GENERAL JOHNSTON PREPARING TO UNCOVER RALEIGH--URGENT LETTER PROM
GOVERNOR SWAIN TO GOVERNOR GRAHAM--GOVERNOR GRAHAM'S REPLY--A
PROGRAMME OF OPERATIONS AGREED UPON--FINALLY GOVERNORS GRAHAM AND
SWAIN START FOR SHERMAN'S HEADQUARTERS.
When the intention of General Johnston to uncover the city of Raleigh
became generally known, and when the retrograde movement of his army
commenced in the direction of Chapel Hill, and along the line of the
Central Railroad; when General Wheeler's troopers, followed hard
by Kilpatrick's command, poured along our country roads, and the
people gave half of their provision to the retreating friends, and
were stripped of the other half by the advancing foe; there were few
thoughtful persons in Orange county whose waking and sleeping hours
were not perturbed and restless.
What could be done? Whither were we tending? What was to be the
result? An hour or two of anxious reflection on such questions before
day on the morning of April 8th, induced Governor Swain, President
of the University of North Carolina--than whom, though immured in
the cloisters of a venerable literary institution, no man in the
Confederacy took a keener interest in the progress of public events,
surveyed the action of parties with more sagacious apprehension, or
was oftener consulted by leading men--induced him to rise at an early
hour and make another effort to influence the public authorities of
the State to adopt immediate measures for saving what remained of the
country from devastation, and the seat of government and the University
from the conflagration which had overwhelmed the capitals of our sister
States. He wrote the subjoined letter to Governor Graham, at daylight;
but such was the apprehension of the time, that it was difficult to
find a messenger, and still more difficult to procure a horse to bear
it from the University to Hillsboro. By ten that morning it was on the
way, and by six in the evening Governor Graham's reply was received.
CHAPEL HILL, }
Saturday Morning, April 8, 1865. }
My Dear Sir: Since the organization of the State government, in
December, 1776, North-Carolina has never passed through so severe
an ordeal as that we are now undergoing. Unless something can be
done to prevent it, suffering and privation, and death--death in the
battle-field, and death in the most horrible of all forms, the slow
and lingering death of famine, are imminent to thousands, not merely
men, but women and children.
The General Assembly, by its own resolution, is not to meet until the
16th of May. If the Governor shall desire to convene the members
at an earlier day, it may not, in the present state of the country,
be possible to effect his purpose. Some of the members will find it
impossible to reach Raleigh in the existing state of the railroads,
others may be in danger of arrest if they shall attempt it in any
way, and there are few who can leave home without peril to person or
property. We are compelled, then, to look to other sources for relief
from the dangers by which we are environed. In ancient times, when the
most renowned of republics experienced similar trials, the decree went
forth:
"_Viderent consules ne quid detrimenti respublica caperet._"
A dictatorship is, in my opinion, repugnant to every principle of
civil liberty, and I would neither propose nor support one under
any existing circumstances. But something must be done, and done
immediately, or the opening campaign will be brief and fatal. Anarchy
may ensue, and from anarchy the descent to a military despotism is
speedy and natural.
The State has no such citizen to whom all eyes turn with deep anxiety
and confident hope for the counsel and guidance demanded by the
crisis, as yourself. Fully satisfied of this fact, I venture to
suggest the propriety of your meeting me in Raleigh on Monday morning,
and inviting a conference with the Governor on the state of public
affairs. He numbers among his many friends none who have yielded
him earlier, more constant, or more zealous support, in the trying
circumstances in which Providence has been pleased to place him, than
ourselves. I am the oldest of his predecessors in his office, and
about the time of your entrance into public life, was summoned to the
discharge of similar duties in the midst of similar perils. I have had
from him too numerous and decided proofs of confidence, respect, and
affection, to doubt that he will listen to me kindly; and I know that
he will receive you with as great cordiality and give as favorable
consideration to your suggestions as he would yield to any citizen
or functionary in the Confederacy. Perhaps he may be disposed not
only to hear us, but to invite all his predecessors--Morehead, Manly,
Reid, Bragg, and Clark--to unite with us in consultation at a time and
under circumstances, calling for the exercise of the highest powers of
statesmanship. At present, I do not deem it incumbent on me, even if
my views were more fully matured, to intimate the ideas I entertain of
what must be done, and done promptly, to arrest the downward tendency
of public affairs.
