There is ample evidence of record, besides that derived from other
sources, that the systematic use of gesture speech was of great
antiquity. Livy so declares, and Quintilian specifies that the "_lex
gestus ... ab illis temporibus heroicis orta est_." Plato classed its
practice among civil virtues, and Chrysippus gave it place among the
proper education of freemen. Athenaeus tells that gestures were even
reduced to distinct classification with appropriate terminology. The
class suited to comedy was called Cordax, that to tragedy Eumelia, and
that for satire Sicinnis, from the inventor Sicinnus. Bathyllus from
these formed a fourth class, adapted to pantomime. This system appears
to have been particularly applicable to theatrical performances.
Quintilian, later, gave most elaborate rules for gestures in oratory,
which are specially noticeable from the importance attached to the
manner of disposing the fingers. He attributed to each particular
disposition a significance or suitableness which are not now obvious.
Some of them are retained by modern orators, but without the same, or
indeed any, intentional meaning, and others are wholly disused.
[Illustration: Fig. 61.]
The value of these digital arrangements is, however, shown by their
use among the modern Italians, to whom they have directly descended.
From many illustrations of this fact the following is selected. Fig.
61 is copied from Austin's _Chironomia_ as his graphic execution of
the gesture described by Quintilian: "The fore finger of the right
hand joining the middle of its nail to the extremity of its own thumb,
and moderately extending the rest of the fingers, is graceful in
_approving_." Fig. 62 is taken from De Jorio's plates and descriptions
of the gestures among modern Neapolitans, with the same idea of
approbation--"good." Both of these may be compared with Fig. 63, a
common sign among the North American Indians to express affirmation
and approbation. With the knowledge of these details it is possible to
believe the story of Macrobius that Cicero used to vie with Roscius,
the celebrated actor, as to which of them could express a sentiment
in the greater variety of ways, the one by gesture and the other by
speech, with the apparent result of victory to the actor who was so
satisfied with the superiority of his art that he wrote a book on the
subject.
[Illustration: Fig. 62.]
Gestures were treated of with still more distinction as connected
with pantomimic dances and representations. Aeschylus appears to
have brought theatrical gesture to a high degree of perfection, but
Telestes, a dancer employed by him, introduced the dumb show, a dance
without marked dancing steps, and subordinated to motions of the
hands, arms, and body, which is dramatic pantomime. He was so great
an artist, says Athenaeus, that when he represented the _Seven before
Thebes_ he rendered every circumstance manifest by his gestures alone.
From Greece, or rather from Egypt, the art was brought to Rome, and
in the reign of Augustus was the great delight of that Emperor and his
friend Maecenas. Bathyllus, of Alexandria, was the first to introduce
it to the Roman public, but he had a dangerous rival in Pylades. The
latter was magnificent, pathetic, and affecting, while Bathyllus
was gay and sportive. All Rome was split into factions about their
respective merits. Athenaeus speaks of a distinguished performer of his
own time (he died A.D. 194) named Memphis, whom he calls the "dancing
philosopher," because he showed what the Pythagorean philosophy could
do by exhibiting in silence everything with stronger evidence than
they could who professed to teach the arts of language. In the
reign of Nero, a celebrated pantomimist who had heard that the cynic
philosopher Demetrius spoke of the art with contempt, prevailed upon
him to witness his performance, with the result that the cynic, more
and more astonished, at last cried out aloud, "Man, I not only see,
but I hear what you do, for to me you appear to speak with your
hands!"
[Illustration: Fig. 63.]
Lucian, who narrates this in his work _De Saltatione_, gives another
tribute to the talent of, perhaps, the same performer. A barbarian
prince of Pontus (the story is told elsewhere of Tyridates, King of
Armenia), having come to Rome to do homage to the Emperor Nero, and
been taken to see the pantomimes, was asked on his departure by
the Emperor what present he would have as a mark of his favor. The
barbarian begged that he might have the principal pantomimist, and
upon being asked why he made such an odd request, replied that he had
many neighbors who spoke such various and discordant languages that he
found it difficult to obtain any interpreter who could understand
them or explain his commands; but if he had the dancer he could by his
assistance easily make himself intelligible to all.
