in Franconia; the Marcomanni in Bohemia. The
Alemanni, not the name of a single tribe, but of a confederation, are
first mentioned in the third century: in the period of Augustus these
tribes, and the principal of those of eastern Germany, which gradually
became known, were included under the general name of Suevi.
The northernmost countries of Europe were considered as isles of the
German ocean, and therefore regarded as belonging to Germany. They were
Scandinavia, or Scandia (southern Sweden), Nerigon (Norway), and
Eningia, or probably Finningia (Finland). The northernmost island was
called Thule.
The north of Europe, from the Vistula to the Tanais (Don), was comprised
under the general name of Sarmatia; but beyond the territory about the
Danube, and especially Dacia (see above, p. 407), they were only in a
slight degree acquainted with the coast of the Baltic, by the amber
trade.
In Asia the Roman empire was bounded by Great Armenia (see above, p. 19,
and 299), the Parthian empire from the Euphrates to the Indus (see
above, p. 19-22), and the peninsula of Arabia (see above, p. 19).
Eastern Asia, or India, became known to the Romans by a commercial
intercourse carried on between them, and which began soon after the
conquest of Egypt. It was divided into India on this side the Ganges,
that is: 1. The territory between the Indus and Ganges; 2. The peninsula
on this side, the western coast of which in particular (Malabar), was
very well known; and, 3. The island of Taprobana (Ceylon), and India
beyond the Ganges, to which also the distant Serica belonged: but of all
these countries they had but a very imperfect knowledge.
The boundaries of Africa were Aethiopia above Egypt, and Gaetulia and the
great sandy desert of Libya, above the other provinces.
FIRST SECTION.
_From Augustus Caesar to the death of Commodus, B. C. 30. A. C. 193._
SOURCES. For the whole of this period DION CASSIUS, lib. li-lxxx, is
our historian; though of his last twenty books we have only the
abridgment of Xiphilinus. For the history of the emperors from
Tiberius to the beginning of Vespasian's reign, the principal writer
is TACITUS, in his _Annals_, A. C. 14-63; (of which, however, part of
the history of Tiberius, 32-34, all of Caligula and the first six
years of Claudius, 37-47, as well as the last year and a half of Nero,
are unfortunately lost); and in his _History_, of which scarcely the
first three years, 69-71, are come down to us. SUETONIUS'S _Lives of
the Caesars_, down to Domitian, are so much the more valuable, because
in a state like the Roman it becomes of importance to know the
character and domestic life of the ruling men. For the reigns of
Augustus and Tiberius the _History_ of VELLEIUS PATERCULUS is not of
less consequence, although written in a court-like tone. The sources
for the history of the separate Caesars will be given as we come to
them.
The following are the labours of modern writers:
_Histoire des Empereurs et des autres Princes qui ont regne dans les
six premiers siecles de l'Eglise_, _par_ M. LENAIN DE TILLEMONT. a
Bruxelle, 1707, 5 vols. 8vo. (An earlier edition in 4to. 1700, 4
vols.) The work of Tillemont has some worth as a laborious
compilation, but is superseded in its execution by the following:
_Histoire des Empereurs Romains, depuis Auguste jusqu' a Constantin_,
_par_ M. CREVIER. Paris, 1749, 12 vols. 8vo. [Translated into
English.] A continuation of Rollin's Roman History (see above, p.
318), quite in the spirit of that writer, and by one of his school.
DR. GOLDSMITH'S _Roman History, from the foundation of the city of
Rome to the destruction of the western empire_. London, 1774, 2 vols.
8vo. Rather a sketch than a detailed history (see above, p. 321,
sqq.).
# _History of Rome under the Emperors, and of the contemporary
nations_, _by_ M. D. G. H. HUBLER. Fryburg, 1803, 3 parts.
Continuation of the work cited p. 2: it reaches down to Constantine.
