_Of the great oppositions suffered by the province in that time_
[However, in these early days, even, peace and quiet are not for
the religious; and they find their work hindered and even opposed
by encomenderos and other Spaniards who work much evil against them,
and turn the natives against them. Our author mentions certain cases,
for the entire truth of which he vouches, which show the manner in
which some Spaniards act.]
It happened while I was prior of Passi in the Bisayas, an encomienda
belonging to his Majesty, that some Indians had been drafted from
that district to man a fleet which was being built. Some of the poor
wretches, on the return from the expedition, desirous of returning to
their homes--seeing that after so long an absence they were detained
for other private works, now by this Spaniard and now by that one, who
seized them--fled. For the Indian acts without counsel, as he lacks
understanding. Very often, after having worked one month, and when,
within one or two days, they would be exchanged, they run away--thus
giving occasion to seek and punish them, and losing their wages,
and abandoning the axes with which they were working. It appeared
to a gentleman who was chief commander and lieutenant-governor in
Ylong-ylong, a port of Panay, an infringement of his rights that the
Indians should flee. Therefore, he sent two soldiers to look for them,
at the cost of the poor wretches. They came to the place where I was,
and told me why they came. I replied to them that they could look for
them immediately. They seized the governor, [117] and wandered for
three days amid the hills and valleys, stupidly, as if the Indians
would appear; for not only those Indians, but the peaceful ones had
abandoned their houses, and fled to the mountains. They returned,
worn out after three days, without a single Indian. The Spaniard who
acted as leader put the wretched governor, holding in his hands his
Majesty's rod of justice, in the stocks; and there he beat him at
his pleasure, now with a club, and now with his dagger. Thereupon
the Indian began to cry out so loudly that I heard his cries in the
convent. As 1 was about to go down, his relatives with tears informed
me of what was being done. I went alone to the government house, for my
companion was on a visit, this being the eve of the feast of the Holy
Spirit in 1623. I began to ascend and to reprimand the soldier and to
tell him that he had no authority to put that governor in the stocks,
nor to maltreat him. Then the soldier pointed his sword at my breast,
and gave me a very impudent message from the commandant. Among other
things, he told me that he would send for me and bind me with double
shackles. I laughed, brushed aside the sword, went to the stocks,
and took my Indian, all covered with his own blood, and so ill-used
that even yet he knows no well day, but is constantly ailing and
dispirited, and in a bed. Next morning, they took the governor
away, saying that the commandant would condemn him to the galleys,
as if he were the cause of the Indians fleeing. Fearful of the case,
I went down the river, and talked with the commandant. After talking
with him, he returned the Indian to me. Since then 1 have received
innumerable favors from him there, which I shall not name, as they
are not of interest. Nevertheless, the Indian spent more than six
taels of gold, or more than forty granos, in the journey. Let this
true account and fact be considered, and who serves his Majesty, who
protects the Indians, to what we religious are exposed, and what we
endure in the fulfilment of our duties, and in the preservation of the
country--which the Spaniards themselves are inciting to hostilities
by such oppressions. The soldier was not commended, but neither did
the commandant punish him. Within a short time he died, without his
hopes being obtained, and as they are wont to die here. May God in
His goodness have pity on his soul.
