STATE OF PARTIES--THE FEELING OF THE PEOPLE--THE "PEACE"
PARTY--IMPORTANT LETTER FROM GOVERNOR VANCE IN JANUARY, 1864--HIS
REËLECTION--THE WAR PARTY--THE PEACE PARTY--THE MODERATES--GOVERNOR
GRAHAM'S LETTER OF MARCH, 1865--EVACUATION OF RICHMOND.
He who would write a history of public events passing in his own day
will find, among the many obstacles in the way of a clear and correct
delineation, that he is continually met with doubts and hesitations
in his own mind as to the impartiality of his views and decisions.
The prejudices of party feeling must inevitably confuse and blind to
some extent even the clearest judgment; and while a consciousness of
this renders the faithful historian doubly anxious to exercise strict
impartiality, he will find himself embarrassed by the divisions and
subdivisions of opinion, bewildered by conflicting representations, and
in danger of becoming involved in contradictions and inconsistencies.
In the first chapter of these sketches it was remarked, with reference
to the North and the South, that there was too much to be forgotten
and too much to be forgiven between them, to hope at present for a
fair and unprejudiced history of the war on either side. In relation
to the parties that existed among ourselves during the war, it is
equally true that the time has not yet arrived for a fair statement
or comparison of their respective merits or demerits. While there
is much that may be written and much that has been written which
may with propriety be given to the public, there is much more that
must at present be suppressed or receive only a passing notice. More
especially is this true in regard to the secession party and its
adherents. Yet in presenting even these slight sketches of the state
of things during the war in North-Carolina, it would be impossible
to ignore them, and unfair to represent them as without influence
among us. For while it is incontestably true that the great mass of
our people engaged reluctantly in the war, and hailed the prospect of
peace and an honorable reünion, yet there was at the same time hardly
a town in the State or an educated and refined community which did
not furnish their quota of those who, without having been _original
secessionists_, yet had thrown themselves with extreme ardor on the
side of the Southern States rights, and were ready to go all lengths
in support of the war, and who are even now, though helpless and
powerless, unwilling to admit that they were either in the wrong or in
the minority. With many of them it was the triumph of heroic sentiment
and generous feeling over the calmer suggestions of reason, for they
were chiefly among our most refined and highly cultivated citizens.
As a party, if not numerous, they were well organized and compact;
they were socially and politically conspicuous, and did most of the
writing and talking. They differed from the great body of their
fellow-citizens, chiefly in the intensity of their loyalty toward
President Davis and his government--being resolved to support him at
all hazards--and in the implacable temper they manifested toward the
common enemy. One who mingled freely with both parties, and by turns
sympathized with both, and who would fain do justice to both, will find
it impossible to adjust their conflicting representations, and at the
same time observe the prudent reticence which our present circumstances
imperatively demand. Two of the most prominent and influential leaders
of the war party, Governors Ellis and Winslow, have passed beyond the
reach of earthly tribunals, and of the living actors it is obvious
that no mention can now be made. Very different but no less cogent
reasons impose a similar reticence in relation to the more numerous but
not more respectable or influential organization known as the "Peace
Party" of the last eighteen months of the war, and as "Union men of
the straitest sect" at this day. Of this party, Governor Holden is
the admitted founder and the present head, and Senator Pool his most
prominent exponent. A representation of their principles and their
history should be made by themselves. They possess all the materials
and all the abilities requisite for the work, and they owe it to
themselves and to the public to place it on record for the judgment of
their cotemporaries and of posterity. They and they alone are competent
to the performance of this duty in the best manner. The precise date of
the earliest formation of this party is given in the following letter
from Governor Vance, which, is inserted here, not only as affording
a clear view of the principles which guided _his_ course of action,
but as enabling the reader to comprehend Governor Graham's policy,
exhibited in the further extracts from his correspondence.
