PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL.

NO. VIII.

THE CINCINNATI CONVENTION—NEW PARTIES AND NEW ISSUES—PEOPLE’S EYES

OPEN—DETERMINATION TO TAKE MATTERS INTO THEIR OWN HANDS—WILL THEY MAKE

JUDICIOUS MOVEMENTS?—THE RIGHTS OF LABOR—SHALL THEY BE IGNORED?—OUR

POSITION REGARDING THE LABOR MOVEMENT.

The National Labor Convention lately held in Cincinnati was called for

the special purpose of beginning an organization having in view the next

Presidential canvass. It had taken the means of obtaining the views of a

number of the most prominent public men, letters enunciating which views

were duly presented before the convention. That of Governor Geary, of

Pennsylvania, appears to have occupied the position of most prominency,

and to have been regarded with peculiar and unanimous favor. The views

presented by him are such as were sure to find favor with the

representatives of labor, and so far he stands A No. 1 as the

prospective candidate for the Presidency of the National Labor party.

It has been very evident for the last year that the old parties had lost

their power of inspiration over the people. The Democratic party sold

itself out to slavery and virtually died when slavery died. A party may

exist called Democratic, but it will be upon new issues and must take

new departures. The hard conservatism that attaches to it from its

former practices does not suit the spirit of the eighth decade of the

nineteenth century. The rank and file that have so long blindly followed

wherever their leaders commanded are becoming imbued with this spirit,

and they begin to realize that they have been mere automatons that have

been moved with no acquiescent will of their own. Newspapers have become

too commonly read. That the blind should be led necessitates the

continuous condition of blindness. So, too, with, the understanding.

What have the masses known of the essence of the issues that have formed

the platform of the political parties for the last fifty years? When war

came, as the result of a blind course on the part of politicians, the

masses began to open their eyes to the fact that they had been

unwittingly betrayed into a most dangerous and fearful condition,

wherein it became necessary to cut each other’s throats. Since the close

of the war they have not only kept their eyes open to the full extent

the war opened them, but they have also opened their understanding and

for the first time fully realize that they are indeed freemen; and to

become conscious that heretofore they have been so only in name. Awaking

as they have from the delusion so long hugged to their hearts, it will

not be strange if they do some inconsiderate and short-sighted things.

It is the duty of all who have the true interest of the whole people at

heart to warn them of all the extremes they are likely to contend for,

and to suggest permanent practical methods, which shall spring from

principles that will apply at all times to all men—and women. The

Republican party being composed of somewhat different elements is

disintegrated from different action of the same causes; with the

destruction of slavery and the reconstruction of the country its

strength was expended. All people who were opposed to slavery had

concentrated in the Republican party, because of the similarity of

sentiment upon this single question; this settled, they find themselves

without a common rallying idea; they differ as widely upon the old and

common topics among themselves as they differ from those who do not

belong to the party and never did. Place and power are the sole things

that hold the Republican party together at all; these gone it will be

gone.

It is just at this time that new parties are demanded, and they are sure

to arise. The conditions are all favorable. It remains for wise counsels

to prevail in the formation and departure of these, to insure them

something more than death with the accomplishment of one of their

central ideas, which destiny fell to the lot of the Republican party.

Unquestionably there will be a Labor party in the next canvass. We are

sorry it is denominated the Labor party, because it should be something

more than a Labor party, and because this is a direct challenge to

capital, and it will very probably result in arraying these two

interests in an antagonism which will be but a repetition of the slavery

antagonism. No party built upon a specific idea, looking in a single

direction, can ever attain to even the promise of permanency; and it is

for this reason we say we are sorry to see a party sectionalizing itself

at the very outset of its attempting a general movement toward

organization.

It seems, also, a little premature that an organization calling itself a

Labor organization, should at the outset put itself upon the record

against the freedom of labor, let it come from whence it may, and be of

whatever nature it may. This policy is short-sighted, and will prove a

stumbling-block to the party, though for the time Chinese emigration may

serve for a rallying-cry. All assertions that the Chinese emigrants can

be reduced to a system of slavery among us are humbuggery of the first

water. There is no law to prevent a person contracting with a hundred

American workmen at the best terms he can. It is quite certain there is

no law to prevent him from employing Irishmen, Germans or even Chinese

upon the same terms. And if it is done, and labor is thereby obtained

cheaper than the citizens of this country desire to furnish it, the

laboring class must not lay the charge to the capitalist who

accomplishes it, but to the imperfections of our social and financial

systems which make such resorts possible. Then, instead of committing

this new national organization against any form of legal labor, its

managers should have proposed remedies for the existing imperfections in

our systems.

We are no special advocate of the introduction of Chinese or any other

labor into this country; neither are we desirous of advocating any

policy that will conflict with the interests of any laborer, but we are

advocates, and always expect to be, of justice and equity to all people

everywhere, because the time has come in the ages when we must begin to

remember that we are all brothers under the sun, and that he or she who

does not recognize and act upon this universal truth will, sooner or

later, be obliged to learn it at the cost of dear experience. We expect

to be found advocating very many of the principles laid down in the

platform of the Labor party, and could wish that we may find nothing

there adverse to the principles which are of general application. We

desire to see the Labor interest advanced to the right and position of

equality with capital, and we shall put forth our best endeavors to

assist in this most just movement. At the same time we shall not commit

ourselves to sustain or advocate anything that we conceive will be

ultimately injurious to the true interests of humanity, or any part of

it, therefore we shall at all times point out what we regard as errors

in whatsoever this new party may endeavor to carry out. At the same time

we shall, perhaps, be among its firmest and truest advocates. The best

friends are those who show us our faults and sustain us in the right.

NEW YORK, September 3, 1870.

The Origin, Tendencies and Principles of Government A review of the rise and fall of nations from early historic time to the present; with special considerations regarding the future of the United States as the representative government of the world and the form of administration which will secure this consummation. Also, papers on human equality, as represented by labor and its representative, money; and the meaning and significance of life from a scientific standpoint, with its prophecies for the great future. · 第 100 / 156 题