NO. VII.
PRIORITY OF RIGHT—THEIR POSITION IN THE PROCESSES OF SOCIETY—THE EARTH
BELONGS TO MAN AT LARGE—INDIVIDUAL CLAIMS, PURE ASSUMPTION—PRINCIPLES,
PRACTICE, REMEDIES AND CURE.
Capital, primarily, is the product of labor, but labor, in the abstract,
could produce nothing of itself. It must have something upon which to
apply itself. It cannot create anything; it can only alter, readjust or
rearrange the materials which nature offers, and by bringing them into
new relations with each other make it possible for them to subserve
other and better purposes than when, in the constitution assigned them
by the operation of natural laws, they are unmodified by the touch of
mind. Therefore, while capital is the direct result of labor, labor
would not be possible without the free gifts of nature. Absolute
originality, then, or absolute priority of right, as between labor and
capital, cannot be claimed by or for either.
The formula of the operation, beginning with nature and ending in the
ultimate use of its productions, in contributing to the happiness of the
race, is this: Nature is made up of the elements of the universe, which,
compounded into forms, are offered to man to be modified into other
forms and to combine in new relations which may best contribute to the
needs of the human family. In this view, and in view of the inharmonious
relations that exist between capital and its co-equal labor, it becomes
necessary to give the whole matter a complete analysis, in order to
discover, if possible, where the primary fault lies, and to find the
proper solution of all differences.
The human race exists upon the earth. At a past period no human being
existed upon it. At a later day the human race arose. Before man,
nothing claimed the ownership of any part of the earth’s surface. When
man presented himself he began to make use of various parts of it for
his own ends, but to the land thus appropriated he acquired no permanent
title or right of ownership. It was his to obtain from it all that his
genius and strength made possible. So much as he could thus extract he
could possess, but further than this his title was valueless.
The races of men that now inhabit the earth are scattered over the
greater part of its surface, drawing what it spontaneously yields and
what they can force it to yield. From these premises it would seem
unquestionable that each individual of the human family had an equal
right to its benefits. The only difference that ought to exist should be
that limited and bounded by the capacity of each to produce. No person
could therefore ever acquire, under the rule of universal justice, an
absolute ownership to any part or portion of the earth’s surface. If the
chain of title to any claimed ownership is followed backward
sufficiently, it will be found to have originated in an assumption in
the first instance of ownership to something that belonged to men in
common.
We can now acquire landed property from the government, and this creates
the most absolute ownership that can exist; but here again comes the
question whether governments can do what is impossible to individuals?
Can a system organized by a people perform acts not in the power of the
people themselves to perform? Can a government by the mere fact of
having been organized to preserve harmony among a people acquire an
absolute title to the earth that is contained within its jurisdiction?
If an individual cannot go into an unclaimed territory and take absolute
possession of a certain portion of it, then no number of persons, nor
can any government they may establish, do so. And here exists one cause
of discord between labor which produces and capital which monopolizes.
All monopolies arise from landed monopolies. Were there no inequalities
between men in claims to certain areas of the earth’s surface, no other
monopolies would find a basis for existence. Every individual should
have a right to the use of a certain quantity of the real estate of the
country, and the right to all improvements he might make upon it. Here
would be a basis of equity which would forever prevent the accumulation
in the hands of any few persons, of vast quantities of real estate,
which is the real basis of all securities. It is such a basis because
everything is produced from it. All manufacturers must rely upon it for
their raw material, and, therefore, a practical equality in the
occupation and use of the public domain would insure a certain degree of
equality in all things that might spring from it. It was the perception
of this principle that caused Lycurgus to divide the lands of Lacedemon
equally among all the people; and a general recognition of it should now
take place.
While these are the principles that underlie the workings of society,
and which must be practiced before a general equality can exist, it is
not to be expected that they can be immediately introduced. There are
too few who understand the real rights of man, and too many who do not
wish to understand them. While this condition of ignorance and
perverseness keeps the world inharmonious and subjected to suffering, we
should avail ourselves of all the alleviatory methods that can be
suggested in our present system. Between two evils choose the least; but
in the pursuit of remedies, the root of the disease should never be lost
sight of. Nor should the spirit that is exhibited in many so-called
Labor and Workingmen’s Journals be encouraged. Strife and animosity will
never accomplish half so much as calmness, reason and persuasion. “Come,
let us reason together,” was never more judiciously proposed than it
could now be by capitalists and workingmen. The latter must remember
that they cannot compel capitalists to their terms, and capitalists must
not forget that if there are real causes of dissatisfaction growing out
of injustice, the sooner justice is done the less serious will be the
reckoning with the laborer. Instead of strife let us have co-operation;
instead of war let us have peace; instead of the process of fermentation
let us have that of mutual understanding.
NEW YORK, August 27, 1870.