1. Octavianus Caesar, on whom the senate conferred the honourable title
of Augustus, which they periodically renewed, and which descended to his
successors, possessed the sole dominion of the empire during forty-four
years. The government, notwithstanding the great revolutions by which
the republic had been converted into a monarchy, was not yet, either in
fact or in form, altogether a despotic one. The private interest of the
ruler required that the republican form should be preserved to the
utmost, as without that he could not make an entire change; and the rest
of his history sufficiently shows, that the cruelty with which he may be
reproached in the early part of his career, was rather owing to
circumstances than to his natural disposition. But during a reign so
long, so tranquil, and so fortunate, could it be otherwise than that the
republican spirit which at the beginning existed only in a few
individuals, should evaporate of itself!
The forms under which Augustus held the different branches of supreme
power (dictatorship excepted) were;--the consulate, which, till B. C.
21, was annually renewed; and the _potestas consularis_, which, in B.
C. 19, was settled on him for ever;--the _tribunicia potestas_, which
was, 30, granted him for ever, rendered his person sacred
(_sacrosancta_), and prepared the way to the _judicia majestatis_
(accusations of high treason). As _imperator_, 31, he continued
commander of all the forces, and obtained the _imperium proconsulare_
(proconsular power) in all the provinces. He assumed the _magistratura
morum_ (censorship), 19; and became _pontifex maximus_ (high priest),
13. To avoid all appearances of usurpation, Augustus at first
accepted the sovereign power only for ten years, and afterwards had it
renewed from time to time, for ten or five years, which, at a later
period, gave rise to the _sacra decennalia_.
2. The senate, indeed, remained a permanent council of state, and
Augustus himself endeavoured to increase its authority by more than one
purification (_lectio_); but the connection between him and that
assembly seemed of a very fragile nature, as it was undetermined, and
could not at this time be settled, whether Augustus was over the senate,
or the senate over Augustus. All matters of state could not be brought
before the senate, as even the most important often required secrecy. It
naturally followed, that a prince, as yet without a court, and who had
no proper minister, but only his friends and freedmen, should consult
with those whom he thought most worthy his confidence, a Maecenas, or an
Agrippa, etc. Hence afterwards was formed the secret council of state
(_consilium secretum principis_). Among the republican magistrates the
highest lost most; and as so much now depended upon the preservation of
peace in the capital, the offices of praefect of the city (_praefectus
urbis_) and praefect of provisions (_praefectus annonae_) were not only
made permanent, but became, especially the former, the principal offices
in the state.
The spirit of monarchy shows itself in nothing more than in its strict
distinction of ranks; hence, therefore, the magistrates, especially
the consuls, lost nothing. Hence also the long-continued custom of
nominating under-consuls (_consules suffecti_,) which in time
became merely a formal assumption of the _ornamenta consularia et
triumphalia_ (consular and triumphal ornaments). Other offices were
created for the purpose of rewarding friends and dependents.
3. The introduction of standing armies, already long prepared, naturally
followed a dominion acquired by war; and became, indeed, necessary to
guard the frontiers and preserve the newly-made conquests; the
establishment of the guards and militia of the city (_cohortes
praetorianae_ and _cohortes urbanae_) were measures equally necessary for
the security of the capital and the throne. The creation of _two_
praetorian praefects, however, instead of _one_, diminished for the
present the great importance of that office.
Distribution of the legions over the provinces in _castra stativa_
(fixed camps), which soon grew into cities, especially along the
Rhine, the Danube, and the Euphrates (_legiones Germanicae, Illyricae,
et Syriacae_). Fleets also were stationed at Misenum and Ravenna.
4. The government, as well as the administration and revenue of the
provinces, Augustus willingly divided with the senate; keeping to
himself those on the frontiers (_provinciae principis_,) in which the
legions were quartered, and leaving to that assembly the others
(_provinciae senatus_). Hence his deputies (_legati_, lieutenants)
exercised both civil and military authority in his name; while those of
the senate, on the contrary (_proconsules_), only administered in civil
affairs. Both were, in general, attended by commissioners (_procuratores
et quaestores_). The provinces were unquestionably gainers by this new
arrangement, not only because their governors were more carefully looked
after, but because they were paid by the state.
The fate of the provinces naturally depended, in a great degree, upon
the disposition of the emperor and governor; but there was also an
essential difference between the provinces of the emperor and those
of the senate (_provinciae principis et senatus_): in the latter there
was no military oppression as there was in the former; and to that may
be ascribed the flourishing state of Gaul, Spain, Africa, etc.
