II

Honein was the last of a series of victories that laid the Koreishite

ghost forever; the Prophet was now virtually the ruler of the entire

Arabian peninsula; and, having made a triumphant entrance into

Medina, he proceeded to execute a project that had long been dear

to his heart. As early as the year 627, he had sent out feelers to

a branch of the empire of Byzantium on the subject of conversion to

Islam; his envoy on that occasion, though courteously welcomed and

given a special dress of honor, had accomplished little. But now,

while embassies from numerous Arabian tribes made haste to present

themselves to him, hoping to make a good bargain by trading their

recreant idols for the all-conquering Allah, Mohammed’s apparently

chimerical fancy to extend Islam in, and even beyond, the bounds

of the Roman Empire was again aroused. The lonely visionary of

Mount Hira, the Meccan outcast, risen to the imperial position of

temporal and spiritual dictator of all Arabia, vibrated with the

insatiable desire to make Islam dominant over the world. _He_ might

not live to see that glorious fulfilment; yet perhaps his notorious

gift of prophecy enabled him to pierce the veil that shadowed the

future: the advance of Islam under successive Caliphates until

its haughty realm extended from India to the western limits of

Spain--the stemming of the onrushing Saracen tide by Charles Martel

at Tours--the wayfaring Crusaders bent upon rescuing the Holy Land

from Mohammedan dominion--the revival of interest in classic lore

which was the direct result of the Crusades--the concomitant

Renaissance of learning and of Christianity until Christian warriors,

with a Bible in one hand and a sword in the other, supplanted the

imperial Crescent with the even more imperial Cross--the Cross that

has itself become associated with imperialism. Thus, by a grotesque

chain of closely linked events, Mohammed might--had his prophetic

eye been gifted with sufficient range--have envisaged himself in

the odd position of being the chief instrument in the world-wide

promulgation of classicism and of Christianity. For, had the Middle

Age Crusaders not been inspired with unremitting zeal to wrest the

Holy Grail from Islam, there might well have been no Renaissance, no

stimulation of mental and spiritual activities, and, consequently,

no such Christian imperialism as now holds so much of the world

under its righteous sway.

Had Mohammed foreseen all this, however, he might possibly have

had less interest in those embassies to and from his house in the

Mosque, where, sprawling on his mat and cooling his face with a

palm-leaf fan, he issued his endless commands and listened to

endless requests from suppliants. Indeed, his office work had

become so voluminous that he now made use of an amanuensis, Zeid

the son of Thabit, who was specially skilled in the Hebrew and

Syriac languages. Though quick-witted and agile of tongue, Zeid

was inclined to be so forgetful and generally scatter-brained that

the Prophet was obliged to tell him to thrust his pen behind his

ear, “for this will bring to remembrance that which the distracted

mind is seeking after.”

If tradition may be trusted, Mohammed was not always over-successful

in his dealings with prospective converts. The Christian tribe

of Nejran, in central Arabia, came to him after an ostentatious

exhibition of prayer in the Mosque, and loudly declared that they

were Moslems; but the Prophet, observing that they wore silk-lined

clothes--which he particularly detested, though it is true that

he ordered such hapless Moslems as became afflicted with the itch

or “louse-disease” to wear silken shirts--rightly doubted their

sincerity and merely turned up his nose at them; they therefore

departed and shortly returned in monastic garb. Their leader,

doubtless inspired with the hope that a display of knowledge on his

part would gain them better terms, offered to debate with Mohammed

concerning the mystical nature of Christ, but he wisely declined

to comply and stated that he would prefer to engage in a cursing

contest; and in fact, while one of his most uncritical admirers

affirmed that the worst oath he ever used was “May his forehead be

darkened with mud!” the Koran, among other authentic documents,

furnishes considerable evidence to the contrary. Realizing that

they would be no match for him in such an ordeal, the Nejranites

capitulated to the extent of agreeing to pay tribute, though they

refused to acknowledge his divine mission; the Prophet acceded

to this compromise, but soothed his ruffled dignity by declaring

that they were one of the two worst tribes in all Arabia, and

by announcing that Christians, as well as Jews, were to act as

substitutes for Moslems in Hell-fire. Moreover, believing that

Christianity and Judaism were both on their last legs, he devised the

humane stipulation that, provided Christians and Hebrews submitted

to the earthly rule of Islam and paid “tribute with their hands,”

they would be permitted to profess whatever faith they chose. Yet

he would presumably have been better pleased had all Arabians

manifested the delicate concern shown by a fellow named Al-Jarud. “O

Prophet,” said he, “I have hitherto followed the Christian faith,

and I am now called on to change it. Wilt thou be _Surety_ for me

in the matter of my religion?” “Yea, I am thy surety that God hath

guided thee to a better faith than it,” Mohammed gladly answered.

