FOOTNOTES

[f1] As it was not expedient to set up Chinese type in England, special

Chinese notes at the end of the book have been prepared in Japan, in

which are found all the Chinese characters considered by the author

useful for scholars’ reference. The superior figures throughout the

present work point to the Chinese notes in the Appendix.

[f2] One of the popular lectures prepared by the author for students of

Buddhism, 1911. It was first published in _The Eastern Buddhist_, under

the title, “Zen Buddhism as Purifier and Liberator of Life.” Since it

treats of Zen in its general aspect, I have decided to make it serve as

Introduction to this book.

[f3] See also the Essay entitled “History of Zen Buddhism,” p. 151 ff.

[f4] The founder of the Rinzai School of Zen Buddhism, died 867.

[f5] The founder of the Ummon School of Zen Buddhism, died 996.

[f6] Literally, an old clumsy gimlet of the Ch‘in dynasty.

[f7] Zen has its own way of practising meditations so called, for

the Zen methods are to be distinguished from what is popularly or

Hinayanistically understood by the term. Zen has nothing to do with

mere quietism or losing oneself in trance. I may have an occasion to

speak more about the subject elsewhere.

[f8] See also the Essay entitled, “Practical Methods of Zen

Instruction.”

[f9] Originally a mosquito driver in India.

[f10] A bamboo stick a few feet long.

[f11] Also a stick or baton fancifully shaped and made of all kinds of

material. It means literally “as one wishes or thinks,” (_cinta_, in

Sanskrit).

[f12] This reminds one of the remarks made by the master Ten (Chan),

of Hofuku (Pao-fu), who, seeing a monk approach, took up his staff and

struck a pillar, and then the monk. When the monk naturally cried with

pain, said the master, “How is it that this does not get hurt?” (See

Chinese Notes, [1.25].)

[f13] _Hekiganshu_ is a collection of one hundred “cases” with Seccho’s

(Hsüeh-tou) poetical comments and Yengo’s partly explanatory and partly

critical annotations. The book was brought to Japan during the Kamakura

era, and ever since it is one of the most important text-books of Zen,

especially for the followers of the Rinzai school.

[f14] Gutei was a disciple of Tenryu (T‘ien-lung), probably towards

the end of the T‘ang dynasty. While he was first residing in a small

temple, he had a visit from a travelling nun, who came right into the

temple without removing her headgear. Carrying her staff with her,

she went three times around the meditation chair in which Gutei was

sitting. Then she said to him, “Say a word of Zen, and I shall take off

my hat.” She repeated this three times, but Gutei did not know what to

say. When the nun was about to depart, Gutei suggested, “It is growing

late, and why not stay here over night?” Jissai (Shih-chi), which was

the name of the nun, said, “If you say a word of Zen, I shall stay.” As

he was still unable to say a word, she left.

This was a terrible blow on poor Gutei, who pitifully sighed: “While I

have the form of a man, I seem not to have any manly stamina!” He then

resolved to study and master Zen. When he was about to start on his Zen

“wanderings” he had a vision of the mountain god who told him not to go

away from his temple, for a Bodhisattva in flesh would be coming here

before long and enlighten him in the truth of Zen. Surely enough a Zen

master called Tenryu (T‘ien-lung) appeared the following day. Gutei

told the master all about the humiliating experience of the previous

day and his firm resolution to attain the secrets of Zen. Tenryu just

lifted one of his fingers and said nothing. This however was enough to

open Gutei’s mind at once to the ultimate meaning of Zen, and it is

said that ever since Gutei did or said nothing but just holding up a

finger to all the questions that might be asked of him concerning Zen.

There was a boy in his temple, who seeing the master’s trick imitated

him when the boy himself was asked about what kind of preaching his

master generally practised. When the boy told the master about it

showing his lifted little finger, the master cut it right off with a

knife. The boy ran away screaming in pain when Gutei called him back.

The boy turned back, the master lifted his own finger, and the boy

instantly realised the meaning of the “one finger Zen” of Tenryu as

well as Gutei.

