Personally I have known two tramps who wandered about the country with

these grandiose ideas. One of them thought that he had in his

possession immense wealth in the shape of large checks, signed

supposedly by various important capitalists, and even foreign rulers.

These checks were actually signed in the names of these personages, at

the tramp's own request, by any chance passer-by or acquaintance. This

patient died in a country insane asylum in the demented stage of

paranoia, having gone through all the usual phases of the disease.

Another tramp was confident that each recurring election he was to be

elected to one of the highest offices in {298} the state, or even to

be made President of the United States. Not every one was taken into

his confidence in this matter, however. The simplest declaration after

the election from any chance acquaintance would assure him of his

success at the polls, and on more than one occasion he turned up at

the Capitol to claim exalted office, but was generally inoffensive in

his ways, and was rather readily persuaded that his term of office did

not begin for some time. It is easy to understand that a person might

come into the possession of the idea that the official holding office

in his stead should be removed; the result might very well be one of

the sad tragedies supposedly due to anarchism, but really to paranoia.

Of course as with criminals, so with tramps; not a few of them take up

this manner of life without any sufficient justification in their

mental state to lessen our worst opinion of them. I do not think I

should hesitate to say, however, that the majority of these

unfortunates present distinct signs of physical and mental

degeneration and are rather deserving of pity and care than of

condemnation. They need, as a rule, very special environment to enable

them to lead ordinary, respectable lives, because they were not

originally endowed with sufficient initiative and independence of

spirit to enable them to carry on the struggle for life in the midst

of the hurry and bustle of our modern civilisation. As the pressure of

the time becomes severer, more of these unfit come into evidence. They

arc examples of the lowered mental states, unable to stand the rivalry

with fellowmen, and ready to give up the struggle whenever the example

of others who have already given it up is brought prominently to their

notice.

It is not a little surprising how many of these tramps belonged

originally to excellent, respectable families. Careful investigation

of their personal history, however, will show that they have been, as

a rule, backward children at school, always a little awkward in the

way they took hold of things early in life, unsuccessful in the

rivalries of school competitions, and in their first efforts at labour

after school days were over. They always needed the encouragement of

those whom they loved and respected, to keep them at their

unsatisfactorily fulfilled tasks. They were the predestined failures

{299} in life, and have found out their uselessness early in their

careers. This is the view of tramp life that is coming to be realised

as true by all those who have studied the question, not from the

standpoint of theory, but of practical experience with it.

_So-called Monomania_. The old term for paranoia employed for a long

time was monomania, a word coined by Esquirol at the beginning of the

nineteenth century. This word has dropped out of the terminology of

mental diseases because there is no such thing as a patient suffering

from a single symptom of mental disturbance, that is, being mentally

perturbed on but one line of thought. There are always others, though

they may be hidden except from the careful investigator. When Esquirol

introduced the term he applied it to the most prominent symptom of the

patient's mental alienation, but did not intend it to be taken as

excluding other symptoms by which the essential nature of the

patient's insanity could be diagnosed. Careful study will always

disclose the fact that other symptoms are present. The word monomania

has been an unfortunate one for scientific psychiatry, because it has

been abused to shield criminals. The plea is often heard that a person

under charge of crime is really subject to some mania that brought

about the commission of the crime.

We often hear of kleptomania as a defence for persons who have failed

to recognise the distinction between _meum_ and _tuum_, and are haled

before the court because of the detection of infringements of this

distinction. True kleptomaniacs there are, but there are always other

symptoms of their mental disturbance besides the tendency to steal.

Their queerness in other ways has usually been recognised by their

friends and by their family physician before the incident which calls

attention to this special form of disequilibration occurs.

Kleptomaniacs, too, are usually prone to take things of little value,

or not especially suited to their wants and for which they have

practically no use.

It is true collectors, that is, those who have a hobby for gathering

curiosities of one kind or another to make a collection, may become so

interested in additions to their collection {300} as to be tempted to

appropriate to themselves articles of which they can not otherwise

obtain possession. Such actions may easily go beyond the bounds of

reason. It must be remembered however, that the collection mania

itself is often so pronounced as to be a little beyond the bounds of

ordinary rationality.

Other so-called monomaniacs have the same characteristic and are

associated with related symptoms of mental disturbance. Pyromania is

sometimes pleaded as a defense for arson. It is a legitimate defense,

however, only when the careful tracing of the patient's history

beforehand shows the existence of other symptoms of mental unbalance.

