[Illustration: THE NAVAL FLAGS OF THE WORLD.]
THE SEA
_Its Stirring Story of Adventure, Peril, & Heroism._
BY
F. WHYMPER,
AUTHOR OF “TRAVELS IN ALASKA,” ETC.
_ILLUSTRATED._
* *
CASSELL PETTER & GALPIN:
_LONDON, PARIS & NEW YORK_.
[ALL RIGHTS RESERVED]
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
THE HISTORY OF SHIPS AND SHIPPING INTERESTS (_continued_). PAGE
Extent of the Subject—The First American Colony—Hostilities with 1
the Indians—117 Settlers Missing—Raleigh’s Search for El
Dorado—Little or no Gold discovered—2,000 Spaniards engage in
another Search—Disastrous Results—Dutch Rivalry with the
English—Establishment of two American Trading Companies—Of the
East India Company—Their first Great Ship—Enormous Profits of the
Venture—A Digression—Officers of the Company in Modern
Times—Their Grand Perquisites—Another Naval Hero—Monson a Captain
at Eighteen—His appreciation of Stratagem—An Eleven Hours’
hand-to-hand Contest—Out of Water at Sea—Monson two years a
Galley Slave—Treachery of the Earl of Cumberland—The Cadiz
Expedition—Cutting out a Treasure Ship—Prize worth £200,000—James
I. and his Great Ship—Monson as Guardian of the Narrow Seas—After
the British Pirates—One of their Haunts—A Novel Scheme—Monson as
a Pirate himself—Meeting of the sham and real Pirates—Capture of
a Number—Frightened into Penitence—Another caught by a _ruse_
CHAPTER II.
THE HISTORY OF SHIPS AND SHIPPING INTERESTS (_continued_).
Charles I. and Ship Money—Improvements made by him in the 28
Navy—His great Ship, the _Royal Sovereign_—The Navigation Laws of
Cromwell—Consequent War with the Dutch—Capture of Grand Spanish
Prizes—Charles II. seizes 130 Dutch Ships—Van Tromp and the
Action at Harwich—De Ruyter in the Medway and Thames—Peace—War
with France—La Hogue—Peter the Great and his Naval Studies—Visit
to Sardam—Difficulty of remaining _incognito_—Cooks his own
Food—His Assiduity and Earnestness—A kind-hearted Barbarian—Gives
a Grand Banquet and _Fête_—Conveyed to England—His stay at
Evelyn’s Place—Studies at Deptford—Visits Palaces and
Public-houses—His Intemperance—Presents the King with a £10,000
Ruby—Engages numbers of English Mechanics—Return to Russia—Rapid
increase in his Navy—Determines to Build St. Petersburg—Arrivals
of the First Merchantmen—Splendid Treatment of their
Captains—Law’s Mississippi Scheme and the South Sea Bubble—Two
Nations gone Mad—The “Bubble” to pay the National Debt—Its one
Solitary Ship—Noble and Plebeian Stockbrokers—Rise and Fall of
the Bubble—Directors made to Disgorge
CHAPTER III.
THE HISTORY OF SHIPS AND SHIPPING INTERESTS (_continued_).
A Grand Epoch of Discovery—Anson’s Voyage—Difficulties of manning 45
the Fleet—Five Hundred Invalided Pensioners drafted—The Spanish
Squadron under Pizarro—Its Disastrous Voyage—One Vessel run
ashore—Rats at Four Dollars each—A Man-of-war held by eleven
Indians—Anson at the Horn—Fearful Outbreak of Scurvy—Ashore at
Robinson Crusoe’s Island—Death of two-thirds of the Crews—Beauty
of Juan Fernandez—Loss of the _Wager_—Drunken and Insubordinate
Crew—Attempt to blow up the Captain—A Midshipman shot—Desertion
of the Ship’s Company—Prizes taken by Anson—His Humanity to
Prisoners—The _Gloucester_ abandoned at Sea—Delightful Stay at
Tinian—The _Centurion_ blown out to Sea—Despair of those on
Shore—Its safe Return—Capture of the Manilla Galleon—A hot
Fight—Prize worth a Million and a half Dollars—Return to England
CHAPTER IV.
THE HISTORY OF SHIPS AND SHIPPING INTERESTS (_continued_).
Progress of the American Colonies—Great Prevalence of 62
Piracy—Numerous Captures and Executions—A Proclamation of
Pardon—John Theach, or “Black Beard”—A Desperate
Pirate—Hand-and-glove with the Governor of North
Carolina—Pretends to accept the King’s Pardon—A Blind—His Defeat
and Death—Unwise Legislation and consequent Irritation—The Stamp
Act—The Tea Tax—Enormous Excitement—Tea-chests thrown into Boston
Harbour—Determined Attitude of the American Colonists—The Boston
Port Bill—Its Effects—Sympathy of all America—The final
Rupture—England’s Wars to the end of the Century—Nelson and the
Nile—Battle of Copenhagen
CHAPTER V.
THE HISTORY OF SHIPS AND SHIPPING INTERESTS (_continued_).
Early Paddle-boats—Worked by Animal Power—Blasco de Garay’s 77
Experiment—Solomon de Caus—David Ramsey’s Engines—The Marquis of
Worcester—A Horse-boat—Boats worked by Water—By Springs—By
Gunpowder—Patrick Miller’s Triple Vessel—Double Vessels worked by
Capstans—The First Practical Steam-boat—Symington’s Engines—The
Second Steamer—The _Charlotte Dundas_—American Enterprise—James
Rumsey’s Oar-boats worked by Steam—Poor Fitch—Before his
Age—Robert Fulton—His Torpedo Experiments—Wonderful Submarine
Boat—Experiments at Brest and Deal—His first Steam-boat—Breaks in
Pieces—Trip of the _Clermont_, the first American
Steamer—Opposition to his Vessels—A Pendulum Boat—The first Steam
War-ship—Henry Bell’s _Comet_
CHAPTER VI.
THE HISTORY OF SHIPS AND SHIPPING INTERESTS (_continued_).
The Clyde and its Ship-building Interests—From Henry Bell to 97
Modern Ship-builders—The First Royal Naval Steamer—The First
regular Sea-going Steamer—The Revolution in Ship-building—The
Iron Age—“Will Iron Float?”—The Invention of the
Screw-propeller—Ericsson, Smith, and Woodcroft—American
’Cuteness—Captain Stockton and his Boat—The First Steamer to
Cross the Atlantic—Voyages of the _Sirius_ and _Great
Western_—The International Struggle—The Collins and Cunard
Lines—Fate of the _Arctic_—The _Pacific_ never heard of more—Why
the Cunard Company has been Successful—Splendid Discipline on
board their Vessels—The Fleets that leave the Mersey
CHAPTER VII.
THE HISTORY OF SHIPS AND SHIPPING INTERESTS (_continued_).
A Contrast—Floating Palaces and “Coffin-ships”—Mr. Plimsoll’s 112
Appeal—His Philanthropic Efforts—Use of Old
Charts—Badly-constructed Ships—A Doomed Ship—Owner’s Gains by her
Loss—A Sensible Deserter—Overloading—The Widows and
Fatherless—Other Risks of the Sailor’s Life—Scurvy—Improper
Cargoes—“Unclassed Vessels”—“Lloyd’s” and its History
CHAPTER VIII.
THE HISTORY OF SHIPS AND SHIPPING INTERESTS (_continued_.)
The Largest Ship in the World—History of the _Great Eastern_—Why 129
she was Built—Brunel and Scott Russell—Story of the
Launch—Powerful Machinery Employed—Christened by Miss
Hope—Failure to move her more than a few feet—A Sad
Accident—Launching by Inches—Afloat at
last—Dimensions—Accommodations—The Grand Saloon—The Paddle-wheel
and Screw Engines—First Sea Trip—Speed—In her first Gale—Serious
Explosion on Board off Hastings—Proves a fine Sea-boat—Drowning
of her Captain and others—First Transatlantic Voyage—Defects in
Boilers and Machinery—Behaves splendidly in mid-ocean—Grand
Reception in New York—Subsequent Trips—Used as a Troop-ship to
Canada—Carried out 2,600 Soldiers—An eventful Passenger
Trip—Caught in a Cyclone Hurricane—Her Paddles almost wrenched
away—Rudder Disabled—Boats carried away—Shifting of Heavy
Cargo—The Leviathan a Gigantic Waif on the Ocean—Return to Cork
CHAPTER IX.
THE HISTORY OF SHIPS AND SHIPPING INTERESTS (_continued_).
The Ironclad Question—One of the Topics of the Day—What is to be 138
their Value in Warfare?—Story of the Dummy Ironclad—Two real
Ironclads vanquished by it—Experience on board an American
Monitor—Visit of the _Miantonoma_ to St. John’s—Her Tour round
the World—Her Turrets and interior Arrangements—Firing off the
Big Guns—Inside the Turret—“Prepare!”—Effects of the Firing—A
Boatswain’s-mate’s Opinion—The _Monitor_ goes round the World
safely—Few of the Original American Ironclads left—English
Ironclads—The _Warrior_—Various
Types—Iron-built—Wood-built—Wood-covered—The Greatest Result yet
attained, the _Inflexible_—Circular Ironclads—The “_Garde
Côtes_”—Cost of Ironclads—The Torpedo Question—The Marquis of
Worcester’s Inventions—Bishop Wilkins’ Subaqueous Ark—Fulton’s
Experiments—A Frightened Audience—A Hulk Blown Up—Government Aid
to Fulton—The _Argus_ and her “Crinoline”—Torpedoes successfully
foiled—Their use during the American War—Brave Lieut. Cushing—The
_Albemarle_ Destroyed—Modern Torpedoes: the “Lay;” the
“Whitehead”—Probable Manner of using in an Engagement—The Ram and
its Power
CHAPTER X.
THE LIGHTHOUSE AND ITS HISTORY.
The Lighthouse—Our most noted one in Danger—The Eddystone 156
Undermined—The Ancient History of Lighthouses—The Pharos of
Alexandria—Roman Light Towers at Boulogne and Dover—Fire-beacons
and Pitch-pots—The Tower of Cordouan—The First Eddystone
Lighthouse—Winstanley and his Eccentricities—Difficulties of
Building his Wooden Structure—Resembles a Pagoda—The Structure
Swept away with its Inventor—Another Silk Mercer in the
Field—Rudyerd’s Lighthouse—Built of Wood—Stood for Fifty
Years—Creditable Action of Louis XIV.—Lighthouse Keeper alone
with a Corpse—The Horrors of a Month—Rudyerd’s Tower destroyed by
Fire—Smeaton’s Early History—Employed to Build the present
Eddystone—Resolves on a Stone Tower—Employment of “Dove-tailing”
in Masonry—Difficulties of Landing on the Rock—Peril incurred by
the Workmen—The First Season’s Work—Smeaton always in the Post of
Danger—Watching the Rock from Plymouth Hoe—The Last
Season—Vibrations of the Tower in a Storm—Has stood for 120
years—Joy of the Mariner when “The Eddystone’s in Sight!”—Lights
in the English Channel
CHAPTER XI.
THE LIGHTHOUSE (_continued_).
The Bell Rock—The good Abbot of Arberbrothok—Ralph the 172
Rover—Rennie’s grand Lighthouse—Perils of the Work—Thirty-two Men
apparently doomed to Destruction—A New Form of outward
Construction—Its successful Completion—The Skerryvore Lighthouse
and Alan Stevenson—Novel Barracks on the Rock—Swept Away in a
Storm—The unshapely Seal and unfortunate Cod—Half-starved
Workmen—Out of Tobacco—Difficulties of Landing the Stones—Visit
of M. de Quatrefages to Héhaux—Description of the Lighthouse
Exterior—How it rocks—Practice _versus_ Theory—The Interior—A
Parisian Apartment at Sea
CHAPTER XII.
