PROTEST AGAINST FINAL ADJOURNMENT OF CONGRESS.

REMARKS IN THE SENATE, ON A RESOLUTION FOR THE FINAL ADJOURNMENT OF THE

TWO HOUSES, JULY 12, 1862.

July 12th, the question being on the final adjournment for the

Session, Mr. Sumner said:--

MR. PRESIDENT,--I do not think, in the present state of the country,

the Senate ought to adjourn, and for one I enter my protest against it,

and I ask for the yeas and nays that I may make it of record.

It is essential to proper legislation not only that the Senate should

vote, but that it should consider measures on which it votes; and the

consideration must be in proportion to their importance. Allusion is

made to one measure on which the Senate has not voted,--that in charge

of my friend the Senator from Ohio [Mr. WADE], the admission of West

Virginia as a new State. Perhaps no question of greater importance has

ever been presented. It concerns the whole question of Slavery; it

concerns the pretension of State Rights; it concerns also the results

of this war. Look at it, therefore, in any aspect you please, it is a

great question. And yet the idea of Senators anxious to adjourn is,

that it is to be hurried forward without any proper discussion.

There is another question, not less important. It is the bill of

the Senator from New York [Mr. HARRIS], constituting Provisional

Governments for the Rebel States,--a subject of transcendent

importance, and I submit, also, of practical interest at this very

moment; for it involves precisely this inquiry, Whether you are to

allow a system of military governments or Congressional governments. It

is a question between the military and the civil power.

Then we have the Army Bill, which my colleague has in charge. Few

matters of greater importance have ever been laid before the Senate. It

involves nothing less than the organization in our country of a system

of conscription, so well known on the Continent of Europe, but thus far

happily unknown to us; and yet, Sir, this great question, also, is to

be hurried forward without any adequate discussion.

Then we have Executive business, to which I can only allude in a

general way, but of vast moment, which cannot be adequately considered

without days, and I might say weeks.

Then we have also the whole Calendar, to which the Senator from

Illinois has referred, that ought to occupy us for weeks.

Here are at least five important matters,--West Virginia, the

Provisional Governments, the Army Bill, Executive business, and the

whole Calendar,--all open to consideration; and yet, Sir, Senators

propose to go home,--Senators are weary,--Senators would like to find

a retreat, away from these legislative cares. I can enter into that

feeling. Sir, I should be glad to be at home. I suppose the gallant

soldiers on the James River, on the Chickahominy, would also be glad to

be at home. They are not excused, they have not a furlough,--and yet

we Senators talk of our furlough.

Now it is known that formerly, when Congress was paid by the day, it

never thought of adjourning at this time. One of the most important

bills on your statute book bears date the 18th day of September,

1850;[102] and for some years immediately thereafter Congress did not

adjourn until late in August. I think I have sat myself close upon

September; but when I mentioned this fact the other day, the Senator

from Ohio reminded me that then Congress was paid by the day, whereas

now it is paid by the year. Has it come to this, that Congress could

sit here content when paid by the day, and now that it is paid by the

year it leaves its important business to be neglected entirely, or to

be hurried forward without that discussion which it ought to receive?

Sir, I hope the Senate will not consent to fix any day of adjournment.

I hope it will sit here, proceeding regularly with the business now on

its Calendar, and meeting any contingencies which in the present state

of the country may arise. A duty is cast upon Congress which ought not

to be slighted. It is to see that the Republic receives no detriment.

Solemnly now this duty addresses itself to all of us. Let us not

neglect it. For the sake of the public business, and for the sake of

those responsibilities which from their very uncertainty at this crisis

are so vast, I ask the Senate to continue here.

The resolution, which was originally for adjournment on Monday,

July 14th, was amended by substituting Wednesday, July 16th,

and then, as amended, adopted,--Yeas 29, Nays 10.

July 14th, President Lincoln communicated to Congress the

draught of a bill to compensate any State which might abolish

Slavery within its limits, the passage of which as presented

he earnestly recommended. On motion of Mr. Sumner, the Message

with the accompanying draught was referred to the Committee

on Finance. Immediately thereafter he offered the following

resolution.

“_Resolved_, That, in order that the two Houses of Congress

may have time for the proper consideration of the Message

of the President and the accompanying bill for Emancipation

in the States, and for the transaction of other public

business, the resolution fixing Wednesday, the 16th of

July, for adjournment, is hereby rescinded.”

The consideration of the resolution was objected to.

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