5. There is little doubt but that the finances of the treasury remained,
upon the whole, much the same as before; but in its internal
administration Augustus made many alterations, of which we have but a
very imperfect knowledge. Of course there would be at first an obvious
difference between the privy and military chest of the emperor
(_fiscus_), which was at his immediate disposal, and the state chest
(_aerarium_) which he disposed of indirectly through the senate, though
it must afterwards follow as a natural consequence of increasing
despotism, that the latter should progressively become merged in the
former.
The great disorder into which the treasury had been thrown during the
civil wars, and especially by giving away the state lands in Italy to
the soldiers, together with the heavy sums required for the
maintenance of the standing army now established, must have rendered
it much more difficult for Augustus to accomplish the reform he so
happily executed; and in which it seems to have been his chief aim to
place everything, as far as possible, upon a solid and lasting
foundation. The principal changes which he made in the old system of
taxation seem to have been: 1. That the tithes hitherto collected in
the provinces should be changed into a fixed quota, to be paid by each
individual. 2. The customs, partly by reestablishing former ones, and
partly by imposing new ones as well as an excise (_centesima rerum
venalium_), were rendered more productive. The possession of Egypt,
which was the depot of nearly all the commerce of the east, rendered
the customs at this time of great importance to Rome. 3. All the state
lands in the provinces were, by degrees, changed into crown lands. Of
the new taxes the most considerable were the _vigesima hereditatum_
(the twentieth of inheritances), though with important restrictions;
and the fines upon celibacy by the _lex Julia Poppaea_.--The greater
part of these state revenues most likely flowed, from the very first,
into the _fiscus_: that is, the whole revenues of the _provinciae
principis_, as well as of those parts of the _provinciae senatus_ which
were appropriated to the maintenance of the troops; the revenues
arising from the crown domains; the _vigesima_, etc. To the _aerarium_
(now under three _praefecti aerarii_) remained a part of the revenues of
the _provinciae senatus_, the customs and the fines. Thus it appears
that Augustus was master of the finances, of the legions, and thereby
of the empire.
See above, p. 362, the writings of HEGEWISCH and BOSSE.
6. The extension of the Roman empire under Augustus was very
considerable; being generally of such a nature as conduced to the
security of the interior, and to the safeguard of the frontiers. The
complete subjugation of northern Spain, and western Gaul, secured the
frontiers on that side; as did the threatened but never-executed
expedition against the Parthians, and the one actually undertaken
against Armenia, A. C. 2. But the most important conquest in this
quarter was that of the countries south of the Danube, viz. Rhaetia,
Vindelicia, and Noricum, as well as Pannonia, and afterwards Moesia. To
counterbalance these, the expedition against Arabia Felix completely
failed; and that against Aethiopia was of no further consequence than to
strengthen the frontiers.
7. All these conquests together, however, did not cost the Romans so
much as their fruitless attempt to subjugate Germany, first, by the
sons-in-law of Augustus, Drusus and Tiberius Nero, and afterwards by the
son of the former, Drusus Germanicus. Whether or not this undertaking
was a political fault, must always remain a problem, as it is now
impossible to say how far the security of the frontiers could be
preserved without it.
Rome commenced her hostile attack upon Germany under the command of
Drusus, B. C. 12; Lower Germany (Westphalia, Lower Saxony, and Hesse)
being in general the theatre of the war: while the Lower Rhine was
attacked both by sea and land at the mouths of the Ems, the Weser, and
the Elbe, on account of the great assistance afforded the Romans by
their alliance with the nations on the coasts, the Batavi, Frisii, and
Chauci. The intrepid Drusus, in his second expedition, 10, penetrated
as far as the Weser, and, 9, even as far as the Elbe, but died on his
return. His successors in the command (Tiberius, 9-7, Domitius,
Aenobarbus, 7-2, M. Vinicius, 2-A. C. 2, then again Tiberius, A. C.