THE LIGHTHOUSE (_concluded_).
Lighthouses on Sand—Literally screwed down—The Light on Maplin 182
Sands—That of Port Fleetwood—Iron Lighthouses—The Lanterns
themselves—Eddystone long illuminated with Tallow Candles—Coal
Fires—Revolution caused by the invention of the Argand
Burner—Improvements in Reflectors—The Electric Light at
Sea—Flashing and Revolving Lights—Coloured Lights—Their
Advantages and Disadvantages—Lanterns obscured by Moths, Bees,
and Birds
CHAPTER XIII.
THE BREAKWATER.
Breakwaters, Ancient and Modern—Origin and History of that at 188
Cherbourg—Stones Sunk in Wooden Cones—Partial Failure of the
Plan—Millions of Tons dropped to the Bottom—The Breakwater
temporarily abandoned—Completed by Napoleon III.—A Port Bristling
with Guns—Rennie’s Plymouth Breakwater—Ingenious Mode of
Depositing the Stones—Lessons of the Sea—The Waves the best
Workmen—Completion of the Work—Grand Double Breakwater at
Portland—The English Cherbourg—A Magnificent Piece of
Engineering—Utilisation of Otherwise worthless Stone—900 Convicts
at Work—The Great Fortifications—The Verne—Gibraltar at Home—A
Gigantic Fosse—Portland almost Impregnable—Breakwaters Elsewhere
CHAPTER XIV.
THE GREATEST STORM IN ENGLISH HISTORY.
The Dangers of the Seas—England’s Interest in the Matter—The 197
Shipping and Docks of London and Liverpool—The Goodwin Sands and
their History—The “Hovellers”—The Great Gale of 1703—Defoe’s
Graphic Account—Thirteen Vessels of the Royal Navy Lost—Accounts
of Eye-witnesses—The Storm Universal over England—Great Damage
and Loss of Life at Bristol—Plymouth—Portsmouth—Vessels Driven to
Holland—At the Spurn Light—Inhumanity of Deal Townsmen—A worthy
Mayor saves 200 Lives—The Damage in the Thames—Vessels Drifting
in all Directions—800 Boats Lost—Loss of Life on the River—On
Shore—Remarkable Escapes and Casualties—London in a Condition of
Wreck—Great Damage to Churches—A Bishop and his Lady Killed—A
Remarkable Water-Spout—Total Losses Fearful
CHAPTER XV.
“MAN THE LIFE-BOAT!”
The Englishman’s direct interest in the Sea—The History of the 209
Life-boat and its Work—Its Origin—A Coach-builder the First
Inventor—Lionel Lukin’s Boat—Royal Encouragement—Wreck of the
_Adventure_—The Poor Crew Drowned in sight of Thousands—Good out
of Evil—The South Shields Committee and their Prize
Boat—Wouldhave and Greathead—The latter rewarded by Government,
&c.—Slow Progress of the Life-boat Movement—The Old Boat at
Redcar—Organisation of the National Life-boat Institution—Sir
William Hillary’s Brave Deeds—Terrible Losses at the Isle of
Man—Loss of Three Life-boats—Reorganisation of the
Society—Immense Competition for a Prize—Beeching’s
“Self-righting” Boats—Buoyancy and Ballast—Dangers of the
Service—A Year’s Wrecks
CHAPTER XVI.
“MAN THE LIFE-BOAT!” (_continued_).
A “Dirty” Night on the Sands—Wreck of the _Samaritano_—The Vessel 215
boarded by Margate and Whitstable Men—A Gale in its Fury—The
Vessel breaking up—Nineteen Men in the Fore-rigging—Two Margate
Life-boats Wrecked—Fate of a Lugger—The Scene at Ramsgate—“Man
the Life-boat!”—The good Steamer _Aid_—The Life-boat Towed out—A
terrible Trip—A grand Struggle with the Elements—The Flag of
Distress made out—How to reach it—The Life-boat cast off—On
through the Breakers—The Wreck reached at last—Difficulties of
Rescuing the Men—The poor little Cabin-boy—The Life-boat
crowded—A moment of great Peril—The Steamer reached at last—Back
to Ramsgate—The Reward of Merit—Loss of a Passenger Steamer—The
Three Lost Corpses—The Emigrant Ship on the Sands—A Splendid
Night’s Work
CHAPTER XVII.
“MAN THE LIFE-BOAT!” (_continued_).
A Portuguese Brig on the Sands—Futile Attempts to get her 225
off—Sudden Break-up—Great Danger to the Life-boat—Great
Probability of being Crushed—An Old Boatman’s Feelings—The
Life-boat herself on the Goodwin—Safe at Last—Gratitude of the
Portuguese Crew—A Blaze of Light seen from Deal—Fatal
Delay—Twenty-eight Lives Lost—A dark December Night—The
almost-deserted Wreck of the _Providentia_—A Plucky Captain—An
awful Episode—The Mate beaten to Death—Hardly saved—The poor
little Cabin-boy’s Rescue—Another Wreck on the Sands—Many
Attempts to rescue the Crew—Determination of the Boatmen—Victory
or Death!—The _Aid_ Steamer nearly wrecked—A novel and successful
Experiment—Anchoring on Board—The Crew Saved
CHAPTER XVIII.
“WRECKING” AS A PROFESSION.
Probable Fate of a rich Vessel in the Middle Ages—Maritime Laws 235
of the Period—The King’s Privileges—Cœur de Lion and his
Enactments—The Rôles d’Oleron—False Pilots and Wicked
Lords—Stringent Laws of George II.—The Homeward-bound
Vessel—Plotting Wreckers—Lured Ashore—“Dead Men Tell no Tales”—A
Series of Facts—Brutality to a Captain and his Wife—Fate of a
Plunderer—Defence of a Ship against Hundreds of Wreckers—Another
Example—Ship Boarded by Peasantry—Police Attacked by
Thousands—Cavalry Charge the Wreckers—Hundreds of Drunken
Plunderers—A Curious Tract of the Last Century—A Professional
Wrecker’s Arguments—A Candid Bahama Pilot
CHAPTER XIX.
“HOVELLING” _v._ WRECKING.
The Contrast—The “Hovellers” defended—Their Services—The Case of 245
the _Albion_—Anchors and Cables wanted by a disabled
Vessel—Lugger wrecked on the Beach—Dangers of the Hoveller’s
Life—Nearly swamped by the heavy Seas—Loss of a baling Bowl, and
what it means—Saved on an American Ship—The Lost Found—A
brilliant example of Life-saving at Bideford—The Small Rewards of
the Hoveller’s Life—The case of _La Marguerite_—Nearly wrecked in
Port—Hovellers _v._ Wreckers—“Let’s all start fair!”—Praying for
Wrecks
CHAPTER XX.
SHIPS THAT “PASS BY ON THE OTHER SIDE.”
Captains and Owners—Reasons for apparent Inhumanity—A Case in 261
Point—The Wreck of the _Northfleet_—Run down by the _Murillo_—A
Noble Captain—The Vessel Lost, with a Hundred Ships near her—One
within Three Hundred Yards—Official Inquiry—Loss of the
_Schiller_—Two Hundred Drowned in one heavy Sea—Life-saving
Apparatus of little use—Lessons of the Disaster—Wreck of the
_Deutschland_—Harwich blamed unjustly—The good Tug-boat
_Liverpool_ and her Work—Necessity of proper Communication with
Light-houses and Light-ships—The new Signal Code and old
Semaphores
CHAPTER XXI.
A CONTRAST—THE SHIP ON FIRE!—SWAMPED AT SEA.
The Loss of the _Amazon_—A Noble Vessel—Description of her 278
Engine-rooms—Her Boats—Heating of the Machinery—The Ship on
Fire—Communication cut off—The Ominous Fire-bell—The Vessel put
before the Wind—A Headlong Course—Impossibility of Launching the
Boats—“Every Man for Himself!”—The Boats on Fire—Horrible Cases
of Roasting—Boats Stove in and Upset—The Remnant of
Survivors—“Passing by on the Other Side”—Loss of a distinguished
Author—A Clergyman’s Experiences—A Graphic Description—Without
Food, Water, Oars, Helm, or Compass—Blowing-up of the _Amazon_—“A
Sail!”—Saved on the Dutch Galliot—Back from the Dead—Review of
the Catastrophe—A Contrast—Loss of the _London_—Anxiety to get
Berths on her—The First Disaster—Terrible Weather—Swamped by the
Seas—The Furnaces Drowned out—Efforts to replace a
Hatchway—Fourteen Feet of Water in the Hold—“Boys, you may say
your Prayers!”—Scene in the Saloon—The Last Prayer Meeting—Worthy
Draper—Incidents—Loss of an Eminent Tragedian—His Last
Efforts—The Bottle Washed Ashore—Nineteen Saved out of Two
Hundred and Sixty-three Souls on Board—Noble Captain Martin—The
_London’s_ Last Plunge—The Survivors picked up by an Italian
Barque
CHAPTER XXII.
EARLY STEAMSHIP WRECKS AND THEIR LESSONS.