While the general effect of these pantomimes is often mentioned, there
remain but few detailed descriptions of them. Apuleius, however,
in the tenth book of his _Metamorphosis_ or "Golden Ass," gives
sufficient details of the performance of the Judgment of Paris to
show that it strongly resembled the best form of ballet opera known
in modern times. These exhibitions were so greatly in favor that,
according to Ammianus Marcellinus, there were in Rome in the year 190
six thousand persons devoted to the art, and that when a famine raged
they were all kept in the city, though besides all the strangers all
the philosophers were forced to leave. Their popularity continued
until the sixth century, and it is evident from a decree of
Charlemagne that they were not lost, or at least, had been revived in
his time. Those of us who have enjoyed the performance of the original
Ravel troupe will admit that the art still survives, though not with
the magnificence or perfection, especially with reference to serious
subjects, which it exhibited in the age of imperial Rome.
Early and prominent among the post-classic works upon gesture is that
of the venerable Bede (who flourished A.D. 672-735) _De Loquela per
Gestum Digitorum, sive de Indigitatione_. So much discussion had
indeed been carried on in reference to the use of signs for the
desideratum of a universal mode of communication, which also was
designed to be occult and mystic, that Rabelais, in the beginning of
the sixteenth century, who, however satirical, never spent his force
upon matters of little importance, devotes much attention to it. He
makes his English philosopher, Thaumast "The Wonderful" declare, "I
will dispute by signs only, without speaking, for the matters are so
abstruse, hard, and arduous, that words proceeding from the mouth of
man will never be sufficient for unfolding of them to my liking."
The earliest contributions of practical value connected with the
subject were made by George Dalgarno, of Aberdeen, in two works, one
published in London, 1661, entitled _Ars Signorum, vulgo character
universalis et lingua philosophica_, and the other printed at Oxford,
1680, entitled, _Didascalocophus, or the Deaf and Dumb Man's
Tutor_. He spent his life in obscurity, and his works, though he was
incidentally mentioned by Leibnitz under the name of "M. Dalgarus,"
passed into oblivion. Yet he undoubtedly was the precursor of Bishop
Wilkins in his _Essay toward a Real Character and a Philosophical
Language_, published in London, 1668, though indeed the first idea was
far older, it having been, as reported by Piso, the wish of Galen that
some way might be found out to represent things by such peculiar signs
and names as should express their natures. Dalgarno's ideas respecting
the education of the dumb were also of the highest value, and though
they were too refined and enlightened to be appreciated at the period
when he wrote, they probably were used by Dr. Wallis if not by Sicard.
Some of his thoughts should be quoted: "As I think the eye to be as
docile as the ear; so neither see I any reason but the hand might be
made as tractable an organ as the tongue; and as soon brought to form,
if not fair, at least legible characters, as the tongue to imitate
and echo back articulate sounds." A paragraph prophetic of the late
success in educating blind deaf-mutes is as follows: "The soul can
exert her powers by the ministry of any of the senses: and, therefore,
when she is deprived of her principal secretaries, the eye and the
ear, then she must be contented with the service of her lackeys and
scullions, the other senses; which are no less true and faithful
to their mistress than the eye and the ear; but not so quick for
dispatch."
In his division of the modes of "expressing the inward emotions by
outward and sensible signs" he relegates to physiology cases "when
the internal passions are expressed by such external signs as have a
natural connection, by way of cause and effect, with the passion
they discover, as laughing, weeping, frowning, &c., and this way of
interpretation being common to the brute with man belongs to natural
philosophy. And because this goes not far enough to serve the rational
soul, therefore, man has invented Sematology." This he divides into
Pneumatology, interpretation by sounds conveyed through the ear;
Schematology, by figures to the eye, and Haptology, by mutual
contact, skin to skin. Schematology is itself divided into Typology or
Grammatology, and Cheirology or Dactylology. The latter embraces
"the transient motions of the fingers, which of all other ways of
interpretation comes nearest to that of the tongue."
As a phase in the practice of gestures in lieu of speech must be
mentioned the code of the Cistercian monks, who were vowed to silence
except in religious exercises. That they might literally observe their
vows they were obliged to invent a system of communication by signs, a
list of which is given by Leibnitz, but does not show much ingenuity.
A curious description of the speech of the early inhabitants of
the world, given by Swedenborg in his _Arcana Coelestia_, published
1749-1756, may be compared with the present exhibitions of deaf-mutes
in institutions for their instruction. He says it was not articulate
like the vocal speech of our time, but was tacit, being produced not
by external respiration, but by internal. They were able to express
their meaning by slight motions of the lips and corresponding changes
of the face.
[Illustration: Fig. 64.--Group from an ancient Greek vase.]