The homicidal mania is of the same order. There have been cases where

men seem to have delighted in inflicting injuries or death upon fellow

creatures from pure malice. Such cases as that of Jack the Ripper, for

instance, are undoubtedly due to a special tendency to take life. In

these cases, however, associated symptoms are never lacking. It is not

improbable that in Jack the Ripper's case a sexual element was

present, because the victims were always of one low class, and that

the general character of the murderer would have revealed his

irresponsibility. There are several stories of children--whose mothers

delighted in seeing their husbands, who were butchers, slaughter

animals--who seem to have had a veritable mania for seeing blood flow

and to have exercised it in the murder of human beings.

Only the most careful examinations of the previous life of the

patient, the investigation of childish tendencies and habits at

school, and the incidents of boyhood and youth will sometimes enable

the expert to recognise the constant existence of symptoms of mental

disequilibration, the decided manifestation of which leads to serious

events in after life. Monomania as a defense for crime has brought

expert evidence into great disrepute. In this matter the greatest care

is undoubtedly needed, however, for it is easy to do great wrong and

punish the irresponsible victim of an impulse over which he has no

proper control. On the other hand, it must not be forgotten that no

such thing is known to exist as the perversion of the will on a single

point. Moral insanity with regard to one special set of actions is a

delusion that the {301} increase of knowledge with regard to mental

diseases has erased from the text books on this subject.

_Responsibility of Paranoiacs_.--From what has been said it is easy to

understand how difficult is the determination of the responsibility of

paranoiacs. Many classes of persons ordinarily considered to be quite

responsible for their actions are yet so circumstanced that they are

led into the performance of actions usually not considered rational,

though not tempted thereto by any benefit directly accruing to

themselves. On the contrary, it not infrequently happens that the mode

of life adopted by the paranoiacs is of such a kind as would of

itself, because of the hardships involved or the mental trials, deter

ordinary people from following it. Paranoia, at least in its severer

forms, completely justifies the plea of irresponsibility for actions

committed. When it is remembered, however, that paranoiacs are often

cunning enough to take advantage of their own supposed queerness

voluntarily to commit crimes they might otherwise be deterred from by

fear of punishment, some idea of the difficulty of the decision in

these cases may be appreciated.

It is important, of course, that the physician should, as far as

possible, avoid falling into the error of judging such people too

harshly, since after all on him depends the attitude of society

towards them. It would seem to be quite as important that the

clergyman should occupy an advanced position in this matter. It might

seem that charity could easily be overdone; it must never be

forgotten, however, that it is better that ninety-nine guilty should

escape rather than that one innocent person should be punished.

As a matter of fact, prejudice is much more likely to be against the

supposed criminal than in his favour. While it is often declared that

too many persons, who have done at least material wrong, are allowed

to escape deserved punishment, as our knowledge of mental diseases

increases there is more and more of a tendency on the part of experts

to recognise that for many apparently voluntary actions men have only

a modicum of responsibility. Responsibility is, after all, not the

same in all men, but modified very much by the character of the

individual, by his environment and by the {302} motives which have

come to be the well-springs of his actions. No two men are equal in

their responsibility when there is question of certain temptations to

do wrong. Some men find it perfectly easy to resist allurements to

dishonesty which others can not resist. Some men are perfectly free as

regards their attitude towards indulgence in spirituous liquors.

Others find it almost impossible to resist their cravings in this

direction. One might go through the list of passionate actions and

find this true with regard to every one of them. If this must be

admitted with regard to men who are considered perfectly sane and

responsible, how much more so does it become true of those who are

already somewhat mentally unbalanced?

Unfortunately, the tendency to judge harshly, rather than mercifully,

still continues to be one main reason for the infliction of punishment

where often it is not deserved. Above all the clergyman must be a

leader in this tendency to mercy, and his influence should be felt in

popular education in this regard. It only too often happens that

clergymen are found to be strenuous upholders of the opinion that

right is simply right and wrong, wrong, and that a man who knows the

difference between right and wrong must be considered as responsible

for his actions, no matter what modifying circumstances or mental

conditions may enter into the problem of the decision as to his

responsibility. If the clergyman would but realise how difficult in

any individual case must be such a decision, and how much must be

known with regard to the previous character of the individual, then a

great beginning for the modification of the present over-severe modes

of thought will have been made.

From a theoretic standpoint, it would not be easy to state all that

the physician considers necessary to enable him to make his decision

as to individual responsibility. Perhaps, however, the consideration

of a series of cases that have attracted widespread attention, and

which have been most carefully investigated in all their

circumstances, may present the methods of responsible determination

better than any set of rules. Three presidents of the United States

have been murdered within forty years. The murderers were native-born

{303} Americans. In none of the three cases was there any adequate

motive for the commission of the crime. The assassin in President

Lincoln's case might, it is true, be presumed to have a sufficient

political motive, but no entirely sane man could have thought for a

moment that any good would be accomplished at that time for the South

by the removal of Lincoln. A man of known erratic tendency, with the

craving for theatrical effects deeply ingrained in his nature, with a

personal history not entirely free from even more serious

manifestations of mental disequilibration, and with a family history

of more than suspicious character as regards the mental qualities of

his ancestors, committed the crime. He met his death at the hands of

pursuing soldiers. Such was the temper of the time, that had he been

captured alive he would surely have suffered the formal legal death

penalty. Even as it was, public sentiment clamoured for legal victims

and unfortunately they were found.