Two dispatches were probably sent to Heraclius, Emperor of Byzantium,

who had just completed a victorious struggle with Persia. The first

one, which requested him to cease the idolatrous worship of Jesus

and His Mother, to reverence the one true God, and to recognize

the mission of Mohammed, was apparently disregarded; a second

message, couched in like terms, prompted a vassal of Heraclius to

request permission to punish the insolent pretender who sent it, but

Heraclius forbade any needless expedition against the contemptible

person who had audaciously signed himself “Mohammed the Apostle of

God.” The King of Persia, on receiving a similar note, merely tore

it up; and the Prophet, on hearing of this outrage, prayed aloud:

“Even thus, O Lord! rend thou his kingdom from him!” It may be

presumed that neither Heraclius nor the Persian King even suspected

that, within a decade or two, their mighty empires would be paying

tribute to Islam. A letter that Mohammed sent to Ruayyah, of Suhaim,

was treated more respectfully than the one that had been dispatched

to the Persian monarch; for Ruayyah used it to mend a hole in his

water-skin. Another powerful chief, having listened to Mohammed’s

delegate, instructed him to carry back this message: “How excellent

is that Revelation to which thou invitest me, and how beautiful!

Know that I am the Poet of my tribe, and an Orator. The Arabs revere

my dignity. Grant unto me, therefore, a share in the rule, and I

will follow thee.” The Prophet, on being informed of this, snarled:

“Had this man asked of me but an unripe date, as his share in the

land, I would not have given it. Let him perish, and his vainglory

with him!”--and it is confidently stated that the presumptuous snob

did, in fact, die within a year. The Roman Governor of Egypt, too,

refused to endorse Mohammed’s claims--“I am aware,” he said, “that

a prophet is yet to arise; but I am of opinion that he will appear

in Syria”--yet he atoned for his stubbornness of heart by sending

Mohammed a double present in the form of a white mule and a black

concubine.

Mohammed, meanwhile, was showing his interest in his recent converts

by altering their Pagan names to titles that better suited his almost

feminine fondness for daintily euphemistic words. For example,

“Zeid of the Stud” right gladly abandoned his plebeian appellation

when he was rechristened “Zeid of the Good”; “the Wolf, son of the

Cub,” was similarly glorified by becoming “Allah’s Servant”; and an

“Oppressor” suffered a welcome sea-change into a “Well-doer.” But

when a tribe called the “Sons of Bastardy” were politely accosted

as the “Sons of Chastity,” they announced their steadfast desire

to remain true to their ancient heritage.

Nor did Mohammed’s reforms stop here. The Koran had already

prohibited the use of wine; for, years earlier, the Prophet, while

attempting to chide his uncle, Hamza, who was riotously drunk, had

received the tipsy response, “Are you not my father’s slave?” Liquor,

therefore, had been proscribed as a foe to Islam and the dignity

of the prophetic office; this rule was so rigorously enforced, in

truth, that even a hero of Bedr had been beaten again and again for

perennial intoxication, and on one occasion Mohammed himself hurled

clods of dirt at another offender. Gambling, too--the casting of

lots and the “arrow-game,” in which camels were the prizes--had been

divinely banned as abominations “from amongst the works of Satan.”

Mohammed’s acutely sensitive nature now led him to proscribe anything

that savored of torture inflicted on animals: living birds might

not be used as targets in shooting contests; camels were not to be

tied up and left to die on their owners’ graves; cattle were not to

be blinded to avert the evil eye; droughts were not to be broken

by the common process of affixing flaming torches to the tails of

cattle; horses were not to lose their manes and tails, and asses

were no longer to be branded or hit in the face. So scrupulously

fastidious was the Prophet that he once ordered some Moslems to

stop burning an ant-hill, and he also strongly disapproved the

ubiquitous practice of cursing camels and cocks.

His humanity and foresight were also manifested in more important

matters. Blood-feuds--the time-honored and almost ineradicable

system of tribal revenge for homicide--he endeavored, with partial

success, to wipe out by emphasizing the brotherhood of Islam, and

by advocating the acceptance of money as a partial compensation:

ethical and legislative essays that gradually led to a saner and

more peaceful system of government. Whatever may be thought of

his general attitude toward women, he certainly benefited them

incalculably by setting up laws that enabled them to inherit and

hold property; and the luridly overemphasized harem system, Pagan

though it may be, has some virtues that are perhaps absent from the

Occidental system of prostitution. His advocacy of the custom by

which the wives of captives automatically became the concubines of

Moslem conquerors has especially irritated certain modern moralists,

who apparently have not reflected very deeply on certain canons

of contemporary conduct, in which wealth and social distinction

play the rôle of the victorious Islamites. He accepted slavery as

a matter of course--and, indeed, Islam has never indulged in any

foolish civil strife over the question of bondage--but he insisted

that slaves must be treated with the utmost kindness. Men who

beat their slaves were placed by him among the lowest of the low;

he stated that manumission was a pious act, and he sometimes let

offenders off from any punishment when they agreed to free their

serfs--in short, the present industrial system has little to boast

of in comparison with Mohammed’s attitude toward serfdom. One other

inhuman custom--the ancient practice of female infanticide--was

summarily abolished by him; and a tale survives that well illustrates

the horror he felt concerning such deeds. Two men, about to yield

themselves to the claims of Islam, chanced to question the Prophet

about his views on child-murder. “Our mother Muleika was full of

good deeds and charity; but she buried a little daughter alive. What

is her condition now?” they inquired. “The burier and the buried

both in hell,” replied Mohammed, upon which his guests became very

angry and started to leave. “Come back,” he requested, “mine own

mother, too, is there with yours.” But even this inducement failed

to convince them, and so they returned into the outer darkness.

Mohammed · 第 43 / 46 题