The _Rothsay Castle_—An Old Vessel, unfit for Sea Service—A Gay 297
Starting—Drifting to the Fatal Sands—The Steamer Strikes—A Scene
of Panic—Lost within easy reach of Assistance—An Imprudent
Pilot—Statements of Survivors—A Father and Son parted and
re-united—Heartrending Episodes—The Other Side: Saved by an
Umbrella—Loss of the _Killarney_—Severe Weather—The Engine-fires
Swamped—At the Mercy of the Waves—On the Rocks—The Crisis—Half
the Passengers and Crew on an Isolated Rock—Spolasco and his
Child—Holding on for Dear Life—Hundreds Ashore “Wrecking”—No
Attempts to Save the Survivors—Several Washed Off—Deaths from
Exhaustion—“To the Rescue!”—Noble Efforts—Failure of Several
Plans—A Novel Expedient adopted—Its Perils—Another Dreary
Night—Good Samaritans—A Noble Lady—Saved at Last—The Inventor’s
Description of the Rope Bridge—The Wreck Register for One
Year—Grand Work of the Lifeboat Institution
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGE
The Naval Flags of the World _Coloured Frontispiece_
Raleigh at Trinidad _To face page_ 5
Sir Walter Raleigh 5
Raleigh on the River 9
Monson and the Biscayan Ship 12
Monson at Cadiz 17
Action in Cerimbra Roads 21
Monson at Broad Haven 25
De Ruyter on the Medway 32
Peter the Great 33
The Imperial Workman receiving a Deputation 36
Old Dockyard at Deptford 37
Saye’s Court, Deptford 39
Commodore Anson 45
The _Centurion_ off Cape Horn 49
Surrender of the _Carmelo_ 56
Anson taking the Spanish Galleon 61
Cape Cod 64
The _Dartmouth_ in Boston Harbour 65
Destruction of the Tea Cargoes 72
Nelson and the Bear 73
Nelson at Copenhagen _To face page_ 76
Lord Nelson 76
The _Charlotte Dundas_ 84
Symington 85
Outline of Fitch’s First Boat 89
Fitch’s Second Boat 89
The _Clermont_ 93
Bell’s _Comet_ 96
Four Great Engineers _To face page_ 97
The _United Kingdom_ 99
Arrival of the _Great Western_ at New York 100
Section and Plan of the Stern of a Screw Steamer 101
The _Robert F. Stockton_ 103
The First Cunard Steamer 105
Cunard Paddle Steam-ship _Scotia_ 109
The Cunard Screw Steam-ship _Bothnia_ 109
Mr. Plimsoll 112
Mr. Plimsoll Speaking in the House of Commons 116
Exterior of Lloyd’s 124
Interior of Lloyd’s 125
The _Great Eastern_ in a Gale off Cape Clear _To face page_ 129
Mr. I. K. Brunel 129
Mr. Scott Russell 129
The Launch of the _Great Eastern_ 133
Arrival of the _Great Eastern_ at New York 136
The _Monitor_ passing the Vicksburg Batteries 138
Peace and War
The _Miantonoma_ 140
Interior of a Turret Ship 141
The _Inflexible_ 145
Section of the _Alexandra_ 147
Preparing for Torpedo Experiments at Portsmouth
The Old Style and the New (a Three-decker and a
Torpedo Boat)
Lieutenant Cushing’s Attack on the _Albemarle_ 149
Different Forms of Torpedoes 153
Torpedo Experiments at Portsmouth, with the
Electric Light
Paraguayan Torpedo blowing up a Brazilian 154
Ironclad
The Tower of Cordouan 157
Destruction of Rudyerd’s Lighthouse _To face page_ 161
Winstanley’s Lighthouse 161
Rudyerd’s Lighthouse 161
The Eddystone Lighthouse 168
Portrait of Smeaton 170
Interior of the Light-chamber of the Eddystone 171
Lighthouse on the Inchcape Rock 176
The Skerryvore Lighthouse 178
Revolving Light Apparatus 184
Breakwater at Venice 188
Cherbourg from the Sea 192
Portland 193
Holyhead Breakwater 196
Great Storm in the Downs 200
The Storm in the Thames at Wapping 204
West-Indiamen Driven Ashore at Tilbury Fort 205
A Life-boat Going Out _To face page_ 209
Greathead’s Life-boat 209
Life-boat Saving the Crew of the _St. George_ 213
Loss of a Life-boat at the Shipwreck of the 216
_Ann_
A Life-boat and Carriage—Latest Form 217
Ramsgate—The _Aid_ Going Out 220
“Curly” weather
A Group of Life-boat Men 229
On the Coast at Deal 232
Rescue of the Danish Vessel 236
Survivors Rescued from the Rigging of a Wreck
Wreckers Waiting for a Wreck 241
Major Warburton at the Wreck of the _Inverness_ 244
A Wreck Ashore
Loss of the _Albion_ Lugger 248
Map showing Coast of Ramsgate and the Goodwin 252
Sands
Wreck of the _Woolpacket_ on Bideford Bar _To face page_ 253
The Lugger reaching Ramsgate Harbour 253
Ronayne’s Bravery 257
The _Northfleet_ 260
Wreck of the _Northfleet_ 265
The Scilly Islands 268
The Bishop Rock Lighthouse 269
Wreck of the _Deutschland_ 272
Burning of the _Amazon_ _To face page_ 281
The _Amazon_ Steam-ship 281
Rescue of the Survivors of the _Amazon_ 284
The _London_ 289
The _London_ Going Down 292
Getting out the _London’s_ Boats 296
Wreck of the _Rothsay Castle_ _To face page_ 297
The Menai Straits 300
Saved at Last
Beaumaris 305
Entrance to Cork Harbour 308
The Survivors on the Rock 312
Rescue of the Survivors of the _Killarney_ 316
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
THE SEA.
CHAPTER I.
THE HISTORY OF SHIPS AND SHIPPING INTERESTS (_continued_).
Extent of the Subject—The First American Colony—Hostilities with
the Indians—117 Settlers Missing—Raleigh’s Search for El
Dorado—Little or no Gold discovered—2,000 Spaniards engage in
another Search—Disastrous results—Dutch Rivalry with the
English—Establishment of two American Trading Companies—Of the
East India Company—Their first Great Ship—Enormous Profits of the
Venture—A Digression—Officers of the Company in Modern Times—Their
Grand Perquisites—Another Naval Hero—Monson a Captain at
Eighteen—His appreciation of Stratagem—An Eleven Hours’
hand-to-hand Contest—Out of Water at Sea—Monson two years a Galley
Slave—Treachery of the Earl of Cumberland—The Cadiz
Expedition—Cutting out a Treasure Ship—Prize worth £200,000—James
I. and his Great Ship—Monson as Guardian of the Narrow Seas—After
the British Pirates—One of their Haunts—A Novel Scheme—Monson as a
Pirate himself—Meeting of the Sham and Real Pirates—Capture of a
Number—Frightened into Penitence—Another caught by a _ruse_.
Many and vast are the subjects which naturally intertwine themselves with
the history of the sea! Great voyages have not been organised for the mere
discovery of so much salt water—except as a means to an end—and the good
ship has almost always sailed with a definite and positive mission. The
history of but a single vessel involves the history, more or less, of
hundreds of people; it may mean that of thousands. So the history of the
ocean is that also of lands and peoples, far off or near. Subjects the
most diverse are still intimately connected with it. In the space of a few
years’ time, war and peace are strangely contrasted; brilliant discoveries
are succeeded by disastrous failures, and heroic deeds stand side by side
with shameless transactions. Take only a few of the succeeding pages, and
we shall find recorded in them the stories of the early colonisation of
America, and of the disastrous voyages in quest of the fabled El Dorado,
followed by the brave and daring deeds of one of our greatest naval
heroes; these again by the establishment of the great commercial company
which once ruled India, succeeded by stories of pirates on the sea, and
“bubble” promoters ashore. Sketches of maritime affairs must be “in black
and white,” so great are the contrasts. But let us turn to our first
subject, the early voyages to, and colonisation of, the great New World.
About one hundred men formed the first little colony landed in Virginia
from the expedition of Greenville in 1585. Raleigh, at his own expense,
sent a shipload of supplies for them next year, but before it arrived the
settlers, and the very Indians of whom such flattering accounts had been
given, had quarrelled, and so many of the former had fallen as to imperil
the existence of the colony; the survivors thought themselves fortunate
when Drake unexpectedly arrived off the coast, and took them away. When
Greenville reached the settlement, a couple of weeks after, they had left
no tidings of themselves, and, wishing to hold possession of the country,
he landed fifteen men, well furnished with all necessaries for two years’
use, on the island of Roanoake. This voyage paid its expenses by prizes
taken from the Spaniards, and by the plunder of the Azores on the way
home, where they spoiled “some of the towns of all such things as were
worth carriage.”
Raleigh, next season, fitted out a third expedition of three vessels, with
one hundred and fifty colonists, under the charge of John White, who was
to be Governor, with twelve chosen persons as assistants: their town was
to be named after himself. After narrowly escaping shipwreck, they arrived
off Roanoake, and White, taking the pinnace, went in search of the fifteen
men left in the preceding year, but “found none of them, nor any sign that
they had been there, saving only the bones of one of them, whom the
savages had slain long before.” Next day they proceeded to the western
side of the island, where they found the houses which had been erected
still standing, but the fort had been razed. They “were overgrown with
melons of divers sorts,” and deer were feeding on the melons. While they
were employed repairing these, and erecting others, one George Howe
wandered some two miles away, when a party of half-naked Indians, who were
engaged in catching crabs in the water, espied him. “They shot at him,
gave him sixteen wounds with their arrows, and after they had slain him
with their wooden swords, they beat his head in pieces, and fled over the
water to the main.” Captain Amadas had taken an Indian named Manteo to
England with him, and this man, now with White, was sent to the island of
Croatoan, where his tribe dwelt, to assure them of the friendship of the
English, and an understanding was established. It was ascertained that the
men left the preceding year had been treacherously attacked by hostile
natives, and that two had been killed, and their storehouse burned; the
remainder had successfully fought through the Indians to the water’s edge,
and had escaped in their boat, whither they knew not. Their fate was never
learned. Manteo’s friends entreated that a badge should be given them, as
some of them had been attacked and wounded the previous year by mistake.
Something similar occurred shortly afterwards, when the English, burning
to avenge Howe’s death, attacked a settlement in the night, shooting one
of the men through the body before they discovered that the natives there
were of the friendly tribe. According to Raleigh’s instructions, Manteo
was christened, and called lord of Roanoake. About this time, the wife of
Ananias Dare, one of the twelve assistants, was delivered of a daughter,
who, as the first English child born in that country, was very naturally
baptised by the name of Virginia. And now the ships had unladen the
planter’s stores, and were preparing for departure. It was deemed
advisable that two of the assistants should go back to England as factors
and representatives of the company, but all appeared anxious to stop. At
length the whole party, with one voice urged White to return, “for the
better and sooner obtaining of supplies and other necessaries for them.”
This he very naturally refused, as it would look at home as though the
Governor had deserted his band, and had led so many into a country in
which he never meant to stay himself. But at last he yielded to them, and
was furnished with a testimonial setting forth the reasons. White arrived
in England at a period when the danger of a Spanish invasion was imminent,
a most unfortunate time for the colonists. When Raleigh was preparing
supplies for them, which Greenville was to have taken out, the order was
countermanded. White represented the urgency of their wants, and two small
pinnaces were despatched with supplies, and fifteen planters on board.
Instead of proceeding to America, they commenced cruising for prizes,
till, disabled and rifled by two men-of-war from Rochelle, they were
obliged to retreat to England. And now Raleigh, who is said to have
already expended £40,000 over these attempts at colonisation, appears to
have sickened of them, and to have assigned his patent to a company of
merchant adventurers. White did his utmost for the poor settlers he
represented, and learning that some English ships were about to proceed to
the West Indies, tried his best to arrange that they should take some
provisions and stores to Virginia, the upshot of which was that he only
obtained a passage for himself.
The colony had now been left to itself for two years. When the vessels
anchored near the spot, they observed a great smoke on the island of
Roanoake, and White, who had a married daughter among the colonists, hoped
that it might proceed from one of their camps. Two boats put off from the
ships, and the gunners were ordered to prepare three guns, “well loaded,
and to shoot them off with reasonable space between each shot, to the end
that their reports might be heard at the place where they hoped to find
some of their people.” Their first search was vain, for though they
reached the spot from which the smoke came, there were no signs of life
there. The next day a second search was made, but one of the boats was
swamped, and the captain and four others were drowned. The sailors averred
that they would not seek further for the colonists; they were, however,
over-ruled, and another attempt was made. Again they noted a great fire in
the woods, and when the boat neared it, they let their grapnel fall, and
sounded a trumpet, playing tunes familiar at the time; but there was no
response. They landed at daybreak, and proceeded to the place where the
colony had been left. “All the way,” says White, “we saw in the sand the
print of the savages’ feet trodden that night; and as we entered up the
sandy bank, upon a tree at the very brow thereof were curiously carved
these fair Roman letters, C R O, which letters presently we knew to
signify the place where I should find the planters seated, according to a
token agreed upon at my departure.” He had told them in case of distress
to carve over the letters or name a cross; but no such sign was found. At
the spot itself where he expected the settlement, he found the houses
taken down, and the place enclosed with logs or trees. Many heavy
articles, bars of iron, pigs of lead, shot, and so forth, were lying
about, almost overgrown with grass and weeds. Five chests, of which three
were his own, were found at last, but they had been evidently broken into
by the savages. “About the place,” says White, “many of my things, spoiled
and broken, and my books torn from the covers, the frames of some of my
pictures and maps rotten and spoiled with rain, and my armour almost eaten
through with rust.” But on one of the trees or chief posts of the
enclosure, the word CROATOAN was carved in large letters, and he now
understood that they were with Manteo’s tribe. It was agreed that they
should make for that place; but again fortune was against them.