[f15] Compare this with the statement made by the sixth patriarch

himself when he was asked how it was that he came to succeed the fifth

patriarch “Because I do not understand Buddhism.” Let me also cite a

passage from the _Kena-Upanishad_, in which the readers may find a

singular coincidence between the Brahman seer and those Zen masters,

not only in thought but in the way it is expressed:

“It is conceived of by him by whom it is not conceived of;

He by whom It is conceived of, knows It not.

It is not understood by those who understand It;

It is understood by those who understand It not.”

Lao-tzŭ, founder of Taoist mysticism, breathes the same spirit when he

says: “He who knows it speaks not, he who speaks knows not.”

[f16] The conception of Dharmakāya apart from the physical body

(_rūpakāya_) of the Buddha was logically inevitable, as we read in

the _Ekottara-Āgama_, XLIV., “The Life of the Śākyamuni-Buddha is

extremely long, the reason is that while his physical body enters

into Nirvana, his Law-body exists.” But the Dharmakāya could not

be made to function directly upon suffering souls, as it was too

abstract and transcendental; they wanted something more concrete and

tangible towards which they could feel personally intimate. Hence the

conception of another Buddha-body, that is, Sambhogakāya-Buddha or

Vipākaja-Buddha, completing the dogma of the Triple Body (_Trikāya_).

[f17] The absolute faith Shinran had in the teaching of Hōnen as is

evidenced in this quotation proves that the Shin sect is the result

of Shinran’s inner experience and not the reasoned product of his

philosophy. His experience came first, and to explain it to himself

as well as to communicate it to others, he resorted to various Sutras

for verification. _The Teaching, Practice, Faith, and Attainment_ was

thus written by him giving an intellectual and scriptural foundation

to the Shin-shu faith. In religion as in other affairs of human life,

belief precedes reasoning. It is important not to forget this fact when

tracing the development of ideas.

[f18] This was very well understood by the Buddha himself when he

first attained Enlightenment; he knew that what he realised in his

enlightened state of mind could not be imparted to others, and that

if it were imparted they could not understand it. This was the reason

why he in the beginning of his religious career expressed the desire

to enter into Nirvana without trying to revolve the Wheel of the

Dharma. We read in one of the Sutras belonging to the Agama class

of Buddhist literature, which is entitled _Sutra on the Cause and

Effect in the Past and Present_ (fas. II.): “My original vows are

fulfilled, the Dharma [or Truth] I have attained is too deep for the

understanding. A Buddha alone is able to understand what is in the mind

of another Buddha. In this age of the Five Taints (_pañca-kashāyā_),

all beings are enveloped in greed, anger, folly, falsehood, arrogance,

and flattery; they have few blessings and are stupid and have no

understanding to comprehend the Dharma I have attained. Even if I make

the Dharma-Wheel revolve, they would surely be confused and incapable

of accepting it. They may on the contrary indulge in defamation, and,

thereby falling into the evil paths, suffer all kinds of pain. It is

best for me to remain quiet and enter into Nirvana.” In the _Sutra

on the Story of the Discipline_, which is considered an earlier

translation of the preceding text and was rendered into Chinese by an

Indian Buddhist scholar, Ta-li and a Tibetan, Mang-siang, in A.D. 197,

no reference is yet made to the Buddha’s resolution to keep silent

about his Enlightenment, only that what he attained was all-knowledge

which was beyond the understanding and could not be explained, as its

height was unscalable and its depth unfathomable, containing the whole

universe in it and yet penetrating into the unpenetrable”.... Cf. the

_Mahāpadāna Suttanta_ (Dīgha Nikāya, XIV), and the _Ariyapariyesana

Suttam_ (Majjhima, XXVI).

[f19] Cf. Saṁyukta Āgama (Chinese), Fas. XXXII.

[f20] That the personality of the Buddha was an object of admiration

and worship as much as, or perhaps more than, his extraordinary

intellectual attributes, is gleaned throughout the Agama literature.