This letter was addressed by Governor Vance to the same friend who
received the letter given in my first number, and is marked by the same
clearness and energy of thought, the same generosity of feeling, and
the same unaffected ardor of patriotism which characterize all of the
Governor's letters that I have been privileged to see.
RALEIGH, January 2, 1864.
My Dear Sir: The final plunge which I have been dreading and
avoiding--that is to separate me from a large number of my political
friends, is about to be made. It is now a fixed policy of Mr. Holden
and others to call a convention in May to take North-Carolina back to
the United States, and the agitation has already begun. Resolutions
advocating this course were prepared a few days ago in the _Standard_
office, and sent to Johnson county to be passed at a public meeting
next week; and a series of meetings are to be held all over the State.
For any cause now existing, or likely to exist, I can never consent to
this course.
Never. But should it be inevitable, and I be unable to prevent it, as
I have no right to suppose I could, believing that it would be ruinous
alike to the State and the Confederacy, producing war and devastation
at home, and that it would steep the name of North-Carolina in
infamy, and make her memory a reproach among the nations, it is my
determination quietly to retire to the army and find a death which
will enable my children to say that their father was not consenting to
their degradation. This may sound a little wild and romantic--to use
no stronger expression--but it is for your eye only. I feel, sir, in
many respects, as a son toward you; and when the many acts of kindness
I have received at your hands are remembered, and the parental
interest you have always manifested for my welfare, the feeling is not
unnatural. I therefore approach you frankly in this matter.
I will not present the arguments against the proposed proceeding.
There is something to be said on both sides. We are sadly pushed to
the wall by the enemy on every side, it is true. That can be answered
by military men and a reference to history. Many people have been
worse off, infinitely, and yet triumphed. Our finances and other
material resources are not in worse condition than were those of
our fathers in 1780-'81, though repudiation is inevitable. Almost
every argument against the chances of our success can be answered
but one: that is the cries of women and little children for bread!
Of all others, that is the hardest for a man of humane sentiments to
meet, especially when the sufferers rejoin to your appeals to their
patriotism, "You, Governor, have plenty; your children have never felt
want." Still, no great political or moral blessing: ever has been or
can be attained without suffering. Such is our moral constitution,
that liberty and independence can only be gathered of blood and
misery, sustained and fostered by devoted patriotism and heroic
manhood. This requires a deep hold on the popular heart; and whether
our people are willing to pay this price for Southern independence, I
am somewhat inclined to doubt. But, sir, in tracing the sad story of
the backing down, the self-imposed degradation of a great people, the
historian shall not say it was due to the weakness of their Governor,
and that Saul was consenting unto their death! Neither do I desire,
for the sake of a sentiment, to involve others in a ruin which they
might avoid by following more ignoble counsels. As God liveth, there
is nothing which I would not do or dare for the people who so far
beyond my deserts have honored me. But in resisting this attempt to
lead them back, humbled and degraded, to the arms of their enemies,
who have slaughtered their sons, outraged their daughters, and wasted
their fields with fire, and lay them bound at the feet of a master
who promises them _only life_, provided they will swear to uphold
his administration, and surrender to the hangman those whom they
themselves placed in the position which constitutes their crime--in
resisting this, I say, I feel that I am serving them truly, worthily.
In approaching this, the crisis of North-Carolina's fate, certainly
of my own career, I could think of no one to whom I could more
appropriately go for advice than yourself for the reasons before
stated. If you can say any thing to throw light on my path, or enable
me to avoid the rocks before me, I shall be thankful. My great
anxiety now, as I can scarcely hope to avert the contemplated action
of the State, is to prevent civil war, and to preserve life and
property as far as may be possible. With due consideration on the part
of public men, which I fear is not to be looked for, this might be
avoided. It shall be my aim, under God, at all events.
All the circumstances considered, do you think I ought again to be
a candidate? It is a long time to the election, it is true, but the
issue will be upon the country by spring. My inclination is to take
the stump early, and spend all my time and strength in trying to warm
and harmonize the people.