While I was prior in Santísimo Nombre de Jesús (the chief house of
the province in the olden days), and while the chief commandant and
lieutenant-governor was another gentleman whom I shall not name
because of his influence, the latter struck a religious, whom I
had there as the head preacher, between the eyes. In order to take
away all opportunities for trouble, and that the commandant with
his influence might cause none to the order--for whatever such an
official wishes to do here, he does--I allowed the religious to go
to the convent of Cárcar. It was necessary for this religious to go
to San Nicolás, on that saint's day, to preach, and he did so. As
soon as he arrived, clad in his black habit, in all the propriety
of an Augustinian religious, he went to the house of the foremost
man of the city, both in position and wealth, and his wife, who were
regarded most highly by the people, one of whose children had been
baptized by the religious. He requested this man to give him the little
loaves that the latter had been asked to make. The commandant heard
of his arrival, and immediately sent two soldiers and an adjutant
to seize him, and drag him with them, although he had retired. The
commandant had prepared a champan and shackles to send the religious
to Manila. I was advised of his arrest. I set out and went to tell
Bishop Don Fray Pedro de Arce, who was at that time in his house,
of the matter. He went out in his chair, followed him to the city
and we found the religious surrounded by soldiers, who immediately
opened the door and went away. We went to the convent, where the
bishop began to write. Two seculars, who defended this action, and
by whose authority the commandant did this, prevented the commandant
from being excommunicated. Finally, in a meeting of the orders, the
commandant was declared excommunicated. But the governor of Filipinas,
Don Juan Niño de Tabora, who should have punished the commandant,
neglected to do so. In this he did not imitate Don Juan de Silva,
who, when a similar case happened, summoned the alcalde-mayor who was
in llocos, took from him his office, and deprived him of all rights,
although he was pardoned by having had the express order of the bishop
of that province. But what men neglect to punish the Lord does not
forget to punish. He ordered a change of fortune after certain days,
so that the same governor, Don Juan Niño de Tabora, did not like this
gentleman. Accordingly, following the dictates of his conscience,
he made the latter leave Manila, under pretext of going to pacify an
encomienda that he had given him. Finally, things became so linked
together, that the above-mentioned man took refuge in our convent, for
he had not found a kindly reception in any other. There dispossessed
of his encomienda, which had been taken from him, he suffered for one
year, what that same gentleman knows; until that, with the arrival
at these islands of the inspector Don Francisco de Rojas, he left
the cloister--saying that he had not sinned against king, governor,
or state; but that, if he suffered, it was for his misconduct toward
our order in Sugbú. I might write thousands of things concerning
these events, where, as in the above, one might see the gain made
by the religious, and at what cost to them, as said Christ: _Eritis
odio omnibus propter nomen meum_. [118] Consequently, I cannot quite
understand how the Spaniards should desire us in these ministries,
so that, by our attending to our obligations, they could take pleasure
therein. This people whom we have in charge are rustic, uncivilized,
lawless, and have no more system of action than the will of their
chiefs. Now, then, how can these people become Christians, unless
they are gathered together, and restrained; and if the religious,
as fathers and masters, do not punish them? And if a father has the
well-known jurisdiction over his son--and this jurisdiction is extended
much more in the case of a master--why do we not have something for
these two titles? For if the Indians have no fear or respect for the
religious, of what advantage is our stay here? And how can we compel
those already christianized to fulfil their duties, if the Indian feels
that the father can not punish him? For they detest, as a rule, church
matters--to such an extent, that they would even pay two tributes to
be free from the church. They love their old beliefs and revelries so
strongly that they would lose their souls for them. Without any fear,
how would they attend to their duties? The extensive kingdom of China
is more densely populated than any other that is known, and there is
the greatest poverty among the common people, who are given to theft,
murder, and innumerable other sins. Yet it is the most peaceful kingdom
known and has no gallows or execution, but [they are restrained] by
means only of their fear of the bamboo with which they are beaten. Now
if the Indian lack this fear, who can bring him to reason? The Indians
are daily growing worse, for they are losing fear. Daily utterances
are made against the religious that they cannot punish them, and
should not do it. This reacts against the Spaniards themselves, for,
once aroused, the Indians will rebel when least expected; and they
know already how to wield a sword and use an arquebus.