2-4, who was followed by Quintilius Varus, A. C. 5-9,) endeavoured
to build on the foundation laid by Drusus, and, by erecting forts and
introducing the Roman language and laws, gradually to reduce into a
province the part of Germany they had already subdued; but the
craftily organized revolt of the young Arminius (Hermann,) a prince of
the Cherusci, son of Siegmar, and son-in-law of Segestes, a friend of
the Romans, together with the defeat of Varus and his army in the
Teutoburg wald, or forest, near Paderborn, A. C. 9, rescued Germany
from slavery, and its language from annihilation. It moreover taught
the conquerors (what they never forgot) that the legions were not
invincible. Augustus immediately despatched Tiberius, who had just
quelled a furious insurrection in Pannonia, together with Germanicus,
to the Rhine; but these confined themselves to simple incursions, till
Germanicus, A. C. 14-16, again carried his arms further into the
country, and certainly penetrated as far as the Weser. Yet,
notwithstanding his victory near Idistavisus (Minden), the loss of his
fleet and part of his army by a tempest on his return, and the
jealousy of Tiberius at his victory, obliged him to give up his
command. From this time the Germans were left at rest in this quarter.
# MANNERT, _Geography of the Greeks and Romans_, part iii.
8. The long, and for Italy itself, peaceable reign of Augustus, has
generally been considered a fortunate and brilliant period of Roman
history; and, when compared with the times which preceded and followed,
it certainly was so. Security of person and property were reestablished;
the arts of peace flourished under the benign patronage of Augustus and
his favourite Maecenas; and we may add, that, as the formal restoration
of the republic would only have been the signal for new commotions, the
government of Augustus, if not the very best, was, at least, the best
that Rome could then bear. Should it be said his private life was not
blameless, it may be replied, that he inflexibly maintained an outward
decency, to which, indeed, he sacrificed his only daughter; and if laws
could have bettered the public morals, there was no lack of decrees for
that purpose.
Among his most important laws to this end are, the _lex Julia de
adulteriis_ and the _lex Papia Poppaea_ against celibacy. The latter
excited many murmurs.
9. Nearly all that remains of the history of Augustus, is an account of
his domestic troubles; the most unhappy family being that of the
emperor. The influence of Livia, his second wife, was very great, but
does not seem to have been perverted to any worse purpose than raising
her sons, Tiberius and Drusus, to the throne. The naturally unsettled
state of the succession, in a government such as that of Rome now was,
became much increased by circumstances. After the untimely death of his
nephew and son-in-law Marcellus, whom he had adopted, his widow Julia,
the only child of Augustus by his wife Scribonia, was married to
Agrippa. The two eldest sons of this marriage, C. and L. Caesar, were
adopted, upon the death of their father, by the emperor, who showed so
much fondness towards them as they grew up, that Tiberius, who in the
mean time had married their mother, Julia,--afterwards banished by
Augustus for her licentious conduct--left the court in disgust. The
death of the two young princes, however, again revived the hopes of
Tiberius, who was adopted by Augustus upon the condition that he should
also adopt Drusus Germanicus, the son of his deceased brother Drusus;
after which Augustus, with the consent of the senate, formally
associated him with himself in the government, making him an equal
partner in the imperial privileges: called by his successors, _lex
regia_.
_Marmor Ancyranum_; or, inscriptions in the temple of Augustus at
Ancyra. A copy of the account given of his government, which Augustus
latterly caused to be set up at Rome as a public memorial:
unfortunately much mutilated. It is to be found in CHISHULL, _Antiq.
Asiatic_.
_Memoirs of the Court of Augustus, by_ THOMAS BLACKWELL. London, 1760,
3 vols. 4to. divided into fifteen books. The last vol. was published
after the death of the author, by MR. MILLS. The last two books of
this prolix work contain a description of the contemporary affairs of
Augustus; the others go back to earlier times. A just appreciation of
Augustus requires a previous critical examination of the sources from
which Suetonius has drawn the materials for his biography.
_Histoire des triumvirats augmentee de l'histoire d'Auguste, par_
LARRY. Trevoux, 1741, 4 parts, 8vo. The last part of this simple
narrative contains the history of Augustus from the death of Catiline.