Austin's comprehensive work, _Chironomia, or a Treatise on Rhetorical
Delivery, London_, 1806, is a repertory of information for all writers
on gesture, who have not always given credit to it, as well as on all
branches of oratory. This has been freely used by the present writer,
as has also the volume by the canon Andrea de Jorio, _La Mimica degli
Antichi investigata nel Gestire Napoletano, Napoli_, 1832. The canon's
chief object was to interpret the gestures of the ancients as shown
in their works of art and described in their writings, by the modern
gesticulations of the Neapolitans, and he has proved that the general
system of gesture once prevailing in ancient Italy is substantially
the same as now observed. With an understanding of the existing
language of gesture the scenes on the most ancient Greek vases
and reliefs obtain a new and interesting significance and form a
connecting link between the present and prehistoric times. Two of
De Jorio's plates are here reproduced, Figs. 64 and 67, with such
explanation and further illustration as is required for the present
subject.
The spirited figures upon the ancient vase, Fig. 64, are red upon a
black ground and are described in the published account in French of
the collection of Sir John Coghill, Bart., of which the following is a
free translation:
Dionysos or Bacchus is represented with a strong beard, his head girt
with the credemnon, clothed in a long folded tunic, above which is an
ample cloak, and holding a thyrsus. Under the form of a satyr, Comus,
or the genius of the table, plays on the double flute and tries to
excite to the dance two nymphs, the companions of Bacchus--Galene,
Tranquility, and Eudia, Serenity. The first of them is dressed in
a tunic, above which is a fawn skin, holding a tympanum or classic
drum on which she is about to strike, while her companion marks the
time by a snapping of the fingers, which custom the author of the
catalogue wisely states is still kept up in Italy in the dance of the
tarantella. The composition is said to express allegorically that pure
and serene pleasures are benefits derived from the god of wine.
[Illustration: Fig. 65.]
[Illustration: Fig. 66.]
This is a fair example of the critical acumen of art-commentators.
The gestures of the two nymphs are interesting, but on very slight
examination it appears that those of Galene have nothing to do with
beat of drum, nor have those of Eudia any connection with music,
though it is not so clear what is the true subject under discussion.
Aided, however, by the light of the modern sign language of Naples,
there seems to be by no means serenity prevailing, but a quarrel
between the ladies, on a special subject which is not necessarily
pure. The nymph at the reader's left fixes her eyes upon her companion
with her index in the same direction, clearly indicating, _thou._ That
the address is reproachful is shown from her countenance, but with
greater certainty from her attitude and the corresponding one of her
companion, who raises both her hands in surprise accompanied with
negation. The latter is expressed by the right hand raised toward
the shoulder, with the palm opposed to the person to whom response is
made. This is the rejection of the idea presented, and is expressed by
some of our Indians, as shown in Fig. 65. A sign of the Dakota tribe
of Indians with the same signification is given in Fig. 270, page 441,
_infra_. At the same time the upper part of the nymph's body is drawn
backward as far as the preservation of equilibrium permits. So a
reproach or accusation is made on the one part, and denied, whether
truthfully or not, on the other. Its subject also may be ascertained.
The left hand of Eudia is not mute; it is held towards her rival with
the balls of the index and thumb united, the modern Neapolitan sign
for _love_, which is drawn more clearly in Fig. 66. It is called the
kissing of the thumb and finger, and there is ample authority to show
that among the ancient classics it was a sign of marriage. St. Jerome,
quoted by Vincenzo Requena, says: "_Nam et ipsa digitorum conjunctio,
et quasi molli osculo se complectans et foederans, maritum pingit et
conjugem_;" and Apuleius clearly alludes to the same gesture as used
in the adoration of Venus, by the words "_primore digito in erectum
pollicem residente_." The gesture is one of the few out of the
large number described in various parts of Rabelais' great work, the
significance of which is explained. It is made by Naz-de-cabre or
Goat's Nose (_Pantagruel_, Book III, Ch. XX), who lifted up into the
air his left hand, the whole fingers whereof he retained fistways
closed together, except the thumb and the forefinger, whose nails
he softly joined and coupled to one another. "I understand, quoth
Pantagruel, what he meaneth by that sign. It denotes marriage." The
quarrel is thus established to be about love; and the fluting satyr
seated between the two nymphs, behind whose back the accusation is
furtively made by the jealous one, may well be the object concerning
whom jealousy is manifested. Eudia therefore, instead of "serenely"
marking time for a "tranquil" tympanist, appears to be crying,
"Galene! you bad thing! you are having, or trying to have, an affair
with my Comus!"--an accusation which this writer verily believes to
have been just. The lady's attitude in affectation of surprised denial
is not that of injured innocence.
* * * * *
[Illustration: Fig. 67.--Group from a vase in the Homeric Gallery.]
[Illustration: Fig. 68.]
[Illustration: Fig. 69.]