* * * * *
Believe me, my dear sir, yours sincerely,
Z.B. Vance.
Governor Vance, it is well known, took the field against this new
party; and in the overwhelming majority with which he was reëlected
the following summer, convincing proof was given that much as
North-Carolinians desired peace, they were not willing to take
irregular or revolutionary measures to obtain it, and that they
preferred even a hopeless war to a dishonorable reünion.
Besides the Moderates, who constituted the bulk of the people, and
the War Party, and the "Peace Party," there were many besides of a
class which can never be influential, but may well be counted among
the _impedimenta_ of all great movements; who, unable to answer the
arguments of either side, could give no counsel to either, though
they were always prepared to blame any unsuccessful movement made in
any direction. These, overwhelmed by doubts and fears in the moment
of peril, could only wring their hands in hopeless inefficiency.
Surrounded with such conflicting elements, those who fain would have
led the people "by a right way," found the obstacles interposed by
party spirit almost insurmountable. In presenting Governor Graham,
therefore, as a representative North-Carolinian, it must be borne in
mind that there were many men among us true and patriotic, but so
ardently devoted to the cause of the Confederacy as to remain to the
last implacable toward any attempt at negotiation, who looked upon
all suggestions tending that way as dastardly and traitorous to the
South, and who, backed by the whole civil and military Confederate
authorities, were ready to brand and arrest as traitors the authors of
any such move.
With these reflections, I resume the extracts from Governor Graham's
correspondence, assured that his inaction in the momentous crisis,
deprecated as it was at the time, by one party as evincing too little
energy in behalf of peace, if not a disposition to continue the
war; and reviled by the other as indicative of a disposition toward
inglorious surrender and reconstruction, was in effect _masterly_, that
masterly inactivity with which he who surveys the tumult of conflict
from an eminence, may foresee and calmly await the approaching and
inevitable end.
RICHMOND, March 12, 1865.
My Dear Sir: The passing week will develop important events. The
President has requested Congress to prolong its session to receive
communications which he desires to make. Three days have since
elapsed, but nothing but routine messages have thus far been received.
I am not at liberty to anticipate what is coming, or probably to
reveal it when received; but doubtless the whole horizon of the
situation will be surveyed, and an occasion presented for determinate
action as to the future. In my opinion, he is powerless, and can
neither make peace for our security nor war with success. But _nous
verrons_.
The bill to arm slaves has become a law. It professes to take them
only with the consent of their masters; and in the event of failure in
this, to call on the State authorities to furnish. I trust no master
in North-Carolina will volunteer or consent to begin this process of
abolition, as I feel very confident the General Assembly will not.
We hear the enemy are near Fayetteville, notwithstanding the check
to Kilpatrick by Hampton. I think our officers of state, except the
Governor, should not leave Raleigh, but should claim protection for
the State property from fire or other destruction, if the enemy come
there. A raid of Sheridan's force has been above this city some days,
destroying the James River Canal and other property; and last night,
at one A.M., the alarm-bell was rung, calling out the local force for
the defense of the city, it being reported that the enemy was within
seven miles. It is said to-day that the party has joined Grant below
Richmond. Commander Hollins and several citizens are said to have been
killed by them.
You may conceive that the path of those intrusted with the great
interests of the people is beset with difficulties; but it must be
trodden with what serenity and wisdom we may command.
Very truly yours, W.A. Graham.
HILLSBORO, N.C., March 26, 1865.