10. The reign of Tiberius Claudius Nero, or, as he was called after his
adoption, Augustus Tiberius Caesar, from his fifty-sixth to his
seventy-eighth year, changed rather the spirit than the form of the
Roman constitution. He succeeded quietly to the vacant throne at Rome,
although the legions in Pannonia, and still more in Germany, felt that
they could make emperors. Under him the _comitia_, or assemblies of the
people, were reduced to a mere shadow; as he transferred their duties to
the senate, which also became the highest tribunal for the state crimes
of its own members: this assembly, however, had now been so much
accustomed to obey the will of the prince, that everything depended on
his personal character. Tiberius founded his despotism upon the _judicia
majestatis_, or accusations of high treason, now become an engine of
terror, the senate also sharing his guilt with a pusillanimity and
servility which knew no bounds. This degraded assembly, indeed, from the
moment that it ceased to be the ruling authority of a free state,
necessarily became the passive instrument of the most brutal tyranny.
Notwithstanding the military talents and many good qualities of
Tiberius, his despotic character had been formed long before his
fifty-sixth year, when he mounted the throne; although exterior
circumstances prevented him from entirely throwing off the mask which he
had hitherto worn.
The foundation of the _judicia majestatis_, which soon became so
terrible by the unfixed state of crime, had been laid during the reign
of Augustus by the _lex Julia de majestate_, and the _cognitiones
extraordinariae_, or commissioners appointed to take cognizance of
certain crimes; it was, however, the abuse of them by Tiberius and his
successors, which rendered them so dreadful.
12. The principal object of Tiberius's suspicion, and therefore of his
hate, was Germanicus, a man almost adored by the army and the people.
This brave general he soon recalled from Germany, and sent into Syria
to quell the disorders of the east. After having successfully put an end
to the commotions which called him there, he was poisoned by the
contrivances of Cn. Piso and his wife; and even that did not shelter the
numerous family which he left behind, with his widow Agrippina, from
persecution and ruin.
The expeditions of Germanicus in the east not only gave a king to
Armenia, but also reduced Cappadocia and Commagene to Roman provinces,
A. C. 17.
_Histoire de Caesar Germanicus, par_ M. L. D. B. [EAUFORT]. a Leyden,
1741. An unpretending chronological narrative.
13. Rome, however, soon experienced to her cost the powerful ascendancy
which L. Aelius Sejanus, the praefect of the praetorian guard, had acquired
over the mind of Tiberius, whose unlimited confidence he possessed the
more, as he enjoyed it without a rival. The eight years of his authority
were rendered terrible not only by the cantonment of his troops in
barracks near the city (_castra praetoriana_), but (having first
persuaded Tiberius to quit Rome for ever, that he might more securely
play the tyrant in the isle of Capreae) by his endeavouring to open a way
for himself to the throne by villanies and crimes without number, and by
his cruel persecution of the family of Germanicus. The despotism he had
introduced became still more dreadful by his own fall, in which not only
his whole party, but every one that could be considered as connected
with it, became involved. The picture of the atrocious despotism of
Tiberius is rendered doubly disgusting by the horrid and unnatural lust
which he joined to it in his old age.
Tiberius's misfortune was, that he came too late to the throne. His
early virtues made no compensation for his later cruelties. It is
properly the former which Vel. Paterculus praises, whose flattery of
Tiberius, in whose reign he flourished, is more easily justified than
his praise of Sejanus.
14. At the age of twenty-five Caius Caesar Caligula, the only remaining
son of Germanicus, ascended the throne; but the hopes which had been
formed of this young prince were soon wofully disappointed. His previous
sickness and debaucheries had so distorted his understanding, that his
short reign was one tissue of disorder and crime. Yet he did still more
harm to the state by his besotted profusion than by his tiger-like
cruelty. At length, after a career of nearly four years, he was
assassinated by Cassius Chaerea and Cornelius Sabinus, two officers of
his guard.
15. His uncle Tiberius Claudius Caesar, who, at the age of fifty,
succeeded him, was the first emperor raised to the throne by the guards;
a favour which he rewarded by granting them a _donative_. Too weak to
rule of himself, almost imbecile from former neglect, profligate, and
cruel from fear, he became the tool of the licentiousness of his wives
and freedmen. Coupled with the names of Messalina and Agrippina, we now
hear, for the first time in Roman history, of a Pallas and a Narcissus.