One disaster followed another, and when at last they left Virginia, it was
with the intention of wintering in the West Indies, and returning the
following spring; but even this was not to be. Stress of weather drove
them to the Azores, and once there it was naturally decided to return to
England. No later attempt was made to succour them, and the fate of
ninety-one men, seventeen women, and nine children, and of two infants
born there, the names of which are preserved in Hakluyt, was never known.
Raleigh has been greatly blamed for inhumanity in this connection. His
excuse is that it was the busiest part of his eventful life. He had just
borne his part in the defeat of the Armada; had been one of eleven hundred
gentlemen who ventured on the unfortunate Portuguese expedition; had been
sent, in what was regarded as an honourable banishment, but none the less
an exile, to Ireland; on regaining his place in the queen’s favour had
taken an active part in Parliamentary service; was concerned in a fresh
naval expedition from which he was recalled by the queen, and had his
first taste of that cell in the Tower, which later on he left only for the
scaffold.
In 1595, we find Raleigh bent on a discovery which had long been a
feverish dream with him—the conquest of the fabled El Dorado. It was but
the result of the discoveries of the Spaniards in Mexico and Peru; and all
over the Spanish main there was a fond belief extant in something greater
and richer than anything yet found. One of the traditions of the day was
that a relative of the last reigning Inca of Peru, escaping from the wreck
of that empire, with a large part of its remaining forces and treasure,
had established himself in a new country, which was found to be itself as
rich in mines as that from which he had migrated. “The Spaniards,” says
Southey, “lost more men in seeking for this imaginary kingdom than in the
conquest of Mexico and Peru.”
[Illustration: RALEIGH AT TRINIDAD.]
[Illustration: SIR WALTER RALEIGH.]
Raleigh was encouraged in this enterprise by such men as Cecil, and the
Lord High Admiral Howard, who contributed to its cost. His idea was to
enter the land of gold by the Orinoco, and prior to his own voyage he
despatched a ship, under Captain Whiddon, to reconnoitre on that part of
the coast, and to seek information at the island of Trinidad. When Raleigh
and his squadron had arrived at one of its ports he found a company of
Spaniards from whom he cautiously extracted all they knew or believed
concerning Guiana. “For these poor soldiers,” says he, “having been many
years without wine, a few draughts made them merry; in which mood they
vaunted of Guiana, and of the riches thereof, and all what they knew of
the bays and passages, myself seeming to purpose nothing less than the
entrance or discovery thereof, but bred in them an opinion that I was
bound only for the relief of those English whom I had planted in Virginia,
whereof the bruit was come among them, which I had performed in my return
if extremity of weather had not forced me from the said coast.” Raleigh
stopped some time here, not merely to extract all the information
possible, but also to be revenged on the Governor, who the year before had
behaved treacherously, entrapping eight of Captain Whiddon’s men. This he
accomplished by taking and burning one of their new towns, and detaining
the Governor, Berrio, at his pleasure on board. The same day two more of
his ships arrived, and they prepared for the purposed discovery. “And
first,” says Raleigh, “I called all the captains (_i.e._, caciques or
native chiefs) of the island together that were enemies to the Spaniards;
* * * and by my Indian interpreter, which I carried out of England, I made
them understand that I was the servant of the queen, who was the great
cacique of the north, and a virgin, and had more caciqui under her than
there were trees on that island; that she was an enemy to the Castellani
(_i.e._, Spanish from Castille) in respect of their tyranny and
oppression, and that she delivered all such nations about her as were by
them oppressed; and having freed all the coast of the northern world from
their servitude, had sent me to free them also, and withal to defend the
country of Guiana from their invasion and conquest. I showed them her
Majesty’s picture, which they so admired and honoured as it had been easy
to have brought them idolatrous thereof.” Raleigh used the Governor with
courtesy and hospitality, and sounded him well concerning Guiana; and
Berrio conversed with him readily, having no suspicion of Raleigh’s
intentions. But when Sir Walter told him that he had resolved to see that
country, the Governor “was stricken into a great melancholy,” and tried
all he could to dissuade him. He described the rivers as full of
sandbanks, and so shallow that no bark or pinnace could ascend them, and
scarcely a ship’s boat; that they could not carry provisions for half the
journey, and that the “kings and lords of all the borders of Guiana had
decreed that none of them should trade with any Christians for gold,
because the same would be their own overthrow, and that for the love of
gold the Christians meant to conquer and dispossess them altogether.” The
golden country was 600 miles farther from the coast than he had been
informed, which piece of news Raleigh carefully concealed from his
company, for he was resolved “to make trial of all, whatsoever happened.”
After many explorations, on the part of his captains, of the rivers, the
mouths of which were found to be as shallow as he had been told, he, with
100 men divided in a galley, four boats and barges, and carrying
provisions for a month, resolved to see for himself.
From the spot where the ships lay, they had as much sea to cross as
between Dover and Calais, the waves being high, and the current strong.
They at length entered a stream, which Raleigh called the River of the Red
Cross, and where they noted Indians in a canoe and on the banks. Their
interpreters, Ferdinando and his brother, went ashore to fetch fruit, and
drink with the natives, when they were seized by the chief with the
intention of putting them to death, because “they had brought a strange
nation into their territory to spoil and destroy them.” Ferdinando and his
brother managed to escape, the former running into the woods, and the
latter reaching the mouth of the creek where the barge was staying, when
he cried out that his brother was slain. On hearing this, “we set hands,”
says Raleigh, “on one of them that was next us, a very old man, and
brought him into the barge, assuring him that if we had not our pilot
again we would presently cut off his head.” The old man called to his
tribe to save Ferdinando, but they hunted him through the forest, with
shouts that made the whole neighbourhood resound. At length he reached the
water, and climbing out on an overhanging tree, dropped down and swam to
the barge, half dead with fear. The old Indian was retained as pilot.
Ascending with the flood, and anchoring during ebb tide, they went on,
till on the third day their galley grounded, and stuck so fast that it was
a question whether their discoveries must not end there; but at last, by
lightening her of all her ballast, and hauling and tugging, she was once
more afloat. Next day they reached a fine river, where there was no flood
tide from the sea, and they had to contend against a strong current; “and
had then,” says Raleigh, “no shift but to persuade the company that it was
but two or three days’ work” to reach their destination. “When three days
were overgone, our companies began to despair, the weather being extreme
hot, the river bordered with very high trees that kept away the air, and
the current against us every day stronger than the other; but we once more
commanded our pilots to promise to end the next day, and used it so long
as we were driven to assure them from four reaches of the river to three,
and so to two, and so to the next reach; but so long we laboured that many
days were spent, and we driven to draw ourselves to harder allowance, our
bread even at the last and no drink at all; and ourselves so wearied and
scorched, and doubtful withal whether we should ever perform it or no, the
heat increasing as we drew towards the line, for we were now in five
degrees. The farther we went on (our victuals decreasing and the air
breeding great faintness) we grew weaker and weaker, when we had most need
of strength and ability, for hourly the river ran more violently than
other against us; and the barge, wherries, and ship’s boat had spent all
their provisions, so as we were brought into despair and discomfort, had
we not persuaded all the company that it was but one day’s work more to
attain the land, where we should be relieved of all we wanted; and if we
returned that we should be sure to starve by the way, and that the world
would also laugh us to scorn.” The old Indian now offered to take them to
a town at a short distance, where they could get bread, hams, fish, and
wine, but to reach it they must leave the galley, and proceed up a smaller
stream with the barge and wherries. Raleigh, with two of his captains and
sixteen musketeers started, but when, after hard rowing, it grew night,
and there were no signs of the place, they feared treachery. The old
native still assured them that it was but a little further, and they rowed
on past reach after reach, and still no town or settlement could be
discovered. At last they decided to hang the pilot, and Raleigh states
distinctly that “if we had well known the way back again by night, he had
surely gone, but our own necessities pleaded sufficiently for his safety,
for it was now as dark as pitch, and the river began so to narrow itself,
and the trees to hang from side, so as we were driven with arming swords
to cut a passage through those branches that covered the water.” At last,
an hour after midnight, a light was seen, and the welcome noise of the
village dogs heard, as they rowed towards it. There were few natives there
at the time, but some quantity of provisions was obtained, with which they
returned to the galley next day. The natives called this stream the river
of alligators, and a negro, who was one of the galley’s crew, venturing to
swim in it, was devoured by one of those animals. Raleigh says of the
country through which it passed, “whereas all that we had seen before was
nothing but woods, prickly bushes, and thorns, here we beheld plains of
twenty miles in length, the grass short and green, and in divers parts
groves of trees by themselves, as if they had with all the art and labour
in the world been so made of purpose; and still as we rowed, the deer came
down feeding by the water’s side, as if they had been used to a keeper’s
call.”
Still proceeding up the great river, their provisions almost exhausted,
they observed four canoes coming down the stream, to which they gave
chase. The people in two of the larger escaped into the woods, and left
behind a large stock of bread, which was very welcome. Searching the
woods, Raleigh came across an Indian basket, which proved to be that of a
refiner, as it contained quicksilver, saltpetre, and other things for
gathering and testing metals, and also the dust of such as he had
discovered. Raleigh offered £500 to the soldier who should take one of
three Spaniards known to have been with this party, but they escaped. He
was more fortunate with the Indians who had accompanied them, and one of
them was taken for pilot, from whom he learned that the richest mines were
“defended with rocks of hard stones, which we call white spar” (presumably
quartz). He states that in the canoes which escaped there was a good
quantity of ore and gold.
Still proceeding, on the fifteenth day, to their great joy, the distant
mountains of Guiana came into view, and the same day brought them in sight
of the great Orinoco, about the branches of which river thousands of
tortoise eggs were found, which proved to be “very wholesome meat, and
greatly restoring.” The natives, too, were friendly, and to Raleigh’s
credit, be it said, he appears in all cases to have treated them fairly
and well. With the cacique he made merry, treating the natives to a small
quantity of Spanish wine, they in return bringing in fruits, bread, fish,
and flesh. The chief conducted them to his own town, “where,” says
Raleigh, “some of our captains caroused of his wine till they were
reasonably pleasant; for it is very strong with pepper, and the juice of
divers herbs digested and purged; they keep it in great earthen pots of
ten or twelve gallons, very clear and sweet; and are themselves at their
meetings and feasts the greatest carousers and drunkards in the world.”
The settlement stood on a low hill, “with goodly gardens a mile compass
round about it.” And so they proceeded, meeting friendliness everywhere
among the natives, till the rivers commenced fast rising, and they could
not row against the stream. Small parties were then detailed ashore to
look for mineral stones. Raleigh describes the country as lovely; “the
deer crossing in every path; the birds towards the evening singing on
every tree with a thousand several tunes; cranes and herons, of white,
crimson, and carnation, perching on the river’s side; the air fresh with a
gentle easterly wind; _and every stone that we stooped to take up promised
either gold or silver by its complexion_. * * * I hope some of them cannot
be bettered under the sun; and yet we had no means but with our daggers
and fingers to tear them out here and there, the rocks being most hard, of
that mineral spar aforesaid, which is like a flint, and is altogether as
hard, or harder; and besides, the veins lie a fathom or two deep in the
rocks. But we wanted all things requisite, save only our desires and good
will, to have performed more, if it had pleased God.” Some of the others
brought glistening stones, and among them, apparently pyrites, which very
commonly accompanies gold, but of the precious metal itself Raleigh could
hardly boast a speck in truth. His account of these discoveries is mixed
up with the strangest fables, as for example of the Ewaipanoma, a people
of that country whose eyes were in their shoulders, and their mouths in
the middle of their breasts!
[Illustration: RALEIGH ON THE RIVER.]