My Dear Sir: I am much indebted for your note by Dr. H----. I arrived
at home on this day week, and the next day went to Raleigh to have
an interview with the Governor on the subject-matter referred to in
your letter. The result was a convocation of the Council of State to
assemble to-morrow. The Legislature of Virginia has taken a recess
until the twenty-ninth instant, and I think it very important that
that of North-Carolina shall be in session as early thereafter as
possible. The war is now nearly reduced to a contest between these
two States and the United States. The military situation is by no
means favorable, and I perceive no solution of our difficulties except
through the action of the States. The public men in the service of
the Confederacy are so trammeled by the parts they have borne in
past events, and their apprehensions as to a consistent record,
that the government does not answer the present necessities of the
country. I wish, if possible, to see you in the course of this week
for a full conference on these important topics. The Governor is,
I think, reasonable, but was much surprised by some of the facts I
communicated to him. I do not know the disposition of the Council. If
the Legislature shall be convened, I will attend their session, and
if desired, will address them in private meeting. Much pertaining to
the present position of affairs can not with propriety be communicated
to the public.
I received last night a telegram from my son James, informing me
that his brothers John and Robert were both wounded--the former in
both legs, the latter in the left, in an attack by General Lee on
the left of Grant's line yesterday morning. I am expecting another
message to-night from General Ransom, which may occasion me to go to
Petersburg to attend to them. Lee was successful in surprising the
enemy and driving him from three lines of intrenchments and taking
five hundred prisoners; but by a concentrated fire of the artillery of
the foe, was compelled to retire. James says he was unhurt.
I am also under a great necessity to go to the Catawba, but with
a large force of _reserve artillery_ all around us, and some
apprehensions of the advance of Sherman, I know not which way to turn.
I had a conversation with Governor Morehead at Greensboro, and believe
he realizes the situation.
Very sincerely yours, W.A. Graham.
If the Legislature of Virginia convened at Richmond on the twenty-ninth
of March, 1865, small time was allowed for their deliberations; and
it would have been of very little practical utility if the General
Assembly of North-Carolina had been summoned to correspond with it
at that date. On the second of April, Richmond was evacuated. Our
President and his cabinet were fugitives in the clear starlight of
that woful night; our capital was delivered over to a mob, and in
flames. But we did not even dream of it. It was more than a week
before the certain intelligence was received in Central Carolina,
and even then many doubted. Dismal rumors from Lee's army, of the
fall of Petersburg, of the fate of Richmond, were whispered, but were
contradicted every hour by those whose wish was father to the thought
that there was hope yet, that all was not lost. We were indeed in the
very turning-point and fatal crisis of the great _Southern States
rights struggle_; but we hardly realized through what an era of history
we were living. In the quiet and secluded village in which I now
write, the uninterrupted order of our daily life afforded a strong
confirmation of the great English historian's saying, that in all wars,
after all, but a comparatively small portion of a nation are actually
engaged or affected. The children plan their little fishing-parties,
the plow-boy whistles in the field, the wedding-supper is provided, and
the daily course of external domestic life in general flows as smoothly
as ever, except immediately in the track of the armies. It is not
indifference nor insensibility. It is the wise and beneficent order of
Providence that it should be with the body politic as with our physical
frame. One part may suffer mutilation, and though a sympathetic thrill
of anguish pervade every nerve of the whole body, yet the natural
functions are not suspended in any other member. Men must lie down,
and sleep, and eat, and go through the ordinary routine of daily duty
in circumstances of the most tragic interest. It is only on the stage
that they tear their hair and lie prostrate on the ground. So we still
exchanged our Confederate money with each other--the bright, new, clean
twenties and tens, which we tried to believe were worth something, for
there was still a faint magical aroma of value hovering round those
promises to pay "six months after a treaty of peace with the United
States;" $25 a yard for country jeans, $30 a yard for calico, $10 for
a pair of cotton socks, $20 for a wheat-straw hat, $25 for a bushel of
meal, and $10 to have a tooth pulled, and very cheap at that--if we
had only known all. Mothers were still preparing boxes for their boys
in the army; the farmer got his old battered tools in readiness for
his spring's work; the merchant went daily to preside over the scanty
store of thread, needles, and buttons, remnants of calico, and piles
of homespun, which now constituted his stock in trade; and our little
girls still held their regular meetings for knitting soldiers' socks,
all unconscious of the final crash so near, while the peach-trees were
all abloom and spring was putting on all her bravery.