The first operation was the siege of Louisburg, which surrendered

with about five thousand prisoners, and in the capture of which

young Wolfe greatly distinguished himself. Later in the year the

French were compelled to abandon Fort Duquesne, in the Ohio Valley,

which the English now named Pittsburg, in honor of War Minister

Pitt; and Frontenac (Kingston), the marine arsenal of the French at

the foot of Lake Ontario, surrendered and was destroyed. The effect

of these losses was disheartening to the French, though before the

season's campaign closed Montcalm defeated the English, under

General Abercrombie, in an attack on the French post on Lake

Champlain, afterward named Ticonderoga. When the year 1759 opened,

the English were ready to resume operations with spirit and effect.

Amherst's army advanced upon Crown Point and Ticonderoga, from which

the French retired, and Sir William Johnson captured Niagara and

drove the French from the Lakes. Wolfe, now general of the forces of

the St. Lawrence, sailed in June with his army from Louisburg to

Quebec. The story of this eventful expedition and its result here

given is by the able pen of the historian A.G. Bradley.

When the flag of Britain supplanted the emblem of France on the

ramparts of Quebec the city was held by an English garrison under

General Murray, and in the spring of 1760 it narrowly escaped

recapture by De Levis, at the head of seven thousand men, who had

come from Montreal to attack it. The timely arrival of a British

fleet saved the now British stronghold, while Montreal was in turn

invested, and that post and all Canada surrendered to the British

Crown. Three years later the Peace of Paris confirmed the cession of

the country to Britain, and closed the dominion of France in Canada.

England rang with the triumphs of her ally, Frederick of Prussia, and,

by a perversion peculiarly British, the scoffing freethinker became the

"Protestant hero" in both church and taproom. Pitt was omnipotent in

Parliament; only a single insignificant member ever ventured to oppose

him. "Our unanimity is prodigious," wrote Walpole. "You would as soon

hear a 'No' from an old-maid as from the House of Commons." Newcastle

was supremely happy among jobbers and cringing place-hunters under the

full understanding that neither he nor his kind trespassed within the

sphere of foreign politics. The estimates had exceeded all former

limits, and reached for those days the enormous sum of twelve and a half

millions. The struggle with France was vigorously waged, too, upon the

ocean, warships, privateers, and merchantmen grappling to the death with

one another in many a distant sea, while the main fleets of the enemy

were for the most part blockaded in their ports by vigilant British

armaments. Everywhere were exhilaration and a superb feeling of

confidence, engendered by incipient successes and by the consciousness

that the nation was united in purpose and that the leaders of its

enterprises were not chosen because they were "rich in votes or were

related to a duke."

James Wolfe had certainly neither of these qualifications, and he it was

whom Pitt designed to act the leading part in the coming year, "a

greater part," he modestly wrote after receiving his appointment, "than

I wished or desired. The backwardness of some of the older officers has

in some measure forced the Government to come down so low. I shall do my

best and leave the rest to fortune, as perforce we must when there are

not the most commanding abilities."

Pitt's plan for the coming season in America was to strike two great

blows at Canada, and a lesser one, which, if successful, would involve

the conquest of that country. Wolfe, aided by a fleet, was to attack

Quebec; Amherst with another force was to push through by the Lake

Champlain route and unite with him if possible. A further expedition was

to be sent against Niagara under Prideaux; but for the present we are

concerned only with the first and by far the most memorable of the

three.

Wolfe at this time was colonel of the Sixty-seventh regiment. He was to

have local rank only of major-general while in America, since more

substantial elevation would, in the eyes of Newcastle and his friends,

have been almost an outrage on the British Constitution as by them

interpreted. Pitt and his young officers, however, were well content to

waive such trifles for the present, and concede so much of consolation

to the long list of rejected incapables, in return for such honor and

glory as might perchance be theirs.