Fig. 67, taken from a vase in the Homeric Gallery, is rich in natural
gestures. Without them, from the costumes and attitudes it is easy
to recognize the protagonist or principal actor in the group, and its
general subject. The warrior goddess Athene stands forth in the midst
of what appears to be a council of war. After the study of modern
gesture speech, the votes of each member of the council, with the
degree of positiveness or interest felt by each, can be ascertained.
Athene in animated motion turns her eyes to the right, and extends
her left arm and hand to the left, with her right hand brandishing a
lance in the same direction, in which her feet show her to be ready to
spring. She is urging the figures on her right to follow her at once
to attempt some dangerous enterprise. Of these the elderly man, who is
calmly seated, holds his right hand flat and reversed, and suspended
slightly above his knee. This probably is the ending of the modern
Neapolitan gesture, Fig. 68, which signifies hesitation, advice to
pause before hasty action, "go slowly," and commences higher with a
gentle wavering movement downward. This can be compared with the sign
of some of our Indians, Fig. 69, for _wait! slowly!_ The female figure
at the left of the group, standing firmly and decidedly, raises her
left hand directed to the goddess with the palm vertical. If this
is supposed to be a stationary gesture it means, "_wait! stop!_" It
may, however, be the commencement of the last mentioned gesture, "_go
slow_."
[Illustration: Fig. 70.]
Both of these members of the council advise delay and express doubt of
the propriety of immediate action.
[Illustration: Fig. 71.]
The sitting warrior on the left of Athene presents his left hand flat
and carried well up. This position, supposed to be stationary, now
means to _ask, inquire_, and it may be that he inquires of the other
veteran what reasons he can produce for his temporizing policy. This
may be collated with the modern Neapolitan sign for _ask_, Fig. 70,
and the common Indian sign for "_tell me!_" Fig. 71. In connection
with this it is also interesting to compare the Australian sign for
interrogation, Fig. 72, and also the Comanche Indian sign for _give
me_, Fig. 301, page 480, _infra_. If, however, the artist had the
intention to represent the flat hand as in motion from below upward,
as is probable from the connection, the meaning is _much, greatly_.
He strongly disapproves the counsel of the opposite side. Our Indians
often express the idea of quantity, _much_, with the same conception
of comparative height, by an upward motion of the extended palm, but
with them the palm is held downward. The last figure to the right,
by the action of his whole body, shows his rejection of the proposed
delay, and his right hand gives the modern sign of combined surprise
and reproof.
[Illustration: Fig. 72.]
It is interesting to note the similarity of the merely emotional
gestures and attitudes of modern Italy with those of the classics. The
Pulcinella, Fig. 73, for instance, drawn from life in the streets of
Naples, has the same pliancy and _abandon_ of the limbs as appears in
the supposed foolish slaves of the Vatican Terence.
[Illustration: Fig. 73.]
In close connection with this branch of the study reference must be
made to the gestures exhibited in the works of Italian art only modern
in comparison with the high antiquity of their predecessors. A good
instance is in the Last Supper of Leonardo da Vinci, painted toward
the close of the fifteenth century, and to the figure of Judas
as there portrayed. The gospel denounces him as a thief, which is
expressed in the painting by the hand extended and slightly curved;
imitative of the pilferer's act in clutching and drawing toward
him furtively the stolen object, and is the same gesture that now
indicates _theft_ in Naples, Fig. 74, and among some of the North
American Indians, Fig. 75. The pictorial propriety of the sign is
preserved by the apparent desire of the traitor to obtain the one
white loaf of bread on the table (the remainder being of coarser
quality) which lies near where his hand is tending. Raffaelle was
equally particular in his exhibition of gesture language, even
unto the minutest detail of the arrangement of the fingers. It is
traditional that he sketched the Madonna's hands for the Spasimo di
Sicilia in eleven different positions before he was satisfied.
[Illustration: Fig. 74.]
No allusion to the bibliography of gesture speech, however slight,
should close without including the works of Mgr. D. De Haerne,
who has, as a member of the Belgian Chamber of Representatives, in
addition to his rank in the Roman Catholic Church, been active in
promoting the cause of education in general, and especially that of
the deaf and dumb. His admirable treatise _The Natural Language of
Signs_ has been translated and is accessible to American readers in
the _American Annals of the Deaf and Dumb_, 1875. In that valuable
serial, conducted by Prof. E.A. FAY, of the National Deaf Mute College
at Washington, and now in its twenty-sixth volume, a large amount of
the current literature on the subject indicated by its title can be
found.
[Illustration: Fig. 75.]