It seems clear, beyond all doubt, that in this case complete

responsibility for his action was not present in the assassin himself.

The courts decided later that there had been a conspiracy, but there

has always been the feeling that justice was misled by over-zeal to

find scapegoats for injured public sentiment. There is no doubt that

it is an extremely difficult matter to say what shall be done to the

assassin in such a case. The unfortunate result is as much an accident

as the fatal consequences of any other perverted natural force. An

earthquake may kill its thousands and the inevitable must simply be

accepted. Society may protect itself from the further manifestations

of such perverse individuals by confining the unfortunate murderer for

life, but capital punishment, in the sense of a sanction for broken

law, can scarcely be considered to have a place in the given

conditions.

With regard to the murderer of our second assassinated President we

had the farce of a long-drawn-out public trial of a man who was

evidently not in his right senses. Once more a victim had to be found

to satisfy injured public feeling. Guiteau was condemned to death and

suffered the death penalty. Any one who reads the proceedings of the

trial and who realises the significance of the motive that Guiteau

{304} himself gave for his act, will appreciate that the court had to

do with an irresponsible doer of a material but not a moral wrong.

There were many signs of mental disequilibration in Guiteau's previous

career. It is on these eventually that the expert in mental diseases

must depend in order to enable him to obtain a proper estimate of the

extent of the mental disturbance in any given individual. It may seem

that many real criminals can be defended on this same principle of

finding an inadequate motive for their crimes. There are, however,

certain signs of irrationality not difficult to detect if the previous

life of the individual be carefully scrutinised and these must form

the ultimate criterion as to criminal responsibility.

With regard to the third murderer of a President the case is clear. He

was an ignorant, somewhat conceited individual, but he presented none

of the signs of true mental disequilibration that can ordinarily be

depended on to indicate such a disturbance of the physical basis of

mind as impairs responsibility. He was not entirely without a motive,

which in the mind of a brooding, conceited individual, might seem to

be adequate for the commission of the crime. His sentence of the death

penalty was then in accord with the judgment of the best mental

experts. How society shall protect itself, and especially its high

officials, against such notoriety seekers is hard to say.

The consideration of these cases gives a clear idea of how a physician

endeavours to fill up gaps in his knowledge of the character of the

man, his heredity and environment, as well as his previous actions at

various times in life when under the stress of emotion. It may be

considered that such a weighing of circumstances will serve to excuse

many genuine criminals who eminently deserve to be punished. This is,

however, the assumption of the older generation who considered that if

a man did a material wrong he must be punished for it. It is a

heritage of the day, when even accidental killing was considered to

demand some punishment. At the present time the tendency is rather to

consider only the moral wrong, that is, to calculate responsibility

only for such actions as are committed with due {305} deliberation,

intention, and the knowledge of right and wrong as well as the freedom

to perform the action. The old English legal opinion which declared a

man responsible if he knows that what he is doing is wrong has now

given way in most judicial proceedings to the principle that the man

must not only know that he is doing wrong, but that he must also

realise that he is free not to do that which he knows to be wrong.

That is to say, if he feels himself compelled to the commission of

crime, there is surely an impairment of responsibility. Such impulses

to do wrong without adequate motive occur not infrequently among those

whose mental condition is not perfectly normal, and this must always

be taken into consideration in the ultimate decision as to their

responsibility for their action.

JAMES J. WALSH.

{306}

XXVII

SUICIDES

It is a very difficult problem at times to explain just how a suicide

is due to mental alienation in a person whose intellectual powers

appeared previously unimpaired, yet in most of the cases a knowledge

of all the circumstances and of the individual himself would lead

inevitably to this more charitable view. Most suicides are persons

that have been recognised as paranoiacs and likely to do queer things

for a long time beforehand. Indeed, some of the melancholic qualities

on which the unfortunate impulse to self-murder depends are likely to

have exhibited themselves in former generations. Not long since it was

argued that the regular occurrence of a certain number of suicides

every year--varying in various places, always on the increase, but

evidently showing a definite relationship to certain local conditions

--demonstrate that the human will is not free, since from a set of

statistics one can foretell about how many cases of suicide would take

place in a given city during the next year. As a matter of fact,

suicides are not in possession of free will as a rule, but are the

victims of circumstances and are unable to resist external influences.