The land force was to consist of twelve thousand men, a few of whom were

to sail from England, but the bulk were to be drawn from the American

and West Indian garrisons. The latter, however, were counter-ordered;

the former proved to be below the estimated strength, and the actual

number that gathered in Louisburg, the point of rendezvous, was only

about eight thousand five hundred. The command of the fleet was given to

Admiral Saunders, and this appointment demanded great discretion, as the

sailor in this instance had not only to be efficient on his own element,

but to be a man of tact, and one who at the same time would put

patriotism above professional jealousy, and could be trusted to work

heartily with the land forces.

It was late in February when Saunders' fleet, convoying Wolfe, his

stores, and a few troops, sailed from Spithead. The winds being adverse

and the seas running high, May had opened before the wild coast of Nova

Scotia was dimly seen through the whirling wreaths of fog. It was a late

season, and Louisburg harbor was still choked with ice, so that the

fleet had to make southward for Halifax at the cost of much of that time

which three years' experience had at length taught the British was so

precious in all North American enterprises. At Halifax Wolfe found the

troops from the American garrisons awaiting him. Among them was the

Forty-third regiment, with the gallant Major Knox, our invaluable

diarist, filled with joy at the prospect of active service after twenty

months' confinement in a backwoods fort, and ready with his sword as

happily for us he was with his pen. In a fortnight Louisburg was open,

and both fleet and transports were grinding amid the still drifting ice

in its harbor. Here again the army was landed, and its numbers completed

from the Louisburg garrison.

There was naturally much to be done with an army brought together from

so many various quarters. The force, too, proved, as I have said, far

short of the estimate, being considerably under nine thousand men; but,

on the other hand, these were all good troops and mostly veterans.

Though the benefits of Bath waters had been more than neutralized by

nearly three months of buffeting on the element he so loathed, Wolfe

spared himself no effort. He was not only a fighting, but to the highest

degree an organizing, general. Every sickly and unlikely man, small as

was his force, was weeded out. Every commissariat detail down to the

last gaiter-button was carefully scrutinized. Seldom had England sent

out a body of men so perfect in discipline, spirit, and material of war,

and assuredly none so well commanded since the days of Marlborough. It

was well it was so, seeing that they were destined to attack one of the

strongest posts in the world, defended by an army nearly twice as

numerous as themselves, and fighting, moreover, in defence of its home

and country and, as it fully believed, of its religion. The young

general was thoroughly alive to the numerical weakness of his force,

but that he rejoiced in its efficiency is evident from his letters, and

he was hard to please. "If valor can make amends for want of numbers,"

he wrote to Pitt, "we shall succeed."

Admiral Durell, with ten ships, had been sent forward early in May to

stop French supply- or war-ships from ascending the St. Lawrence when

navigation opened. It was June 1st when Wolfe and Saunders with the main

army followed him, owing to fog and ice and contrary winds, in somewhat

straggling fashion. The bands played the time-honored air of _The Girl I

Left Behind Me_, and the men cheered lustily as the ships cleared the

bar, while at the mess-tables, says Knox, there was only one toast among

the officers--"British colors on every French fort, post, and garrison

in America." With Saunders went twenty-two ships of the line--five

frigates and seventeen sloops-of-war, besides the transports. All went

smoothly till the 20th, when, the wind dropping, they were caught in the

cross-currents caused by the outpouring waters of the Saguenay, which,

draining a vast mountain wilderness to the northward, would be accounted

a mighty river if it were not for the still mightier one that absorbs

it. Here the ships ran some risk of fouling, but escaped any serious

damage, and in three days were at the Île aux Coudres, where the real

dangers of the navigation began. It must be remembered that such a

venture was unprecedented, and regarded hitherto as an impossibility for

large ships without local pilots. The very presence of the first made

the second possible, for some of the vessels approaching the shore ran

up French flags, whereupon numbers of the country people, in response to

an invitation, came on board, little guessing the visitors could be

their enemies.

