I think I grow worse and worse. I am sensible that you are acquainted
with my sentiments and my faults, and that you are disposed to
believe that the stream of my friendship is deep and pure, though it
flows _silently_, very silently indeed. Yet my conscience whispers in
my ear that I ought not to abuse the confidence which you may with
justice repose in me. My conscience, likewise, informs me that as I
made Sarah Holroyd the security of my promise, she has a right to
complain that she became in some measure the accomplice of my quill.
She has, I daresay, given you a particular account of the way I spent
the greatest part of the summer; how, in the absence of the Major,
I was left Governor of the Castle and Director of the fair females
who inhabited it, and how I behaved myself in the execution of that
important office.
[Sidenote: DISCOMFORTS OF BRIGHTON.]
I went over to Brighthelmstone, but found not much encouragement to
settle, the Company was not agreeable, few of my acquaintance except
the Paynes and Beauclercs; more difficulty and more expence than I
expected in settling myself with any degree of comfort, and great
inconvenience in being so long absent and distant from my tools.
Upon mature consideration I resolved to relinquish that plan and
to retire for some time to my rural retirement in Bentinck Street:
the neighbourhood is not very populous at present, nor am I much
interrupted by visits or invitations; yet I find as much society
as I want for relaxation; and motives enough to engage me to take
more exercise of a morning than I should anywhere else; besides the
occasional Holydays which I sometimes allow myself to various friends
who dwell in villas adjacent to town. In the meantime I have the
pleasure to see the sheets of my second volume insensibly acquire a
respectable or at least a decent size; and though my progress gives
me a clearer view of the difficulties of my undertaking, yet I find
that gentle and steady diligence will in time carry me through it:
and I still look forwards to the spring of 1780 with hope though not
with confidence.
Before I left Sussex I visited, in company with the Major, Cox
Heath Camp: where I was received as a Father of the Old Hampshire
Militia, though few officers now remain in it, with whom I have any
connection. Jolliffe was returned to his station of Ensign, with the
_Cave_ of General Keppel, who would not however see him or forgive
his extravagant behaviour, which was much worse than anything you
saw in the Papers. I am afraid you were malicious enough to rejoyce
at his absurdity. While I was in the Camp, I felt my military ardour
revive; but I soon recollected that, notwithstanding the pleasure
of passing a part of the winter on the Down, my library is upon
the whole as agreeable as a Tent, and Almack's as comfortable as a
Suttling booth. What odd animals we are! I have deferred from post
to post, I am afraid to think how long, a very easy and pleasing
occupation, which has now made me pass a very agreeable half hour in
conversing with the dearest and most valued of my friends; who will
derive some pleasure from the conversation. I positively believe I
shall reform.----
Before I conclude I must add three words on a subject which is not
so entertaining. You know how little I love to talk about business,
but I ought not to omit what you will probably hear from some other
quarter. My tenant Winton had done _some_ mischief to Buriton;
he threatened to injure it much more deeply, and I was persuaded
by my Council to get rid of him, which I have just accomplished.
Till the farm is let again, which I hope will be soon, Hugonin has
undertaken the temporary administration. I have lost considerably in
taking leave of my old tenant, and fear my loss in engaging a new
one will be still more considerable, and I can ill support these
extraordinary demands. Yet I should consider that, if all external
circumstances were as smooth and satisfactory as the temper of my own
mind, my condition would be too fortunate.
I am, Dear Madam,
Most truly yours,
E. GIBBON.
I cannot go to Port Eliot this autumn, but shall try to propose an
accomodation to Madam of meeting at Bath.
[Sidenote: PAUL JONES.]
360.
_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._
October 27th, 1778.
You are certainly right in your suspicions that I shall not again
visit S. P. before the meeting of Parliament. I am perfectly well
in wind and limb, but the time is so short, the derangement is so
considerable, and I am so deeply engaged not in London but at Rome,
that I can only regret and hope.--There is not any account of the
French fleets in Europe or America. Sir Charles Hardy[412] is sailed
chiefly to protect and convoy the East Indiamen now in Ireland. I
know not what to say of your countrymen, nor have I any notion of the
plan (if any) of Government. The A. G.[413] came to town last night,
and I am just going to sup with him. I expect a full account of the
Regiment. Adieu. Denmark[414] (inseparably connected with Russia) has
behaved very handsomely in restoring two Victuallers and ordering the
captor, one of Paul Jones's Squad, to quit the Harbour of Bergen.
