SPEECH IN THE SENATE, ON A BILL FOR FORTIFICATIONS AND BATTERIES ON THE
LAKES, DECEMBER 19, 1864.
December 19th, Mr. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, introduced a bill
to enable the President to expend the sum of ten million
dollars, or so much thereof as might be necessary, in his
opinion, in building fortifications and floating-batteries to
defend our northern frontier and the commerce of the Lakes
against the attacks of piratical and hostile expeditions
organized in the British provinces by the enemies of the
United States; and he moved the reference of the bill to the
Committee on Finance, which, at the suggestion of Mr. Sumner,
he changed to the Committee on Foreign Relations. A debate
ensued, involving what were called the troubles on the border,
and especially the “St. Albans Raid,” when a hostile expedition
crossed from Canada into Vermont, and committed acts of
violence in that town. Mr. Sumner said:--
MR. PRESIDENT,--The question before the Senate is simply on the
reference of this bill. It is a question of the order of business.
Looking at its character, it is plain that it concerns primarily
and essentially our foreign relations. This circumstance gives it a
peculiar interest. If it concerned only an additional levy of troops,
or the building of new forts, or a change in our commercial policy,
there would be no question with regard to its reference, nor would
the Senator from Maryland [Mr. REVERDY JOHNSON] have followed it by
remarks on the outrage at St. Albans. I assume, then, that it concerns
our foreign relations, and therefore, according to the usages of the
Senate, should be referred to the committee having that subject in
charge.
This is all I have to say on the question of reference; but the
Senate will pardon me, if I glance for one moment at the outrage to
which the Senator referred. Only a few weeks ago, the village of St.
Albans, in Vermont, was disturbed by a band of murderers, highwaymen,
house-breakers, horse-thieves, and bank-robbers, from Canada. After
breaking open the banks and obtaining a certain amount of spoil,
attended by the murder of a citizen, they succeeded in making their
way back to Canada, where they declared themselves agents of the Rebel
Government. Such are the main facts. Now, Mr. President, does any one
suppose that these agents of the Rebel Government were moved to this
criminal enterprise merely by considerations of plunder?--that they
risked life and everything merely to rob a bank? No such thing. Their
object was much higher and more comprehensive. It was to embroil the
Government of the United States with the Government of Great Britain.
I cannot doubt that such was their object. To my mind it is plain as
noonday.
These agents, or rather the men behind who set them on, knew the
sensitiveness of our people, and how naturally they would be aroused
against the foreign country where the enterprise had its origin. They
saw that excitement, passion, anger on our part were inevitable, that
out of these some complication or collision might ensue, and that any
such complication or collision must necessarily help the Rebellion more
than a victory on the field of battle. All this they saw, and acted
accordingly. The whole proceeding was a trap in which to catch the
Government of our country. It was hoped that in this way the Rebellion
might gain that powerful British intervention which would restore its
failing fortunes.
For myself, Sir, I am determined not to be caught in any such trap.
There are many things Great Britain has done, since the outbreak of our
Rebellion, which to my mind are most unfriendly; but I am unwilling
that there should be anything on our side to furnish seeming apology
for that foreign intervention so constantly menaced, and originally
foreshadowed in the most hasty and utterly unjustifiable concession
of ocean belligerence to Rebel Slavemongers who had not a single port
or prize court. Nobody sees the wrongs we have suffered more clearly
than I do; but I see other wrongs also. While never ceasing to claim
all our just rights, and reminding this power always of duties plainly
neglected, I cannot forget that we are engaged in a war for the
suppression of a long-continued and most virulent Rebellion, which
has thus far tasked our best energies. To this work let us dedicate
ourselves, without arousing another enemy, through whose alliance the
Rebellion may be encouraged and strengthened. Let us put down the
Rebellion. Do this, and we shall do everything.
Meanwhile I trust the Senate will not be moved by passion into hasty
action on any of the measures before it, but that each will be
considered carefully and calmly on its merits, according to the usage
of this body. This surely is the dictate of prudence, and I cannot
doubt that it is the dictate of patriotism also.
Washington, in his Farewell Address, warns against “the insidious
wiles of foreign influence”; but the “insidious wiles” of our Rebels,
seeking to embroil us with foreign powers, are as deadly as any
influence brought against us. Forewarned is forearmed. Let us be
steadfast against them.
After further debate, in which Mr. Sumner considered the order
of General Dix, authorizing our troops to pursue a hostile
expedition into Canada, according to writers on International
Law, the bill was referred to the Committee on Foreign
Relations, where, with other similar measures, it was allowed
to sleep.