The ships were regained, and the expedition sailed for England, where
Raleigh, in spite of the work which he published under the boastful title
of “The Discovery of the Large, Rich, and Beautiful Empire of Guiana, with
a Relation of the Great and Golden City of Manoa (which the Spaniards call
El Dorado),” &c., lost both popular and queenly favour, having brought
home no booty. In fact the narrative given to the world rather did him
harm than good, for it is full of excuses, admits that the voyage had been
most unprofitable, and is undoubtedly not veracious in many particulars.
His arguments for immediately attempting the conquest of Guiana were not
regarded. Yet still he had means and friends. Two expeditions to Guiana
were afterwards organised, neither of which resulted in any discovery or
profit.
But others besides Raleigh and his followers had been inflamed with the
accounts floating about concerning El Dorado. Berrio, the Spanish Governor
before mentioned, despatched his camp master to Spain to levy men, sending
with him some golden carvings and “images, as well of men as beasts,
birds, and fishes,” in order to obtain further aid from the king and his
subjects. This agent, Domingo de Vera, was a man of ability, and
thoroughly unscrupulous; he courted notoriety by appearing always in a
singular dress, adorned with golden trinkets and jewels, and being of
great stature, and riding always a great horse, attracted much attention,
being known popularly as the Indian El Dorado. He was successful in
raising seventy thousand ducats at Madrid, and a large additional sum at
Seville: obtained authority for raising a band of adventurers, and five
good ships to carry them out. Men of good birth left their estates,
respectable middle-class men gave up their incomes and employments, sold
everything, and embarked with their wives and children; even a prebendary,
and many priests, gave up sure prospects of advancement to join the
expedition, which at last aggregated two thousand persons. Berrio had only
asked for 300, and when the expedition reached Trinidad, they had to be
apportioned to various other settlements; the women and children being
serious encumbrances at the time, and enduring great misery. The savage
Caribs attacked their canoes when proceeding to St. Thomas and elsewhere.
One detachment of three hundred were reduced to thirty souls by the crafty
Indians, who, after very partially supplying them with provisions, watched
them sink with weakness and disease till they became an easy prey. In some
places they set fire to the grass, and the wretched travellers, unable to
fly before it, were burned to death. Those who reached the Orinoco, not
merely found no gold, but little of that abundance so glowingly described
by Raleigh. Vera himself soon died in Trinidad, and Berrio did not long
survive him. Of the original two thousand who left Spain, it is doubtful
whether a tithe survived the first year. Had Raleigh been a favourite with
the people, or had his character been above suspicion, it is more than
likely that some similar disaster might have had to be recorded on the
pages of English history.
Sir Walter Raleigh has enlightened us,(1) as regards the condition of
commerce and of the English mercantile marine shortly before the union of
the crown of England and Scotland, in a remarkable paper, “which
contains,” says a competent authority, “many remarkable commercial
principles far in advance of the age in which the author lived.” He states
that the ships of England were not to be compared with those of the Dutch,
and that while an English ship of one hundred tons required a crew of
thirty men, the Dutch would sail such a vessel with one-third that number.
Holland became the depôt of numerous articles, “not one hundredth part of
which were consumed by the Dutch,” while she gave “free custom inwards and
outwards for the better maintenance of navigation and encouragement of the
people to that business.” Sir Walter tells us that France offered to the
vessels of all nations free customs twice and sometimes three times each
year when she laid in her annual stock of provisions, and also in such raw
materials as were not possessed by herself in equal abundance. Denmark
granted free customs the year through, excepting only one month. The Dutch
were the great carriers by sea, in consequence of the facilities granted
them at home, “and yet the situation of England lieth far better for a
storehouse to serve the south-east and the north-east kingdoms than theirs
do; and we have far the better means to do it if we apply ourselves to do
it.” He complained that although the greatest fishery in the world is on
the coasts of England, Scotland, and Ireland, Holland despatched to the
Baltic and up the Rhine more than a million pounds sterling worth of
herrings, where we did not export one. He states that Holland trafficked
in “every city and port of Britain with five or six hundred ships yearly,
and we chiefly to three towns in their country and with forty ships; the
Dutch trade to every port and town in France, and we only to five or six,”
and that the Dutch were even ruining our Russian trade. In spite of
probable exaggerations in Raleigh’s statements as laid before the King, it
is evident that with the laws as they stood, the Dutch must have had, as
regards their commercial marine, very much the best of it.
While there was much depression among the shipowners, they did not
overlook the advantages to be derived from intercourse with the
newly-discovered world of North America. Though the expeditions promoted
by Raleigh and his associates had been unfortunate, profitable ventures
were soon after made, beads, trinkets, and articles of little value being
exchanged for skins and furs obtained by the Indians; and Captain Gosnold
made in 1602 the first _direct_ voyage across the Atlantic to America—all
other English sailors at least having sailed by way of the Canaries and
West Indies. “Steering in a small bark, directly across the Atlantic, in
seven weeks he reached Cape Elizabeth on the coast of Maine. Following the
coast to the south-west, he skirted ‘an outpoint of wooded land;’ and
about noon of the 14th of May he anchored ‘near Savage Rock,’ to the east
of York Harbour.... Not finding his ‘purposed place’ he stood to the
south, and on the morning of the 15th discovered the promontory which he
named Cape Cod. He and four of his men went on shore. Cape Cod was the
first spot in New England ever trod by Englishman.” He traded with the
natives in peltries, sassafras, and cedar-wood, and was probably the first
to sow English corn on the Island of Martha’s Vineyard. In 1606 two
maritime companies, the “Plymouth Adventurers,” and the South Virginia
Company, were authorised to colonise and form plantations; the first
having right to the territory which now embraces Pennsylvania, New Jersey,
and New York; and the second, to that which now includes Maryland,
Virginia, and North and South Carolina. A single steamer of these days has
often landed more emigrants at New York than did a dozen of these early
expeditions at other points, for their progress at first was painfully
slow.
The great East India Company was formed in England more than a century
after the discovery, by Vasco de Gama, of the route to India _viâ_ the
Cape. The first voyage of Thomas Cavendish is worthy of more note than it
has received, inasmuch as it contributed more than anything else to
awakening the merchants of London to the importance of the trade prospects
there. Starting in July, 1586, he circumnavigated the globe, passing
through the Straits of Magellan westward, in eight months less than Drake.
He was the first English navigator to discern the value of the position of
St. Helena, to describe with accuracy the Philippine Islands, and to bring
home a map and description of China; and what is more remarkable is the
fact that he was scarcely more than twenty-two years of age when he took
command in this first most adventurous voyage. He was shipwrecked five or
six years later on the coast of Brazil, and lost his life there. Through
Mr. Thorne, an English merchant, often mentioned in connection with these
early voyages, the London merchants gained a considerable amount of
knowledge relating to the important trade with the Indies enjoyed by the
Spanish and Portuguese; and at length, in the year 1600, more than 200
shipowners, traders, and citizens associated, and formed a body corporate,
having received many special privileges from the Crown, “including,” says
Lindsay,(2) “that of punishing offenders either in body or purse, provided
the mode of punishment was not repugnant to the laws of England. Its
exports were not subjected to any duties for the four first voyages,
important indulgences were granted in paying the duties on imports, and
liberty was given to export £30,000 each voyage in coin or bullion,
provided £6,000 of this sum passed through the Mint. But not exceeding six
ships, and an equal number of pinnaces, with 500 seamen, were allowed to
be despatched annually to whatever station might be formed in India, with
the additional provisoes that the seamen were not at the time required for
the service of the Royal Navy, and that all gold and silver exported by
the Company should be shipped at either London, Dartmouth, or Plymouth.”
The Company started with a capital of £72,000, and equipped five vessels
for the first venture, the largest of which was the _Dragon_ of 600 tons;
her commander, according to the practice of the day, receiving the title
of “Admiral of the Squadron.” The first voyage was very successful;
important commercial relations were formed with the King of Achin, in
Sumatra; and a factory established at Bantam, after which the ships
returned to England richly laden.
A serious rival was, however, in the field. The separation of the Dutch
provinces from the crown of Spain had caused their merchants to be sent
abroad to seek new fields of commerce, and as they had gained an intimate
knowledge of Spanish and Portuguese affairs, they were then the
predominant naval power in the Indian Seas, and were quite ready to
contend against any supremacy on the part of England’s traders. English
merchants were, however, ready for them, the profits on the first
expedition having incited them to grander efforts. They obtained a new
Charter in 1609, and the Company constructed a vessel of larger size than
any hitherto employed in the English merchant service, which they named
the _Trades’ Increase_. She was 1,200 tons, and even her pinnace was 250
tons. At her launch, the Company gave a great banquet, at which the dishes
were of china ware, then a great novelty in England. With these and two
other vessels Sir Henry Middleton set sail, touching at Mocha, on the Red
Sea, where, entrapped ashore by the Mohammedans, eighty of his crew were
massacred, sixteen others disabled, and he himself severely wounded.
Proceeding to Bantam, the _Trades’ Increase_ was unfortunately
shipwrecked, and poor Middleton died heartbroken at the failure of the
expedition. But other voyages followed, which were enormously profitable
to the Company. One expedition is mentioned which, “though absent only
twenty months, earned in that time a profit of no less than 340 per cent.”
“Factories”—trading posts or forts—were established, and the Company
obtained the favour of the Moghul Emperor, Jehangir, more especially after
they had been fortunate enough to repel some of the Portuguese who were
attacking his posts. They even contrived to obtain a footing in Japan,
through the influence of William Adams, a Kentish man, who had been pilot
on one of the earliest Dutch expeditions, and who stood high in the
Emperor’s favour. The intercourse then opened was allowed to die out, and
has only been re-established late in our own time. In seventeen years
after the first establishment of the Company its affairs had become so
prosperous that its stock reached a premium of 203 per cent., and the
Dutch East India Company suggested an amalgamation of the two corporations
with a view to exclude and crush their common enemy, the Portuguese. This
was never carried into effect, but in 1619 a treaty of trade and
friendship was established. They were to “cease from rivalry, and
apportion the profits of the different branches of commerce between them.”
Alas! all this amicable billing and cooing were to speedily end; such
self-abnegation was found hardly practicable between business rivals. A
series of hostilities ensued in the following year; a number of Englishmen
were massacred by the Dutch at Amboyna, and sea-fights occurred between
the vessels; the result being that the Dutch had it all their own way in a
few years afterwards. The directors of the English Company even meditated
winding up its affairs. Something similar happened more than once
afterwards before they became a grand company and the real governors of
India. The rise of British power there is one of those surprising
revolutions which never before occurred in history. The managers of a
trading company in London first became the lords of a manor a dozen times
the size of England, and controlled the destinies of kings and princes,
engaging in war or peace as occasion seemed to demand. Think of the
affairs of a great country settled in a counting-house! But at length the
anomaly had to cease, and, as most readers will remember, the East India
Company lost its powers and privileges in 1858, and ceased to exist as a
governing body. Retiring allowances were made to commanders and officers.
It may be interesting to note that up to 1814 trade with India, so long a
jealously-guarded monopoly with the Company, was thrown open to private
competition, but that they retained the exclusive trade with China for a
long period after that date.