To quote one or two instances: “When Subha-Mānava Todeyyaputta saw

the Blessed One sitting in the woods, the Brahman was struck with the

beautiful serenity of his personality which most radiantly shone like

the moon among the stars; his features were perfect, glowing like a

golden mountain; his dignity was majestic with all his senses under

perfect control, so tranquil and free from all beclouding passions,

and so absolutely calm with his mind subdued and quietly disciplined.”

(The Middle Āgama, fas. XXXVIII.) This admiration of his personality

later developed into the deification of his being, and all the evils

moral and physical were supposed to be warded off if one thought of him

or his virtues. “When those beings who practised evil deeds with their

bodies, mouths, or minds, think of the merits of the Tathagata at the

moment of their deaths, they would be kept away from the three evil

paths and born in the heavens; even the vilest would be born in the

heavens.” (The Ekottara Āgama, fas. XXXII.) “Wherever Śramaṇa Gautama

appears, no evil spirits or demons can approach him; therefore let us

invite him here and all those evil gods [who have been harrassing us]

would by themselves take to their heels.” (_Loc. cit._) It was quite

natural for the Buddhists that they later made the Buddha the first

object of Recollection (_smṛti_), which, they thought, would keep their

minds from wandering away and help them realise the final aim of the

Buddhist life. These statements plainly demonstrate that while on the

one hand the teaching of the Buddha was accepted by his followers as

the Dharma beautiful in the beginning, beautiful in the middle, and

beautiful in the end, his person was on the other hand regarded as

filled with miraculous powers and divine virtues, so that his mere

presence was enough to create a most auspicious atmosphere not only

spiritually but materially.

[f21] When the Buddha entered Nirvana, the monks cried, “Too soon has

the Tathagata passed away, too soon has the World-honoured One passed

away, too soon has the Great Law died out; all beings are forever

left to misery; for the Eye of the World is gone.” Their lamentation

was beyond description, they lay on the ground like great trees with

roots, stems, and branches all torn and broken to pieces, they rolled

and wriggled like a slain snake. Such excessive expressions of grief

were quite natural for those Buddhists whose hearts were directed

towards the personality of their master more than towards his sane and

rationalistic teachings, Cf. the Pali _Parinibbāna-suttanta_.

[f22] For a more or less detailed account of the various Buddhist

schools that came up within a few centuries after the Buddha, see

Vasumitra’s _Samayabhedo-paracana-cakra_. Professor Suisai Funahashi

recently published an excellent commentary on this book.

[f23] Cf. _The Sukhāvatī-vyūha_ (edited by Max Müller and B. Nanjio),

p. 7, where we have: “Buddhasvaro anantaghoshah,” that is, the Buddha’s

voice is of infinite sounds. See also the _Saddharma-puṇḍarīka_ (p.

128) where we read: “Svareṇa caikena vadāmi dharmam,” I preach the law

with one voice. The parable of the water of one taste (_ekarasaṁ vāri_)

variously producing herbs, shrubs, and others, is very well known among

the Mahayanists.

[f24] Here we find the justification of a “mystic” interpretation

of the sacred books of any religion. The Swedenborgian doctrine of

Correspondence thus grows illuminating. The philosophy of Shingon

mysticism somewhat reflects the idea of correspondence, though

naturally it is based on a different set of philosophical ideas.

Varieties of interpretation are always possible in anything not only

because of the presence of the subjective element in every judgment,

but because of infinite complications of objective relationship.

[f25] Cf. such Sutras as the _Tevijja_, _Mahāli_, _Brahmajāla_, etc.

in the Dīgha Nikāya. See also the _Sutta Nipāta_, especially the

Atthakavagga, which is one of the earliest Buddhist texts in our

possession at present. There we read about “Ajjhattasanti” (inward

peace) which cannot be attained by philosophy, nor by tradition, nor by

good deeds.