The most important feature of suicide in recent years is the constant

increase in the number, the increase affecting disproportionately

young adults. This increase in the number of suicides is no illusion;

it is not due to more careful statistics. It is true that in recent

years, that is to say during the last quarter of a century

particularly, the unsparing investigation by the authorities of all

cases of suspicious death, and their report by sensational newspapers,

has added somewhat to the apparent number of suicides. {307} Families

were accustomed to announce accidental death and have their story

unquestioned, in a certain number of cases, where now there is no hope

of concealment because of the unfortunate publicity that has crept

into life. This increase, however, would account for only a small

additional number of suicides, while the actual figures have more than

trebled in the last thirty years.

This increase has come especially in the large cities. According to

the report of the New York Board of Health, there were 1,308 suicides

in New York City during the decade from 1870 to 1880. During the

decade from 1890 to 1900 there were 3,944 suicides. This increase is

much more than the corresponding increase in population. During the

first decade mentioned there were 124 suicides per million of

population. During the last decade this had risen to 196 suicides per

million. The increase is nearly 60 per centum. The increase is

variously distributed over the different ages. While every five years

from twenty upwards shows a percentage of increase in the number of

suicides committed, somewhat less than the percentage of increase for

all ages, the five years between fifteen and twenty shows an increase

of 106 per centum. In a word the deaths of adolescents from suicide

have more than doubled in the last thirty years.

Towards the end of the last decade of the nineteenth century there was

for a time a cessation of the continuous increase. This occurred

during the years 1898 and 1899. Apparently it was due to the fact that

the occupation of the country with other interests, the war and its

problems, and the fact that an era of prosperity made material

conditions better, and thus gave less occasion for depression of

spirits. During the years since 1900, however, the increase has not

only reasserted itself, but has more than made up for the period

during which suicides were less frequent. The increase during the last

four years is more than was noted during the six years from 1891 to

1897.

The same increase has been noted in European cities. The higher the

scale of civilisation in a city, or at least the greater the material

progress and the more strenuous the life, {308} the higher the death

rate. In Dresden, for instance, the rate is 51 suicides per 100,000

every year. In Paris it is 42, in Berlin it is 36; while in Lisbon and

Madrid it is lowest, being only respectively two and three per 100,000

per year. While suicides are more common among men than women in all

countries, this is not true for certain ages. Between the ages of

fifteen and twenty-five the suicides of women are more numerous than

those of men. The suicides of women are increasing faster than those

of men. Fifty years ago the proportion was five to one. Twenty years

ago it had fallen from three to one. Now it is less than two and a

half to one. The saddest feature of the suicide situation is the

increasing number of the children who commit suicide.

Almost needless to say, children's suicides are without any serious

motives and are usually due to an attack of pique because of a slight

from a playmate, a reprimand at home, a rebuke from a teacher, envy of

the success of a companion, disappointment over a passing love affair,

sometimes a peculiar attachment in the case of weak and morbid

individuals, the manifestations of which are resented by its object,

or are forbidden by parents and guardians. These unfortunate accidents

have become so common now that special care must be taken with regard

to children of neurotic heredity. When in previous generations there

have been the manifestations of lack of mental equilibrium, then

children's mutterings with regard to possible recourse to suicide

should be the signal for the exercise of close surveillance. As far as

possible such children should be kept from the strenuous competition

at school in modern life.

As has been well pointed out there is no doubt that the power of

suggestion and example has much to do with the increase of suicide.

Dymond, an authority in the matter, says, "The power of the example of

the suicide is much greater than has been thought. Every act of

suicide tacitly conveys the sanction of one more judgment in its

favour. Frequency of repetition diminishes the sensation of abhorrence

and makes succeeding sufferers, even of less degree, resort to it with

less reluctance."

{309}

Our modern newspapers, by supplying all the details of every suicide

that occurs, especially if it presents any criminally interesting

features or morbidly sentimental accessories, familiarise the mind,

particularly of the impressionable young, with the idea of suicide.

When troubles come lack of experience in life makes the youthful mind

forecast a future of hopeless suffering. Love episodes are responsible

for most of the suicides in the young, while sickness and physical

ills are the causes in the old. In a certain number of cases, however,

domestic quarrels, and especially the infliction of punishment on the

young at an age when they are beginning to feel their independence and

their right to be delivered from what they are prone to consider

restriction, are apt to be followed in the morbidly unstable by

thoughts of suicide.

The important practical question is the prevention of the fulfilment

of the morbid impulse during these impressionable years. Many a young

person has been saved from suicide at this time to realise the

enormity of the act and to live without any further temptation to its

commission for a long lifetime. As a rule the motive for the act is so

trivial and often so insensate that it is not difficult to make

patients (because patients they truly are) see the folly of their

irrational impulse.

Essays In Pastoral Medicine · 第 26 / 31 段