A trifling digression may be allowed here, as it really bears on our
subject. The East India Company was long a synonym for everything that was
rich and powerful, and many of its civil servants visited or retired to
England as opulent and independent men. The maritime branch of the service
received a goodly slice of the pie; and some facts relating thereto
recorded by Lindsay, the authority before quoted, himself long a great
shipowner, will astonish and interest the reader. A commander’s position
in the H. E. I. Co.’s service was most assuredly worth having, for his
salary was a very small part indeed of his receipts. The Company granted a
number of “indulgences” to their naval officers, of which the following
are only part. Ninety-seven tons of space were reserved for the commander
and officers, of which the former of course took the lion’s share, 56½
tons. They were permitted to import on the homeward voyage tea to the
following extent:—9,336 lbs. for the commander, 1,228 lbs. for first mate,
and the lower grades were each privileged in the same way, but to a
smaller extent. The officers might bring in China-ware as a flooring for
the tea-chests, the quantity of which might range from 20 to 40 tons,
according to the size of the vessel. They were even allowed surplus
tonnage, when it could be safely and conveniently carried. The commander
received as his perquisite the passage-money paid by _all_ private
passengers, the cost of their provisions and wine being alone deducted.
His table was luxuriously supplied, and he was allowed to import for his
own use two butts of Madeira wine. The first mate had, among his extra
allowances, and quite apart from the regular supply of provisions on
board, 24 dozen of wine or beer, 2 firkins of butter, 1 cwt. of cheese, 1
cwt. of groceries, and 4 quarter casks of pickles for the voyage. Lindsay
says, “So many were their privileges, and so numerous their perquisites,
that during five India or China voyages a captain of one of the Company’s
ships ought to have realised sufficient capital to be independent for the
rest of his life.” He was, in effect, a merchant, doing business for
himself while in the employ of a large mercantile concern, and his
officers were the same on a smaller scale. The above writer considers that
the direct and inevitable remuneration to a commander was from £3,000 to
£5,000 per round voyage, out and home, but that with his privileges and
perquisites it might and often did reach £8,000 to £10,000, or more. He
mentions one instance which came within his own knowledge, where “the
commander of one of the ships employed on the ‘double voyage’—that is from
London to India, thence to China, and thence back to London, where he had
a large interest in the freight on cotton or other produce conveyed from
India to China—realised no less than £30,000.” And yet some of them were
not satisfied, and the Company had to make laws and investigations
concerning illicit trading and smuggling with the connivance of the Custom
House officers. Some of the commanders had even put into ports for which
they had no orders, to carry out their own purposes.
The internal economy of an East Indiaman was, as regards discipline and
order, modelled for the most part upon that of a man-of-war, and carried
more men, twice over, than does many a modern steamer double her tonnage.
Thus, one of the finest vessels of the Company, mentioned by Lindsay, was
for a considerable period the _Earl of Balcarras_. She was of 1,417 tons,
and had 130 souls on board. After the commander came six mates, a surgeon
and assistant, six midshipmen, purser, boatswain, gunner, carpenter,
master-at-arms, armourer, butcher, baker, poulterer, caulker, cooper, two
stewards, two cooks, eight boatswain’s, gunner’s, carpenter’s, caulker’s,
and cooper’s mates; six quartermasters, a sailmaker, seven servants for
officers, and seventy-eight seamen. But we are wandering from our theme.
[Illustration: MONSON AND THE BISCAYAN SHIP.]
The reign of Elizabeth was a glorious epoch in the history of naval
affairs, and great names crowd upon us. It is impossible to pass by that
of Sir William Monson, who served his country for fifty years, through
three reigns, and whose “Naval Tracts” are almost as valuable as were his
services, illustrating as they do the condition of the navy and maritime
affairs of the period, and abounding in the details of well-described
exploits.
Monson was of a good Lincolnshire family, and at an early age entered
Baliol College, Oxford, where he remained a couple of years, till the
excitement of the war with Spain determined him to run away to sea, as he
did not expect to get the consent of his parents. At this date, 1585, he
was only sixteen years of age. “I put myself,” says he, “into an action by
sea, where there was in company of us two small ships, fitted for
men-of-war, that authorised us by commission to seize upon the subjects of
the King of Spain; then made I the sea my profession, being led to it by
the wildness of my youth.” He had not long to wait for adventure. “A
strong and obstinate ship of Holland” was encountered, whose captain had
the audacity not to strike his flag immediately, when required to do so.
The Dutch vessel had an English pilot on board, through whom communication
was held; and the master of the privateer, by a ruse of navigation,
ordering his helmsman in a loud voice to port his helm, while in an
undertone he instructed him to do just the reverse, nearly fouled the
Dutchman, whose men got out oars and fenders to prevent the impending
collision. “When we saw their people thus employed,” says Monson,(3) “and
not to have time to take arms, we suddenly boarded, entered, and took her
by this stratagem.” Monson, when an old man, used to chuckle over his
boyish share in this exploit, and includes it among “stratagems to be used
at sea” in his “Tracts.”
But he was to have speedily a better opportunity of distinguishing
himself. The privateer on which he served—for she was nothing
more—encountered a large Biscayan ship off the Spanish coast, whose
captain refused to strike. A few of the English crew, including Monson,
managed to board her, when the sea suddenly rose, and this mere handful
were left on the Spaniard’s decks, while the privateer was compelled to
ungrapple. The storm increased, and it was not possible to succour the
little band, who fought for _eleven_ hours, from eight o’clock in the
evening to seven the next morning. The Spaniards attempted to blow up the
deck which they maintained, but “were prevented by fire-pikes,” and at
last surrendered after a desperate contest. The decks were covered with
the dead and dying. “I dare say,” says the narrator of the event, “that in
the whole time of the war there was not so rare a manner of fight, or so
great a slaughter of men.” Monson, who had now received his “baptism of
fire” with a vengeance, determined that nothing should take him from his
adopted profession, and it is presumable that his friends became
reconciled to it, for we find him suddenly raised, at one step, from the
grade of a volunteer to the rank of captain, although but eighteen years
old! Family influence, doubtless, had something to do with it. Gentlemen
captains, who were often brave men, but who knew little enough about naval
affairs, were common in those days. Raleigh distinguishes them very
distinctly from the “tarpauling captain,” or mariner who had learned his
profession from a youth up. Monson, however, as his writings prove, soon
became an adept in navigation and all the arts of seamanship.
Passing over a voyage in which Monson was nearly shipwrecked, we come to
1589, when he accompanied the Earl of Cumberland in his expedition to the
Azores. The crews were reduced to great distress from want of water, and
while cruising among the islands, a grand spout was seen issuing
apparently from one of their cliffs. Cumberland asked Monson to go with
four men and find out whether it was available for their use. While they
were rowing towards the land, a great whale, lying asleep on the water,
was noted from the ship, and was mistaken for a rock, whereupon the vessel
tacked about and put to sea, leaving Monson to his fate. (The original
narrative does not explain whether the waterspout, noticed from the ship,
had proceeded from the whale, before it fell asleep.) “I had no sooner,”
says Monson, “set my foot ashore, than it began to be dark with night and
fog, and to blow, rain, thunder, and lighten in the cruellest manner that
I have seen. There was no way for me to escape death but to put myself to
the mercy of the sea; neither could I have any great hope of help in life,
for the ship was out of sight, and there only appeared a light upon the
shrouds to direct me.” The narrative says that a countryman of Monson’s on
board prevailed upon his lordship (the Earl of Cumberland) to forbear
sailing. This was, one would think, hardly necessary, as Monson was his
second in command; but stress of weather will probably account for the
vessel being driven some distance. They rowed and rowed, but lost all
sight of the ship. At length, in despair, they fired their last charge of
powder from a musket. The flash was seen through the fog, and they were
saved. “We were preserved,” says the narrative, “rather by miracle than
any human act; and to make it the more strange we were no sooner risen
from our seats, and ropes in our hands to enter the ship, but the boat
sunk immediately.” The subsequent sufferings of the crew from the
continued want of water have rarely been equalled. “For sixteen days
together,” says Monson, “we never tasted a drop of drink, either of beer,
wine, or water; and though we had plenty of beef and pork of a year’s
salting, yet did we forbear eating it, for making us the drier. Many drank
salt water, and those that did died suddenly; and the last words they
usually spoke were ‘Drink, drink, drink!’” There were 500 men on board,
and the mortality, though not expressly stated in numbers, is said to have
been something fearful. At last they made the coast of Ireland, and
obtained relief. So severely was Monson’s health affected by this voyage,
that he retired from the active pursuit of his profession for a year
afterwards.
Again he joined the Earl of Cumberland in 1591 on an expedition directed
against Spain, off the coasts of which he successfully took two caravels
by one of the stratagems for which he was famous. He had boarded one from
the ship’s boat; he manned her with a part of his boat’s crew, and rowed
back to his ship. The Spaniards on the other caravel far in the distance
thought that the first, her consort, had been dismissed, and so shortened
sail to meet her; and was consequently taken unawares by a mere handful of
men. But Monson only wanted to obtain information as to the enemy, and let
them both off. This act turned out fortunately for him; for shortly
afterwards, being left in charge of a prize taken from the Dutch, he was
attacked by the Spaniards in six galleys, the consequence being that he
was taken prisoner, when he found that his recent conduct towards the
caravels had been reported favourably, and he was treated with more
courtesy than had been usual before. But he was to suffer a long captivity
for all that. At the Tagus he would probably have escaped had not an
unforeseen chance prevented. While the galleys were in the harbour, a
Brazilian, master of a Dutch ship, chanced to come on board that on which
Monson was confined, and, pitying his hard fate, offered to take him off
on his vessel, if he could devise any plan which should not implicate
himself. Monson gave out to the rest of the prisoners that, tired of his
life, he intended to drown himself. His intention really was to drop
quietly into the water, and if possible swim to the friendly bark. But
just before he had made his arrangements, the galleys were ordered to sea,
and when they returned the ship had sailed. It is probably fortunate for
him that he did not make the attempt, as, had it been frustrated, he would
have probably suffered death, as did an Italian a short time afterwards,
who had been trying to raise a general conspiracy on board. His execution
was effected in the most horrible manner, his arms and legs being
severally tied to the sterns of four galleys, which were rowed in four
different directions, thus quartering him.
Monson was afterwards removed to the castle of Lisbon, from which an
attempt on his part to escape was frustrated by the treachery of an
English interpreter there, whom he had been forced to employ. Fortunately,
the letter which he had entrusted to a page, who was to have conveyed it
_in his boots_ to Lord Burleigh, became so saturated and obliterated by
rain, that nothing could be made of it, and the whole matter was allowed
to pass. Not so, however, after he had helped a Portuguese to escape, who
had been condemned to death. The latter, aided by Monson’s skill, managed
to pass the sentinels disguised as a soldier, and then lowering himself by
a rope, effected his plans. The flight having been discovered, Monson was
accused of having assisted him, and was taken before the judge. “But
neither threats nor promises of liberty could induce him to confess. He
pleaded that he was a prisoner of war, that he was subject to the law of
honour and arms, and that it was lawful for him to seek his freedom: he
urged the improbability of holding such intercourse as was imputed to him
with one whose language he did not understand; and he concluded by
cautioning them to be wary what violence they offered him, as he had
friends in England, and was of a nation that could and would revenge his
wrongs.” The latter argument probably it was that carried the day; but
until released—no doubt by exchange—he was closely guarded.