It is quite true that the religious do not mix in things of importance
belonging to other tribunals, and the fathers provincial are careful
to advise them on this matter; but the opposition to them in their
ministry is the cause of the devil and his work. Some persons,
under the pretext of piety, try to destroy the religious, saying
that the Indians are free, and protected in their liberty, and that
their liberty must not be taken away, but that they may wander as
they will. For the aim of the fathers is to have the Indians live in
villages. All this means harm to the Indian, for he is naturally lazy
and a friend of sloth. If he is allowed, he wanders about aimlessly
like a vagabond without working; and, at tribute-paying time, he
has not the wherewithal to pay. He begs a loan of the tribute, and
thus he becomes a slave. This would not happen, were he forced to
perform the work from which he flees. Thus in not allowing him to
become a vagabond, his own good is sought. We know well that there
are constables in España who arrest and search out the idle. Is that
contrary to the liberty in which we are born? Certainly not, for
idleness is the mother of all the vices, as St. Gregory insinuates,
when he names it as the chief cause of the destruction of Sodom:
_fuit iniquitas sororis tutu superbia, abundantia et otium._ [119]
Then, how can what is not opposed to liberty in España be opposed to
liberty here in a country which rears so remarkable natives? Therefore
for his own good much care must be taken of the Indian. What the
Indian should be, he would become with the knowledge of the priors,
so that they may make him settle down, and perform the work that is
to make him a Christian, support him, pay his tribute, and make him
a man of reason and judgment. [120]
Besides this war waged on us by the secular element, that which was
most feared and dangerous, and caused the religious most anxiety, was
the spiritual war. This arose from the zeal of the bishop of Manila,
Don Domingo de Salazar, the first bishop of this city a man of vast
knowledge on all subjects, and who was not ignorant of the privileges
of the mendicant orders in the administration of the natives. He was
bishop in Manila, and thought that he ought not to allow the religious
so much freedom in the office that they were administering. He tried to
restrict them in many ways, and refused to concede much. The religious,
however, did not do less than to answer by pointing to the bulls of
the supreme pontiffs (called forth many times at the instance of the
Catholic sovereigns of España), and other _motus proprios_--all made
for the furtherance of good administration, and that the faith might
be propagated throughout the new kingdoms of their domains. The bishop
denied to the ministers everything pertaining to jurisdiction and
power; for he imagined that we could not grant dispensation in that
second degree for marriages, or exercise any judicial act of those
which recently--that is, ordinarily--they exercise over the newly
converted. This occasioned a great contention, and even scandal; for as
the country was new, and there was no other learning than that of his
Lordship--which doubtless was very great, and authorized by his dignity
and person--and that of our fathers, some said "yes," and others "no,"
some that they could, others that they could not. Thus everything
was in confusion, not only among Ours, but throughout the islands.
The father provincial was like a drowning man in this matter, and was
obliged to give attention to so grave a necessity as the present. As he
could devise no remedy here, he resolved to go to España, in order to
settle the whole matter. The bishop, who wished only to do the proper
thing, was glad of the voyage. He wrote some letters to religious of
the province of Méjico, whom he thoroughly trusted and believed in. He
set his doubts before them, and the arguments on which he grounded his
position, in order that the controversy might be settled amicably;
and that the province of Méjico, as the mother of this province,
might correct what his Lordship considered as excesses.
The father provincial left Manila and reached Nueva España. He left
his vicar in the Filipinas, namely father Fray Francisco Manrique. He
pursued his voyage, and reached España in safety, where he despatched
his business very favorably--both in the Roman court, where Gregory
XIII was governing the Church of God; and in the court of España,
where he obtained very favorable decrees from his Majesty, Felipe
II, our king and sovereign. The latter approved everything that our
religious had done in the churches of those kingdoms and seigniories
of his. He granted many other favors and gifts, so that they might
prosecute the undertaking with greater resolution, and by the self-same
methods that had been used theretofore. While these matters were being
negotiated at court, the religious of this province, [121] conferring
upon the articles upon which the bishop and Ours disagreed, wrote to
the bishop letters of complete submission, in which they begged him to
moderate his anger, and await the decision that would soon arrive from
España with other decisions approving what had until then been done by
the religious, and encouraging them to go forward in the defense of
truth. The most learned Master Veracruz, as the father and protector
of the ministry, and defense of the privileges held by the religious,
wrote so learned a letter to the bishop, that it proved sufficient
to calm him. Later, that letter served as a primer for the ministers,
and a protection against the difficulties that arose. Of so much value
has been the opinion of this great man, and of all his writings. [122]
In conclusion, I will say that father Fray Andrés de Aguirre returned
from España, whereupon those hurricanes which had been aroused were
laid. But he reached Méjico so broken from the journey that he did not
dare to go immediately to the Filipinas. However he sent the promised
news of what had been enacted concerning it, which was given a glad
reception. Thereupon, our fathers, like men who had reached land after
a great and severe storm, commenced to breathe. They gave thanks to
the Lord that He had not forgotten them. Thanks were given likewise
to his Majesty Felipe II; for by so many favors and privileges they
were able to prosecute the works that had been undertaken, and to
place their shoulders to works much greater for his service. This
was not alone for the good of the Augustinian order, but for that of
all the other orders; for if one order suffered shipwreck, all must
do the same, as all were in the same boat, directed by the same helm
in the same direction, and under the same winds.
[Father Aguirre returned to the islands in 1593, where he was received
with joy. He died as was his wish, in the islands "which he loved
greatly, as he was one of the founders of that province."]