The dominion of Messalina was still more hurtful to the state by her
rapacious cupidity, to which everything gave way, than by her dissolute
life; and the blow which at last punished her unexampled wantonness,
left a still more dangerous woman to supply her place. This was
Agrippina, her neice, widow of L. Domitius, who joined to the vices of
her predecessor a boundless ambition, unknown to the former. Her chief
aim was to procure the succession for Domitius Nero, her son by a former
marriage--who had been adopted by Claudius, and married to his daughter
Octavia--by setting aside Britannicus, the son of Claudius; and this she
hoped to effect, by poisoning Claudius, having already gained Burrhus,
by making him _sole_ praefect of the praetorian guard. Notwithstanding the
contentions with the Germans and Parthians (see above, p. 303) were only
on the frontiers, the boundaries of the Roman empire were in many
countries extended.
Commencement of the Roman conquests in Britain (whither Claudius
himself went) under A. Plautius, from the year A. C. 43. Under the
same general, Mauritania, A. C. 42, Lycia, 43, Judaea, 44 (see above,
p. 312), and Thrace, 47, were reduced to Roman provinces. He also
abolished the praefectures which had hitherto existed in Italy.
16. Nero Claudius Caesar, supported by Agrippina and the praetorian guard,
succeeded Claudius at the age of seventeen. Brought up in the midst of
the blackest crimes, and, by a perverted education, formed rather for a
professor of music and the fine arts than for an emperor, he ascended
the throne like a youth eager for enjoyment; and throughout his whole
reign his cruelty appears subordinate to his fondness for debaucheries
and revelry. The unsettled state of the succession first called into
action his savage disposition; and after the murder of Britannicus the
sword fell in regular order upon all those who were even remotely
connected with the Julian family. His vanity as a performer and composer
excited in an equal degree his cruelty; and as, among all tyrants, every
execution gives occasion for others, we need not wonder at his putting
to death every one that excelled him. His connection, however, in the
early part of his reign, with Agrippina, Burrhus, and Seneca, during
which he introduced some useful regulations into the treasury, kept him
within the bounds of decency. But Poppaea Sabina having driven him on to
the murder of his mother and his wife Octavia, and Tigellinus being made
his confident, he felt no longer restrained by the fear of public
opinion. The executions of individuals, nearly all of which history has
recorded, was not, perhaps, upon the whole, the greatest evil; the
plunder of the provinces, not only to support his own loose and
effeminate pleasures, but also to maintain the people in a continual
state of intoxication, had nearly caused the dissolution of the empire.
The last years of Nero were marked by a striking and undoubted insanity,
which displayed itself in his theatrical performances, and even in the
history of his fall. It appears that both around and upon a throne like
that of Rome, heroes were formed for vice as well as virtue!
Discovery of the conspiracy of Piso, 65, and the revolt of Julius
Vindex in Celtic Gaul, 68, followed by that of Galba in Spain, who is
there proclaimed emperor, and joined by Otho, in Lusitania.
Nevertheless, after the defeat of Julius Vindex in Upper Germany, by
the lieutenant Virginius Rufus, these insurrections seemed quelled,
when the praetorian guard, instigated thereto by Nymphidius, broke out
into rebellion in Rome itself. Flight and death of Nero, June 11, 68.
Foreign wars during his reign: in Britain (occasioned by the revolt
of Boadicea), great part of which was subdued and reduced to a Roman
province, by Suetonius Paulinus; in Armenia, under the command of the
valiant Corbulo, against the Parthians (see above, p. 303); and in
Palestine against the Jews, 66. Great fire in Rome, 64, which gives
rise to the first persecution against the Christians.
The principal cause why the despotism of Nero and his predecessors was
so tamely submitted to by the nation, may undoubtedly be found in the
fact, that the greater part of it was fed by the emperors. To the
monthly distributions of corn were now added the extraordinary
_congiaria_ and _viscerationes_ (supplies of wine and meat). The
periods of tyranny were very likely the golden days of the people.