I content myself with simply urging that you shall meet me in Raleigh,
as above proposed, on Monday, if it be possible, and if you concur
with me in opinion that we are in the midst of imminent perils.
Yours very sincerely,
D.L. Swain.
HILLSBORO, April 8, 1865.
My Dear Sir: Yours of this date has just been received, and I entirely
concur in your estimate of the dangers that environ us.
I left Richmond thoroughly convinced that--
1st. Independence for the Southern Confederacy was perfectly hopeless.
2d. That through the administration of Mr. Davis we could expect no
peace, so long as he shall be supplied with the resources of war; and
that
3d. It was the duty of the State government immediately to move for
the purpose of effecting an adjustment of the quarrel with the United
States.
I accordingly remained at home but twenty-four hours (that being
the Sabbath, and having had no sleep the night preceding) before
repairing to Raleigh to lay before the Governor such information
as I possessed, and to urge him to convene the General Assembly
immediately. I told him that Richmond would fall in less than thirty
days, and would be followed probably by a rout or dispersion of Lee's
army for want of food, if for no other cause. That the Confederate
Government had no plan or policy beyond this event, although it was
generally anticipated. That I had reason to believe that General Lee
was anxious for an accommodation. That Johnston had not and could not
raise a sufficient force to encounter Sherman. That I had conferred
with the President, and found him, though in an anxious frame of mind,
constrained by the scruple that he could not "commit suicide" by
treating his Government out of existence, nor even ascertain for the
States what terms would be yielded, provided they consented to readopt
the Constitution of the United States. That the wisest and best men
with whom I had been associated, or had conversed, were anxious for a
settlement; but were so trammeled by former committals, and a false
pride, or other like causes, that they were unable to move themselves,
or in their States, but were anxious that others should; and that it
was now the case of a beleaguered garrison before a superior force,
considering the question whether it was best to capitulate on terms,
or hold out to be put to the sword on a false point of honor.
The Governor was evidently surprised by my statement of facts, and,
I apprehend, incredulous at least as to my conclusions. He agreed to
consider the subject, and to convene the council on that day week. I
heard nothing of their action, and being solicitous on the subject,
on Thursday last I visited Raleigh again, found the Governor on the
cars here returning from Statesville, and we journeyed together, and I
dined with him after arrival. He said he had purposed visiting me, but
it had been neglected; that a bare _quorum_ of his council attended
the meeting, and being equally divided, he had not summoned the
Legislature; but that Mr. Gilmer, whom I had advised him to consult,
and every body else now he believed agreed with me in opinion. He
had recently seen Mr. Gilmer, and he suggested to him to solicit an
interview with General Sherman on the subject of peace. I told him
that President Davis would probably complain of this, and should be
apprised of it if held. He replied that this of course should be done.
I suggested, however, that even if this course were taken, he should
be in a position to act independently of the President, and therefore
should convene the General Assembly. On this he was reluctant, but
finally agreed to call the Council of State again. I told him in
parting, that if, in any event, he supposed I could be useful to him,
to notify me, and I would attend him. I am induced to believe that
the result of the deliberation of the council was not disagreeable to
him; but since the fall of Richmond he has a truer conception of the
situation. I wrote him a note on the day the council met, advising him
of your concurrence in the necessity of calling the General Assembly.
He went, on Friday last, to witness a review of Johnston's army, and
proposed to me to accompany him. I declined; not seeing any good to be
accomplished there. General Johnston I know, and appreciate him highly.
* * * * *
I hope you will go, as you propose, to see Governor Vance. I thought
of inviting you to my first interview with him; and if he shall
contrive a meeting with Sherman, I hope you may be present. I do
not think it necessary, perhaps not advisable myself, to visit him
again on these topics. My conversations with him were very full
and earnest. I told him I should attend the session of the General
Assembly, and if desired would address them in secret session; that I
had had confidential conversations with a committee of the Virginia
Legislature, which had taken a recess for ten days, and that it was
important to act in concert with that body; that my colleagues in the
House, the Leaches, Turner, Ramsay, Fuller, and Logan, were ready to
call a session of the Assembly together by advertisement; but all this
had no effect in procuring a recommendation to the council in favor
of the call.
* * * * *
I do not perceive that any thing will be gained by a convention of
those who have held the office of chief magistrate.... _Prejudices
are still rife_, and the poison of party spirit yet lurks in
the sentiments of many otherwise good men, who swear by the
Administration, and will wage indefinite war while other people can be
found to fight it.