In 1593, Monson again joined Cumberland, and considering the fidelity
which he had always shown to that admiral, the latter seems to have
treated him very badly. In the course of their voyage, a dozen Spanish
hulks laden with powder were taken, half of which were left to Monson to
haul over, while his admiral put to sea with the rest. Monson had with him
only about fifty men. What was his surprise towards night to find that
Cumberland had released the hulks which he had taken, and that they were
crowding on all sail to join their consorts in his charge, with hostile
intent, which it would be madness on his part to attempt to frustrate. He
barely escaped; when the enemy boarded him on one side of his vessel, he
leaped into the long boat on the other side, receiving a wound which
remained all his days. Southey certainly puts it mildly when he says, “The
conduct of the Earl of Cumberland in this affair admits of no reasonable
or satisfactory explanations,” for it looks far more like downright
treachery. A couple of years afterwards, the Earl very plainly declared
his colours by first inducing him to join him in his voyage, and then
superseding him. Monson could not brook this, and returned, after some
adventures, to England, where we soon find him with the Earl of Essex, in
the expedition to Cadiz. At that most remarkable siege, he was in the
thick of the fight ashore with Essex, where he received a shot through his
scarf and breeches; another shot took away the handle and pommel of his
sword, while he remained uninjured. But his principal services were in
connection with the destruction of the fleet, which meant a loss of six or
seven millions sterling to Spain. “The King of Spain,” says Monson, “never
received so great an overthrow, and so great an indignity at our hands as
this; for our attempt was at his own home, in his own ports, that he
thought as safe as his chamber, where we took and destroyed his ships of
war, burnt and consumed the wealth of his merchants, sacked his city,
ransomed his subjects, and entered his country without impeachment.”
Monson was knighted for his conduct at this siege.
[Illustration: MONSON AT CADIZ.]
The abundant “pluck” possessed by Monson is illustrated in the following
example. In 1597, on the island expedition, Monson’s ship was separated
some distance from the admiral’s squadron, when a fleet of twenty-five
sail was noted approaching in the dead of the night. Not being able to
distinguish their flag, he determined to reconnoitre for himself, before
signalling to the English ships. He approached them in his boat, hailing
them in Spanish, and they, replying that they were of that nationality,
asked whence he came. He replied that he was of England, and told them
that his ship, then in sight, was a royal galleon, and could be easily
taken, his object being to make them pursue him, so that he might
gradually lead them into the wake of the squadron. All he got for this
impudently gallant attempt was a volley of bad language and another of
shot.
But all Monson’s exploits pale before an action which occurred in Cerimbra
roads, in which a great treasure-ship was cut out, in sight of a fortress
and eleven galleys, and within hearing of the guns of Lisbon. He was then
associated with Admiral Sir Richard Lewson, but the principal part of the
service was performed by himself. When the carrack and galleys were
discovered lying at anchor, a council was held on board the admiral’s
vessel, which occupied the better part of a day, as many of the captains
thought it folly to attempt to capture a great ship defended by a fortress
and eleven galleys. Monson thought differently, and it was at length
agreed that he and the admiral should anchor as near the carrack as they
could, while the other and smaller vessels should ply up and down, holding
themselves in readiness for any emergency. It is likely, as Southey
remarks, that “the sight of these galleys reminded Sir William of the
slavery he had endured at Lisbon in similar vessels, if not indeed in some
of these identical craft, and he longed to take revenge upon them.” Monson
says that in order to show contempt of them, he separated from the rest of
the fleet, by way of challenging and defying them. “The Marquis of St.
Cruz, General of the Portuguese, and Frederick Spinola, General of the
galleys, accepted the invitation, and put out with the intention of
fighting him; but they were diverted from their purpose by a renegade
Englishman, who knew the force of the vice-admiral’s ship, and that she
was commanded by Monson.”
The town of Cerimbra lies at the bottom of a roadstead, which usually
affords protection for shipping. It had at that time a strong fortress
close to the beach, and a fortified castle, while there was a troop of
soldiers ashore, whose numerous tents lined the coast. The galleys were
partly covered or flanked by a neck of rock, and the batteries could play
over them, thus affording them great protection, while they could
themselves keep up a continuous fire at any approaching vessel. Again,
Monson tells us, “there was no man but imagined that most of the carrack’s
lading was ashore, and that they would hale her aground under the castle
where no ship of ours would be able to come at her—all which objections,
with many more, were alleged, yet they little prevailed. Procrastination
was perilous, and therefore, with all expedition, they thought convenient
to charge the town, the fort, the galleys, and carrack, all at one
instant.” This was done next morning, although a gale sprung up about the
time of the attack. The admiral weighed, fired the signal gun, hoisted his
flag, and was the first at the attack; “after him followed the rest of the
ships, showing great valour, and gaining great honour. The last of all was
Monson himself, who, entering into the fight, still strove to get up as
near the shore as he could, where he came to an anchor, continually
fighting with the town, the fort, the galleys, and the carrack all
together; for he brought them betwixt him, that he might play both his
broadsides upon them. The galleys still kept their prows towards him. The
slaves offered to forsake them ... and everything was in confusion amongst
them; and thus they fought till five of the clock in the afternoon.”
Monson’s stratagems and rapidity of action paralysed the commanders of the
galleys, and the men rowed about wildly to avoid him, not knowing what to
do. The admiral came on board his ship, and, embracing him in the presence
of the ship’s company, declared that “he had won his heart for ever.”
And so the battle raged till the enemy showed such evident signs of
weakness, that it was proposed to board the carrack. Here, however, the
admiral interposed, as he wished to preserve the treasure on board. The
ships were ordered to cease firing, and one Captain Sewell, who had been
four years a prisoner on the galleys, from one of which he had only just
escaped by swimming, was selected to parley with them. He was to promise
honourable conditions, but insist that as the English held the roadstead,
as several of the galleys were _hors de combat_, and the castle powerless,
they must expect the worst in a case of refusal. The captain of the
carrack would not treat with an officer who had so recently been a slave
in their power, but sent a deputation of Portuguese gentlemen of quality,
desiring that they should be met by those of similar rank in the English
service. They were, of course, properly received, but having delivered
their message, evinced a great desire to hasten back; they revealed the
real state of affairs by admitting that it was a moot question on the
carrack whether the parley ought to be entertained, or the vessel set on
fire. Monson’s promptitude once more saved the situation. Not waiting to
hear any more, or receiving any instruction from Admiral Lewson, he
ordered his men to row him to the carrack. Several officers on board
recognised him, and the commander, Don Diego Lobo, a young man of family,
motioning his men apart, received him courteously. After some little
palaver, Monson informing Don Diego of the rank he held in the expedition,
and assuring him of his high regard for the Portuguese nation, the real
business of their interview was approached. Diego asked that he, his
officers and men, should be put on shore that night; that the ship and its
ordnance should be respected, and its flags remain suspended; the treasure
he would concede to the victors. Monson agreed to the first proposition,
excepting only that he required a certain number of hostages whom he would
detain three days, but laughed at the idea of separating the ship and its
contents; and stated that “he was resolved never to permit a Spanish flag
to be worn in the presence of the Queen’s ships, unless it were
disgracefully over the poop.” A long discussion followed, and Monson, who
was determined to have his way, made a show of descending to his boat. His
firmness won the day, and all his demands were eventually conceded, after
which he conducted Don Diego and eight gentlemen on board his ship, “when
they supped, had a variety of music, and spent the night in great
jollity.” This is Monson’s account; it is doubtful whether the Portuguese
were thoroughly enjoying themselves under the circumstances! When next day
Sir William accompanied them on shore, he found the Count de Vidigueira at
the head of a force numbering 20,000 men, whose services were not of much
account now. The disgust ashore at the comparatively easy victory attained
by the English may be imagined. Besides the capture of the carrack, two of
the galleys were burnt and sunk; the captain of another was taken
prisoner, and the others fled during the engagement, although they were
afterwards shamed into returning by the heroic behaviour of Spinola, who
defended the carrack against desperate odds. The total loss of life in the
town, castle, and vessels, although never accurately known, must have been
immense, while the victory was purchased by the English with the loss of
only six men, scarcely a larger number being wounded.
[Illustration: ACTION IN CERIMBRA ROADS.]
The carrack, named the _St. Valentine_, was a vessel of 1,700 tons
burthen; she had wintered at Mozambique on her return from the Indies,
where a fatal malady killed the bulk of her crew; indeed, it is stated
that out of more than 600 men scarce twenty survived the whole voyage. The
Viceroy of Portugal sent the galleys before named to protect her, and put
on board 400 volunteers. The value of this prize was close on £200,000. It
is just to Monson to state that he offered Diego “permission to take out
of her whatever portion of the freight he could conscientiously claim as
his own.” This proposal the proud young commander declined. His life
afterwards was a series of misfortunes. He was thrown into prison for
losing the carrack; escaped from captivity only to languish an exile in
Italy; and at last died just as fortune once more seemed to smile upon him
by offering him a chance in his own king’s service.
On the accession of James I. a general peace ensued so far as England was
concerned. All in all, the rest was beneficial to the navy, and many
defects were remedied and reforms inaugurated. In one of the earliest
reports presented to the king on the condition of the navy, after
enumerating certain pressing needs, we find the estimate for its _annual_
expenditure placed at rather less than £21,000—an amount which a single
ironclad would have swallowed up entirely, and got considerably into debt.
James caused one fine vessel to be constructed, in 1610, in which every
improvement known at the time was introduced. She was christened the
_Prince Royal_. Stow describes her as follows:—“This year the king builded
a most goodly ship for warre, the keel whereof was 114 feet in length, and
the cross beam was forty-four feet in length; she will carry sixty-four
pieces of ordnance, and is of the burthen of 1,400 tons. This royal ship
is double built, and is most sumptuously adorned, within and without, with
all manner of curious carving, painting, and rich gilding, being in all
respects the greatest and goodliest ship that ever was builded in England;
and this glorious ship the king gave to his son Henry, Prince of Wales;
and the 24th September, the king, the queen, the Prince of Wales, the Duke
of York, and the Lady Elizabeth, with many great lords, went unto Woolwich
to see it launched; but because of the narrowness of the dock it could not
then be launched; whereupon the prince came the next morning by three
o’clock, and then at the launching thereof the prince named it after his
own dignity, and called it the _Prince_.” Phineas Pett, one of a family of
leading naval constructors of those days, was its builder. A well-known
authority(4) says, “Were the absurd profusion of ornament with which the
_Royal Prince_ is decorated removed, its contour or general appearance
would not so materially differ from the modern vessel of the same size as
to render it an uncommon sight, or a ship in which mariners would hesitate
at proceeding to sea in, on account of any glaring defects in its form,
that in their opinion might render it unsafe to undertake a common voyage
in.” A very large number of superior vessels were added to the royal navy
during this epoch, but the commercial marine was in a bad way until late
in James’s reign. What its conviction was at this time may be gathered
from the fact that in 1615, half way in the reign, there were not more
than ten vessels of 200 tons burthen each in the port of London. Less than
seven years afterwards, such was the improvement, that Newcastle alone
could boast more than a hundred, each of which exceeded that tonnage.
During this peaceful epoch Monson had to fulfil an unthankful office as
guardian of the narrow seas, _i.e._, the English and Irish Channels, and
adjacent waters. He had to transport princes and ambassadors while war was
going on, and as it would seem from a paper included in his “Tracts,” at
his own expense. This document runs at a first glimpse very curiously.
Take one entry, “1604, August 4. The constable of Castile at his coming
over, 200 (followers) 3 (meals).” An unconscionable number of followers
and very few meals, it would seem, for so many; but it doubtless means
three meals apiece on the passage from Calais or Dunkirk to Dover. The
retinue of “followers” sometimes aggregated as many as 300. During this
period, however, Monson made some careful notes on the Dutch fisheries,
then a most important source of revenue to that nation, while ours were
almost entirely overlooked. Nine thousand Dutch vessels were kept in
constant employment by these fisheries, a considerable proportion of which
were on our own coasts, and conducted under our very noses. He was
employed at intervals for two years in combating similar encroachments on
the part of French fishermen. “The adventurous spirit of the age,” says
Southey, “was averse to an employment so tranquil and so near home.” Men
would rather seek the uttermost parts of the earth in a vain search for
wealth than settle down to a certain, safe, and profitable employment.
Monson waxes eloquently indignant on the subject in one of his chapters.