Pilots were by this ruse secured, and their services impressed under

pain of death. Knox, who understood French, tells us that the poor

unwilling pilot who took his ship up the tortuous channel made use of

the most frightful imprecations, swearing that most of the fleet and the

whole army would find their graves in Canada. An old British tar, on the

other hand, master of a transport and possessed of an immense scorn for

foreigners, would not allow a French pilot to interfere, and insisted,

in the teeth of all remonstrance, on navigating his own ship. "D--n me,"

he roared, "I'll convince you that an Englishman shall go where a

Frenchman daren't show his nose," and he took it through in safety. "The

enemy," wrote Vaudreuil soon after this to his Government, "have passed

sixty ships-of-war where we dare not risk a vessel of a hundred tons by

night or day." The British navy has not been sufficiently remembered in

the story of Quebec.

Let us now turn for a moment to Montcalm and see what he has been doing

all this time to prepare for the attack. It was an accepted axiom in

Canada that no armament strong enough to seriously threaten Quebec could

navigate the St. Lawrence. In the face of expected invasion it was the

Lake George and Champlain route that mostly filled the public mind.

Bougainville, however, had returned from France early in May with the

startling news that a large expedition destined for Quebec was already

on the sea. A former opinion of this able officer's declared that three

or four thousand men could hold the city against all comers. There was

now four times that strength waiting for Wolfe, while his own, so far as

numbers went, we know already. Eighteen transport ships, carrying

supplies and some slight reënforcements, had slipped past the English

cruisers in the fogs, and brought some comfort to Montcalm. The question

now was how best to defend Quebec, as well as make good the two land

approaches at Ticonderoga and Lake Ontario respectively.

For the defence of the city, when every able-bodied militia-man had been

called out, nearly sixteen thousand troops of all arms would be

available. About the disposition of these and the plan of defence there

was much discussion. Montcalm himself was for a long time undecided. The

alternative plans do not concern us here; the one finally adopted is

alone to the point. Everyone knows that the ancient capital of Canada is

one of the most proudly placed among the cities of the earth. But it may

be well to remind those who have not seen it, that it occupies the point

of a lofty ridge, forming the apex of the angle made by the confluence

of the St. Charles River and the St. Lawrence. Westward from the city

this ridge falls so nearly sheer into the St. Lawrence for several miles

that, watched by a mere handful of men, it was impregnable. Moreover,

the river suddenly narrows to a breadth of three-quarters of a mile

opposite the town, whose batteries were regarded as being fatal to any

attempt of an enemy to run past them. On the other side of the town the

St. Charles River, coming in from the northwest immediately below its

walls, formed a secure protection.

Montcalm, however, decided to leave only a small garrison in the city

itself and go outside it for his main defence. Now, from the eastern

bank of the mouth of the St. Charles, just below the city, there extends

in an almost straight line along the northern shore of the St. Lawrence

a continuous ridge, the brink, in fact, of a plateau, at no point far

removed from the water's edge. Six miles away this abruptly terminates

in the gorge of the Montmorency River, which, rushing tumultuously

toward the St. Lawrence, makes that final plunge on to its shore level

which is one of the most beautiful objects in a landscape teeming with

natural and human interest. Along the crown of this six-mile ridge,

known in history as "the Beauport lines," Montcalm decided to make his

stand. So, throughout the long days of May and June the French devoted

themselves to rendering impregnable from the front a position singularly

strong in itself, while the Montmorency and its rugged valley protected

the only flank which was exposed to attack. Below him spread the river,

here over two miles in width from shore to shore, with the western point

of the island of Orleans overlapping his left flank. Above the woods of

this long, fertile island, then the garden of Canada, the French, upon

June 27th, first caught sight of the pennons flying from the topmasts of

the English battle-ships, and before evening they witnessed the strange

sight of red-coated infantry swarming over its well-tilled fields.