This is sure and important.
[412] Sir Charles Hardy, already over sixty years of age, as
governor of Greenwich Hospital had retired from active service.
He had not been to sea for many years, till he was now placed in
command of the fleet.
[413] Wedderburn succeeded Thurlow as Attorney-General when the
latter was made Chancellor (June, 1778).
[414] "The court of Denmark, when they gave orders for the
release of our ships taken by Paul Jones, were very explicit in
their declaration in our favour against America" (C. Townshend to
G. Selwyn, October, 1778).
361.
_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._
Tuesday night, November, 1778.
*You sometimes complain that I do not send you early news; but you
will now be satisfied with receiving a full and true account of all
the parliamentary transactions of _next_ Thursday. In town we think
it an excellent piece of humour (the author is one Tickell)[415]
Burke and C. Fox are pleased with their own Speaches, but serious
Patriots groan that such things should be turned to farce. We seem to
have a chance of an additional Dutch War:[416] you may depend upon
its being a very important business, from which we cannot extricate
ourselves without either loss or shame. *Hugonin was in town last
week about his eyes. I have given him full powers, and still hope
that he will agree with Hearsay on tolerable terms. Say something to
Beauclerc and Lady Dy. I pity them both, and I pity you too, for at
this time of year Brighton must be a damned place. I shall now be
immersed in politics. Society and study and hardly a moment be ever
found for Epistolary Commerce. Therefore be patient. _Vale._
[415] Parliament met November 26, 1778. Gibbon refers to a
pamphlet called _Anticipation_, which appeared the day before the
opening of Parliament, and gave a summary of what would be said
by the chief speakers. The author was Richard Tickell, grandson
of Addison's contemporary, and a dependent of Lord North.
[416] The outbreak of a war with Holland at this time seemed
probable. At the close of 1778 a number of petitions were
presented from Dutch merchants to their High Mightinesses the
States-General of the United Provinces, protesting against the
right of search for contraband of war which was exercised by
the British ships. In September, 1780, an American packet was
captured, on board of which was Mr. Laurens, President of the
Congress. A box of letters, which he threw overboard, floated,
and was found to contain a draft treaty between the United States
and Holland, and various letters from the "patriotic party,"
showing that Amsterdam at least wished for alliance as early as
August, 1778. A memorial reciting these letters was delivered to
the States-General in November, 1780, but no answer was returned.
In December the British ambassador was recalled, and the Dutch
ambassador left London, December 30, 1780.
362.
_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._
Wednesday Night, December, 1778.
Good news from India, a revolution has happened among the Marattas;
the French interest is destroyed, Ragged boy[417] (or some such name)
is placed on the throne of that warlike people, and we have now more
to hope than to fear from them. According to the Orders sent out
in the Spring it is not impossible that Pondicherry,[418] feebly
garrisoned, may at this moment be in our hands. The West Indies[419]
are tolerably secure by the land and sea force which went from New
York, and our operations in that part of the World may be offensive.
In several places the Sky clears a little, and if we could be secure
from Spain we may promise ourselves some success. You see I am less
desponding than usual. But we must depend more on arms and policy
than upon idle threats, which may do mischief and cannot do good. We
must likewise remove a Secretary of State so universally odious to
the Army,[420] &c.
[Sidenote: THE BATTLE OF USHANT.]
Our Admirals[421] have had a spar or two, and Sir H. P., finding
that K. did not apply for a Court Martial upon him, has this day
lodged a charge of six Articles in the Admiralty and has made himself
the accuser of his Commander.
[417] Ragoba or Ragonaut Ráo, an exiled Peshwah of Poonah, was
supported by the English, and an expedition to reinstate him was
despatched by Warren Hastings in the autumn of 1778.
[418] Pondicherry had already (October 17, 1778) surrendered to
Sir Hector Munro, and Chandernagore had also fallen.
[419] Sir Henry Clinton, who had succeeded Sir W. Howe in the
chief command in America, had sent five thousand men in October,
1778, to the Indies with Commodore Hotham.