Suppose you come to my house to-morrow, and take the cars from here
next morning. There is much to say that I can not write. I set off to
Chapel Hill this morning to see you; but riding first to the depot
to inquire for news, thought I had intelligence of my sons in the
army. This proved a mistake, but prevented my visit. I fear that
John and Robert and my servant Davy fell into the enemy's hands on
the evacuation of Petersburg. They were at the house of William R.
Johnson, Jr., and doing well. Cooke's brigade, in which James is a
captain, was hotly engaged in the action of Sunday. I have no tidings
of his fate. Hoping to see you soon, I remain, yours very truly,
W.A. Graham.
Governor Swain, in compliance with Governor Graham's request that he
would take Hillsboro in his way to Raleigh, spent the next day at his
house in Hillsboro, in consultation as to the best mode of effecting
their common purpose. They agreed upon the course of action indicated
in the following outline drawn up by Governor Graham:
My Dear Sir: Referring to our conversation in relation to the critical
and urgent condition of our affairs as regards the public enemy, I am
of opinion that--
1st. The General Assembly should be convened at the earliest day
practicable.
2d. That when convened, it should pass resolutions expressive of a
desire for opening negotiations for peace, and stopping the effusion
of blood; and inviting the other States of the South to unite in the
movement.
3d. That to effect this object, it should elect commissioners to treat
with the Government of the United States, and report the result to a
convention, which should be at once called by the Legislature to wield
the sovereign power of the State in any emergency that may arise out
of the changing state of events.
4th. That in the event of Sherman's advance upon the capital, or
indeed without that event, let the Governor propose a conference, or
send a commission to treat with him for a suspension of hostilities,
until the further action of the State shall be ascertained in regard
to the termination of the war.
All this I should base upon the doctrine of the President of the
Confederate States, that he conceives it inconsistent with his duty to
entertain negotiations for peace except upon the condition of absolute
independence to the Southern Confederacy, with all the territories
claimed as belonging to each State comprising it, and should give him
the earliest information of the proceedings in progress.
Very truly yours, W.A. Graham.
April 9, 1865.
At seven the next (Monday) morning, Governor Swain took the train from
Hillsboro to Raleigh, dined with Governor Vance, and at the close of
a long and earnest conference, the latter agreed to carry out the
scheme submitted if the concurrence of General Johnston could be
obtained. He promised to ride out immediately to General Johnston's
headquarters and consult him upon the subject. The next morning he
authorized Governor Swain to telegraph Governor Graham and request his
presence. The latter responded promptly that he would come down in the
eleven o'clock train that night, and Governor Swain spent the night
with Governor Vance in anxious expectation of his arrival. The train
failed to arrive until three o'clock on Wednesday morning. Governor
Swain, at early dawn, found Governor Vance writing dispatches by
candle-light, and Governor Graham was at the door before sunrise. Mrs.
Vance and her children had retired from Raleigh to a place of supposed
greater safety, and the three gentlemen, together with Colonel Burr,
of Governor Vance's staff, were the only occupants of the executive
mansion. After an early breakfast, they went to the capitol, where a
communication from Governor Vance to General Sherman was prepared.
General Johnston, in the mean time, had retired in the direction of
Hillsboro, and General Hardee was the officer of highest grade then in
Raleigh. He promptly accepted an invitation from Governor Vance to be
present at a conference, prepared a safe-conduct through his lines for
Governors Swain and Graham, who undertook the commission to General
Sherman; and by ten o'clock, attended by three of the Governor's
staff--Surgeon-General Warren, Colonel Burr, and Major Devereux--they
left Raleigh in a special train, bearing a flag of truce, for General
Sherman's headquarters. Governor Bragg, Mr. Moore, and Mr. Raynor had
all been consulted in relation to the course proposed to be pursued,
and all had concurred most heartily in its propriety and necessity.
There were others who were not consulted, who nevertheless suspected
the design of those concerned in these conferences; and one of them is
understood to have kept President Davis, who was then in Greensboro,
regularly advised by telegraph of all, and more than all, that was
contemplated by the embassy.
The fate of the mission, and its final results, form, as I doubt not
my readers will agree, as interesting and important a chapter in the
history of the State as has occurred since its organization.