Wolfe had not much time that evening to consider the situation, which

might well have appalled a less stout heart than his, for the troops had

scarcely landed when a sudden summer storm burst upon the scene, churned

the river into angry waves, broke some of the smaller ships from their

moorings, casting them upon the rocks, and staving in many of the boats

and rafts. The people of Quebec, who for weeks had been urging upon the

Divinity in their peculiar way that they, his chosen people, were in

danger, would not have been Canadian Catholics of their generation had

they not been jubilant at this undoubted sign of divine intervention.

But Montcalm was the last man to presume on such favor by any lack of

energy. The very next night the British, having in the mean time pitched

their camp upon the Isle of Orleans, were thrown into no small alarm by

the descent of a fleet of fire-ships.

The only men awake were the guards and sentries at the point, and as the

matches were not applied to the drifting hulks till they were close at

hand, the sudden effect in the darkness of the night upon the soldiers'

nerves was more than they could stand, having beheld nothing like it in

their lives, and they rushed in much confusion on the sleeping camp,

causing still more there. For it was not alone the flames and the

explosives that were a cause of perturbation, but a hail of grape-shot

and bullets from the igniting guns poured hurtling through the trees.

The chief object of the fire-ships, however, was the fleet which lay in

the channel between the Isle of Orleans and the shore, and toward it

they came steadily drifting. Knox describes the pandemonium as awful,

and the sight as inconceivably superb of these large burning ships,

crammed with every imaginable explosive and soaked from their mast-heads

to their water-line in pitch and tar. It was no new thing, however, to

the gallant sailors, who treated the matter as a joke, grappling

fearlessly with the hissing, spitting demons, and towing them ashore.

"Damme, Jack," they shouted, "didst ever take h--ll in tow before?"

This exploit seems to have been a venture of Vaudreuil's, and its

failure, an extremely expensive one, cost that lively egotist and his

friends a severe pang. The next day Wolfe published his first manifesto

to the Canadian people. "We are sent by the English King," it ran, "to

conquer this province, but not to make war upon women and children, the

ministers of religion, or industrious peasants. We lament the sufferings

which our invasion may inflict upon you: but if you remain neutral, we

proffer you safety in person and property and freedom in religion. We

are masters of the river; no succor can reach you from France. General

Amherst, with a large army, assails your southern frontier. Your cause

is hopeless, your valor useless. Your nation have been guilty of great

cruelties to our unprotected settlers, but we seek not revenge. We offer

you the sweets of peace amid the horrors of war. England, in her

strength, will befriend you; France, in her weakness, leaves you to your

fate."

Wolfe could hardly have felt the confidence he here expressed. The

longer he looked upon the French position the less he must have liked

it, and the larger must Amherst and his eventual cooperation have loomed

in his mind as a necessary factor to success. But would Amherst get

through to Montreal and down the St. Lawrence in time to be of use

before the short season had fled? Those who were familiar with the

difficulties would certainly have discouraged the hope which Wolfe for a

time allowed himself to cherish; and Wolfe, though he admired his friend

and chief, did not regard celerity of movement as his strongest point.

About the first move, however, in the game Wolfe had to play there could

be no possible doubt, and that was the occupation of Point Lévis. This

was the high ground immediately facing Quebec, where the river,

narrowing to a width of twelve hundred yards, brought the city within

cannon-shot from the southern bank. It was the only place, in fact, from

which it could be reached. It is said Montcalm had been anxious to

occupy it, and intrench it with four thousand men, but was overruled on

the supposition that the upper town, about which official Quebec felt

most concern, would be outside its range of fire. If this was so, they

were soon to be undeceived.