[420] William Wildman, second Viscount Barrington (1717-1793),
was succeeded as Secretary at War by Charles Jenkinson in
December, 1778.
[421] The Admirals referred to were Sir Hugh Palliser and
Admiral Keppel, both members of Parliament; Keppel being a Whig
and opposed to Lord North, Palliser a staunch supporter of
the Government. The dispute arose over the battle of Ushant.
The English fleet under Keppel had met the French fleet under
Count d'Orvilliers off Ushant on July 27, 1778. An indecisive
engagement was fought. Keppel signalled to Sir Hugh Palliser to
come up and renew the battle next morning; but Sir Hugh, whose
own ship had suffered severely, was unable to do so. The French
retired on the 29th to Brest, and Keppel to Portsmouth. Palliser
made charges against Keppel, which led to a court-martial on the
latter. The charges against him were pronounced to be malicious
and ill founded, and his conduct was declared to have been that
of a brave and experienced officer. Similar charges were made by
the Comte d'Orvilliers against the Duc de Chartres, who commanded
the Blue Squadron of the French fleet, and did not obey the
signal of his superior officer.
363.
_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._
Saturday Night, 1778.
Our East India Revolution has not succeeded, and Raggaboy is no
longer at the head of the Marattas.[422] In the West we much fear
that D'Estaing is run down to the Islands.[423] Black again. The
Court Martial would furnish volumes of opinions, but not a line
of fact. In private life you see we open a lively campaign of
Marchionesses, Countesses, &c.--I am sorry to find that you are so
firm about Buriton. Consider the bad condition and growing expence
which I am so little able to bear. The option of the term of years
cannot perhaps be admitted, but otherwise I am much disposed to
accept the hard conditions of Hearsay, and almost fear that our delay
will lose the opportunity. I am transported to hear that you will
call at Buriton in your way to Bath, and only beg, that considering
my situation rather than your spirit, you will not leave the place
without deciding the business. How long do you stay at Bath? Shall
you not return through town? I want to see you about some things
which I cannot trust to paper. Adieu.
[422] The expedition against Poonah failed. The English were
surrounded, and the Convention of Wargaum restored to the
Mahrattas all territory acquired since 1756, and Ragoba was given
up to Scindiah (January, 1779).
[423] In November, 1778, the French fleet sailed for the West
Indies. But St. Lucia was successfully defended by the British
forces.
364.
_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._
Almack's, Wednesday evening, 1778.
*I delayed writing, not so much through indolence as because I
expected every post to hear from you. The supplies are raised. Clive
and Gosling allow me (very handsomely) to draw for the Barbarian
tribute, and the New river (unless one of the Suitors retreats)
is gone, alas gone for ever, for £7550. The state of Buriton is
uncertain, incomprehensible, tremendous. It would be endless to send
you the folios of Hugonin, but I have enclosed you one of his most
pictoresque Epistles, on which you may meditate. Few offers; one,
promising enough, came from a Gentleman at Camberwell: I detected
him, with masterly skill and diligence, to be only an Attorney's
clerk, without money, credit, or experience. I wrote as yet in
vain to Sir John Shelley, about Hearsay; perhaps you might get
intelligence about him.
I much fear that the Buriton expedition is necessary; but it has
occurred to me, that if I _met_, instead of _accompanying_ you, it
would save me a journey of above one hundred miles. That reflection
led to another of a very impudent nature; _viz._ that if I did not
accompany you, I certainly could be of no use to you or myself on the
spot; that I had much rather, while you examined the premises, pass
the time in a horse-pond; and that I had still rather pass it in my
library with the 'decline and fall.' But that would be an effort of
friendship worthy of Theseus or Perithous: modern times would hardly
credit, much less imitate, such exalted virtue.
[Sidenote: SUMMER CAMPAIGN IN AMERICA.]
No news from America, yet there are people, large ones too, who
talk of conquering it next summer with the help of 20,000 Russians.
I fancy you are better satisfied with private than public War. The
Lisbon Packet in coming home met about forty of our privateers.
Adieu. I hardly know whether I direct right to you, but I think S. P.
the surest.*
365.
_To his Stepmother._
Bentinck Street, Jan. 7th, 1779.