“My meaning is,” he says, “not to leave our fruitful soil untilled, our
seas unfrequented, our islands unpeopled, or to seek remote and strange
countries disinhabited, and uncivil Indians untamed, where nothing appears
to us but earth, wood, and water, at our first arrival; for all other hope
must depend on our labour and costly expenses, on the adventures of the
sea, on the honesty of undertakers; and all these at last produce nothing
but tobacco(5)—a new-invented useless weed, as too much use and custom
make it apparent. * * * * You shall be made to know, that though you be
born on an island seated in the ocean, frequented by invisible fish,
swimming from one shore to the other, yet your experience has not taught
you the benefits and blessings arising from that fish. I doubt not but to
give you that light therein, that you shall confess yourselves blinded,
and be willing to blow from you the foul mist that has been an impediment
to your sight; you shall be awakened from your drowsy sleep, and rouse
yourselves to follow this best business that ever was presented to
England, or king thereof; nay, I will be bold to say, to any state in the
world. I will not except the discoveries of the West Indies by Columbus;
an act of greatest renown, of greatest profit, and that has been of
greatest consequence to the Spanish nation.” Exaggerated as all this may
appear, Monson was right in his estimation of the profitable nature of the
business. At that time the Dutch used to vend their fish in every European
market, and obtain in exchange the productions of all countries. Monson
also remarks on the carelessness of the English at that time in regard to
lobsters, oysters, and lampreys, all of which the Dutch obtained from our
coasts. In order to encourage the fisheries an Act had been passed
prohibiting butchers from killing meat in Lent, and Monson wished it to be
made compulsory on the rural population to consume fish. “Neither,” says
he, “will it seem a thing unreasonable to enjoin every yeoman and farmer
within the kingdom to take a barrel of fish for their own spending,
considering they save the value thereof in other victuals; and that it is
no more than the fisherman will do to them to take off their wheat, malt,
butter, and cheese for their food to sea.” This agitation did good in
calling attention to a neglected industry. The great enemies of the
fishermen then were the pirates who infested the coasts, and who, if they
ran short of provisions, looked upon them as their natural providers,
rarely, if ever, paying for what they took. And before passing to other
subjects, let us accompany Monson—on paper—on a little expedition he took
against some of the said pirates.
So considerable an amount of alarm had been caused by piratical
adventurers on the coasts of Scotland, that King James was in 1614
urgently requested to send some royal ships there. Sir William Monson and
Sir Francis Howard were despatched at once, and after calling at Leith to
obtain information and also the service of pilots, proceeded to the Orkney
Islands. Touching at Sinclair Castle, the residence of the Earl of
Caithness, situate on “the utmost promontory” of Britain, they learned
that the accounts had been much exaggerated. There were only two known to
the Earl, and indeed one of them whom Monson took could hardly be deemed
such at all; he was a common sailor, and when he had found out the nature
of the service to which he had been engaged, he had abandoned it as soon
as possible. Clarke, the other adventurer, to whom the title of pirate
more fairly belonged, had been ashore to the castle a day previously, and
had been entertained in a friendly way, the fact being that the Earl and
his tenants were a little afraid of him as an ugly customer. Hearing that
Sir William was on the coast, he had fled: Monson, therefore, finding it
useless and needless to remain at Caithness, sailed for Orkney, where he
left Sir Francis Howard while he proceeded to explore the coasts in
detail, putting into every inlet where it was likely Clarke or other
pirates might be hidden. He was unsuccessful in his search, and at length
decided to make for Broad Haven—a noted rendezvous for pirates—partly on
account of its remoteness and inaccessibility, and partly because one
Cormat dwelt there, who, with his daughters, entertained these thieving
adventurers with great cordiality. On the voyage he encountered a terrible
gale, “that it were fit only for a poet to describe.” One of his vessels
was engulfed in the seas, and no traces of it or of its crew remained,
while the others were dispersed and did not see each other again till all
met in England. Monson had now alone to beard the lion in his den.
[Illustration: MONSON AT BROAD HAVEN.]
Arrived at Broad Haven, which he describes as “the well-head of all
pirates,” he made good use of the half-pirate he had secured, the only
person on board who knew anything of that den of sea-thieves. This man,
with some others of the crew who had had some experience in piratical
pursuits before, were sent to Cormat, “the gentleman of the place,” with a
well concocted story. Monson was described, for the nonce, as one Captain
Manwaring, a grand sea-rover, liberal to all he liked, and whose ship was
full of wealth. “To give a greater appearance of truth to all this, the
crafty messenger used the names of several pirates of his acquaintance,
and feigned messages to the women from their sweethearts, making them
believe that he had tokens from them on board. The hope of wealth and
reward set the hearts of the whole family on fire; and the women were so
overjoyed by the love tales and presents, that no suspicion of deceit
entered into their minds.” Cormat proffered his services, and recounted
how many pirates he had assisted, at great peril to himself; he further
volunteered to send two “gentlemen of trust” on board next day, as
hostages for his sincerity. He recommended that some of them should come
ashore next day, armed, and kill some of the neighbours’ cattle; this was
intended doubtless to frighten the poor settlers round, so that he himself
might derive all the benefit of Manwaring’s visit. Next morning the farce
began, the first part of the programme being followed as Cormat had
directed; Captain Chester, with fifty men, was despatched ashore by
Monson; some cattle were killed, and the pseudo-pirates, swaggering and
rollicking, were invited to Cormat’s house, where they received a riotous
welcome. Cormat’s two ambassadors went on board Monson’s vessel, and
delivered a friendly message. When they had delivered it, Sir William
desired them to observe everything around them carefully, and to tell him
whether they thought that ship and company were pirates. It was idle to
dissemble any longer, especially as these men could not, if they would,
betray Sir William’s design. He accordingly reproached them for their
transgressions, told them to prepare for death, and ordered them to be put
in irons, taking care that neither boat nor man should be allowed to go on
shore until he was ready to land. When he at length went ashore to visit
Cormat, four or five hundred people had assembled on the beach to receive
the famous “Captain Manwaring.” He pretended to be doubtful of their
intentions, when they redoubled their protestations of friendship, three
of the principal men running into the water up to their arm-pits, striving
who should have the honour of carrying him ashore. One of these was an
Irish merchant, who did a thriving trade with the pirates; another was a
schoolmaster; and the third was an Englishman, who had formerly been a
tradesman in London. These gentry conducted Sir William to Cormat’s house
amidst huzzas and shouts of welcome, everybody seeking to ingratiate
himself with the supposed pirate. “‘Happy was he,’ says Monson, ‘to whom
he would lend his ear.’ Falling into discourse, one told him they knew his
friends, and though his name had not discovered it, yet his face did show
him to be a Manwaring.” In short, they made him believe he might command
them and their country, and that no man ever was so welcome as Captain
Manwaring. At the house a scene of revelry ensued; the harper played
merrily for the company, who danced on the floor, which had been newly
strewed with rushes for the occasion. The women made endless inquiries for
their distant lovers, and no suspicion seems to have crossed the minds of
any in regard to the fate of the two ambassadors, who were supposed to be
enjoying themselves with the sailors on board. In the height of the
festivities, the Englishman was particularly communicative; showed Sir
William a pass for the interior which he had obtained by false pretences
from the sheriff, authorising him to travel from Clare to make inquisition
for goods supposed to have been lost at sea, and which enabled him to
journey and sell his plunder without suspicion. He even proffered the
services of ten mariners who were hiding in the neighbourhood, and Monson,
of course, pretended heartily to accept their services, promising a
reward. He asked the man to write them a letter, which at once he did as
follows:—“Honest brother Dick and the rest, we are all made men, for
valiant Captain Manwaring and all his gallant crew are arrived in this
place. Make haste, for he flourisheth in wealth, and is most kind to all
men. Farewell, and once again make haste.” Monson took charge of the
letter, and would, doubtless, have used it, had not the approach of night
obliged him to bring about the _denouement_ of this play. The comedy was
all at once to change into a tragedy.
In the midst of their riotous mirth, he suddenly desired the harper to
cease, and in serious and solemn tones commanded silence. He told them
that, hitherto, “they had played their part, and he had no share in the
comedy; but though his was last, and might be termed the epilogue, yet it
would prove more tragical than theirs.” He undeceived them as to his being
a pirate, and declared his real business was to punish and suppress all
such, whom his Majesty did not think worthy the name of subjects. “There
now remained nothing but to proceed to their executions, by virtue of his
commission; for which purpose he had brought a gallows ready framed, which
he caused to be set up, intending to begin the mournful dance with the two
men they thought had been merry-making aboard the ship. As to the
Englishman, he should come next, because being an Englishman his offence
did surpass the rest. He told the schoolmaster he was a fit tutor for the
children of the devil, and that as members are governed by the head, the
way to make his members sound was to shorten him by the head, and
therefore willed him to admonish his scholars from the top of the gallows,
which should be a pulpit prepared for him. He condemned the merchant as a
receiver of stolen goods, and worse than the thief himself; reminding him
that his time was not long, and hoping that he might make his account with
God, and that he might be found a good merchant and factor to Him, though
he had been a malefactor to the law.” One can imagine the change which
came over the assembly; all their high spirits were quenched in a minute,
while the principals abandoned themselves to despair, believing that their
hour was at hand. When Sir William left them to go aboard, the carpenter
was still hammering away at the gallows.
Next morning the prisoners were brought out to meet their doom, and were
kept waiting in an agony of terror, while the people generally were sueing
for their lives, and promising that they would never assist or connive at
pirates again. Sir William had never really the intention to hang any of
them, and “after four-and-twenty hours’ fright in irons he pardoned them;”
the Englishman being the only one who suffered any actual punishment. He
was banished from the coast, and the sheriff was admonished to be more
careful in granting passes for the future.
The very next day, while still at Broad Haven, Sir William nearly captured
a pirate who was entering the harbour, when the latter took alarm at
seeing a strange vessel, and stood off to sea, where he remained six days
in foul weather. A day later the pirate anchored at an island near Broad
Haven, and contrived to forward a letter to Cormat, who having just
escaped one danger, did not desire to risk his neck again; he accordingly
showed the letter to Monson. It ran as follows:—“Dear Friend, I was
bearing into Broad Haven to give you corn for ballast, but I was
frightened by the king’s ship I supposed to be there. I pray you send me
word what ship it is, for we stand in great fear. I pray you, provide me
two kine, for we are in great want of victuals; whensoever you shall make
a fire on shore, I will send my boat to you.” This just suited Monson, who
had a particular aptitude for stratagem. He directed Cormat to answer his
request in the affirmative. “He bid him be confident this ship could not
endanger him; for she was not the king’s, as he imagined, but one of
London that came from the Indies with her men sick, and many dead. He
promised him two oxen and a calf; to observe his directions by making a
fire; and gave him hope to see him within two nights.” A few of the ship’s
company, disguised in Irish costumes of the period, were sent to accompany
the messenger, with instructions to remain in ambush. The hungry pirates
were keeping a sharp look out for the beacon fire, and it was no sooner
lighted, than they hastily rowed ashore, and received the letter, which
gave them great satisfaction. Sir William meanwhile was quietly laying
plans for their capture. Guided by the Irish peasantry, he took a number
of his company a roundabout trip by land and water till he brought them
suddenly upon the place where the fire was made, and the pirates were
taken so unawares that they yielded without an effort to escape. The whole
gang was seized and taken to Broad Haven, where the captain was hanged as
an example to the rest. Monson so completely cleared the coast of pirates,
and frightened those who had aided them, that on his way home, “groping
along the coast,” he could not obtain a pilot. Monson’s active career,
although it extended to the reign of Charles I., was now nearly over.