The occupation of Point Lévis by Monckton's brigade, which Wolfe now

ordered on that service, need not detain us. They crossed from the camp

of Orleans to the village of Beaumont, which was seized with slight

resistance. Thence moving on along the high road to Point Lévis, they

found the church and village occupied by what Knox, who was there,

estimates at a thousand riflemen and Indians. The Grenadiers charging

the position in front, and the Highlanders and light infantry taking it

in the rear, it was stormed with a loss of thirty men, and Monckton then

occupied a position which, so far as artillery fire was concerned, had

Quebec at its mercy. The brigadier, who had fully expected to find

French guns there, at once began to intrench himself on this conspicuous

spot, while floating batteries now pushed out from Quebec and began

throwing shot and shell up at his working-parties, till Saunders sent a

frigate forward to put an end to what threatened to be a serious

annoyance.

The French had changed their minds about the danger of Monckton's guns,

though not a shot had yet been fired, and agitated loudly for a sortie

across the river. Montcalm thought poorly of the plan; but a

miscellaneous force of fifteen hundred Canadians, possessed of more

ardor than cohesion, insisted on attempting a night assault. They landed

some way up the river, but did not so much as reach the British

position. The difficulties of a combined midnight movement were

altogether too great for such irregulars, and they ended by firing upon

one another in the dark and stampeding for their boats, with a loss of

seventy killed and wounded.

Two brigades were now in midstream on the Isle of Orleans and one on

Point Lévis. Landing artillery and stores, intrenching both positions,

and mounting siege-guns at the last-named one consumed the first few

days of July. Wolfe's skill in erecting and firing batteries had been

abundantly demonstrated at Louisburg; and though his head quarters were

on the island, he went frequently to superintend the preparations for

the bombardment of Quebec. On July 12th a rocket leaped into the sky

from Wolfe's camp. It was the signal for the forty guns and mortars that

had been mounted on Point Lévis to open on the city that Vaudreuil and

his friends had fondly thought was out of range. The first few shots may

have encouraged the delusion, as they fell short; but the gunners

quickly got their distance, and then began that storm of shot and shell

which rained upon the doomed city, with scarce a respite, for upward of

eight weeks.

Houses, churches, and monasteries crashed and crumbled beneath the

pitiless discharge. The great cathedral, where the memories and the

trophies of a century's defiance of the accursed heretic had so thickly

gathered, was gradually reduced to a skeleton of charred walls. The

church of Notre Dame de la Victoire, erected in gratitude for the

delivery of the city from the last and only previous attack upon it

sixty years before, was one of the first buildings to suffer from the

far more serious punishment of this one. Wolfe, though already suffering

from more than his chronic ill-health, was ubiquitous and indefatigable;

now behind Monckton's guns at Point Lévis, now with Townshend's

batteries at Montmorency, now up the river, ranging with his glass

those miles of forbidding cliffs which he may already have begun to

think he should one day have to climb. Some of Saunders' ships were in

the Basin, between Orleans and Quebec, and frequently engaged with

Montcalm's floating batteries; while in the mean time the roar of

artillery from a dozen different quarters filled the simmering July

days, and lit the short summer nights with fiery shapes, and drew in

fitful floods the roving thunder-clouds that at this season of the year

in North America are apt to lurk behind the serenest sky.

Fighting at close quarters there was, too, in plenty, though of an

outpost and backwoods kind. Bois Herbert, with his painted Canadians and

Abernakis Indians, and Stark and young Rogers with their colonial

rangers--Greek against Greek--scalped each other with a hereditary

ferocity that English and French regulars knew nothing of. In bringing a

fleet up to Quebec, British sailors had already performed one feat

pronounced impossible by Canadian tradition. They now still further

upset their enemies' calculations by running the gauntlet of the

batteries of Quebec and placing the Sutherland, with several smaller

ships, at some distance up the river. This cost Montcalm six hundred

men, whom he had to send under Dumas to watch the squadron. But all this

brought the end no nearer. Time was exceeding precious, and July was

almost out. Necessary messages were continually passing under flags of

truce, and superfluous notes of defiance sometimes accompanied them.

"You may destroy the town," said De Ramezay to Wolfe, "but you will

never get inside it." "I will take Quebec," replied the fiery stripling,

"if I stay here till November."

The Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 13 · 第 23 / 37 段