[f26] That the Buddha never neglected to impress his disciples with

the idea that the ultimate truth was to be realised by and in oneself,

is evidenced throughout the Agamas. Everywhere we encounter with such

phrases as “without depending upon another, he believed, or thought,

or dissolved his doubts, or attained self-confidence in the Law.” From

this self-determination followed the consciousness that one had all

one’s evil leakages (_āsrava_) stopped or drained off, culminating in

the realisation of Arhatship—which is the goal of Buddhist life.

[f27] _The Dialogue of the Buddha_, Sacred Books of the Buddhists, Vol.

II., p. 29.

[f28] In fact, the term, _prajñā_ or in _paiñña_ Pali, is not an

exclusive possession of the Mahayanists, for it is also fully used

by their rival disciples of the Buddha. The latter however failed to

lay any special emphasis on the idea of enlightenment and its supreme

significance in the body of Buddhism, and as the consequence Prajñā was

comparatively neglected by the Hinayanists. Mahayanism on the other

hand may be designated as the religion of Prajñā _par excellence_. It

is even deified and most reverently worshipped.

[f29] This is no other than “the opening of the pure eye of the Dharma”

(_virajaṁ vītamalaṁ dhamma-cakkhum udapādi_), frequently referred to in

the Agamas when one attains to Arhatship.

[f30] Read, for instance, chap. XV., entitled “Duration of Life of the

Tathagata.”

[f31] _Dhammanadam_, 153, 154.

[f32] Ata etasmāt kāraṇan mahāmate mayedam uktaṁ: yāṁ ca rātriṁ

tathāgato ’bhisambuddho yāṁ ca rātriṁ parinirvāsyati atrāntara ekam

api aksharaṁ tathāgatena na udāhṛitaṁ na udāharishyati.—_Laṅkāvatāra_,

Chap. III., p. 144. See also Chapter VII., p. 240. (For this reason,

O Mahāmati, I say unto you: During the time that elapsed between the

night of the Tathagata’s Enlightenment and the night of his entrance

into Nirvana, not one word, not one statement was given out by him.)

[f33] According to Aśvaghosha’s _Awakening of Faith_, Ignorance means

the sudden awakening of a thought (_citta_) in consciousness. This

may be variously interpreted, but as long as Ignorance is conceived,

not as a process requiring a certain duration of time, but an event

instantaneously taking place, its disappearance which is enlightenment

must also be an instantaneous happening.

[f34] This is the usual formula given as the qualification of an Arhat,

to be met with throughout the Nikāyas.

[f35] Chapter II., “On Skilfullness.”

[f36] In this connection it may not be amiss to say a word

about what is known in Buddhism as the “act of no-effort or

no-purpose” (_anābhogacaryā_) or “the original vows of no-purpose”

(_anābhogapraṇidhāna_). This corresponds, if I judge rightly, to the

Christian idea of not letting the right hand know what the left hand

is doing. When spirit attains to the reality of enlightenment and

as a result is thoroughly purified of all defilements, intellectual

and affective, it grows so perfect that whatever it does is pure,

unselfish, and conducive to the welfare of the world. So long as

we are conscious of the efforts we make in trying to overcome our

selfish impulses and passions, there is a taint of constraint and

artificiality, which interferes with spiritual innocence and freedom,

and love which is the native virtue of an enlightened spirit cannot

work out all that is implied in it and meant to be exercised for the

preservation of itself. The “original vows” are the content of love and

begin to be operative, anabhoga (un-purposely), only when enlightenment

is really creative. This is where religious life differs from mere

morality, this is where the mere enunciation of the Law of Origination

(_pratītya-samutpāda_) does not constitute Buddhist life, and this

is where Zen Buddhism maintains its reason of existence against the

alleged positivism of the Hinayana and against the alleged nihilism of

the Prajñā-pāramitā school.

[f37] _Dialogues of the Buddha_, Part III., p. 35.

[f38] _Dialogues of the Buddha_, Part I., p. 82.

[f39] The Pali text that will correspond to this Chinese Sutra in the

Dīrgha-Āgama is the _Kevaddha Sutta_, but the passage quoted here is

missing. See also the _Lohicca_ (_Lou-chê_) and _Sāmañña-phala_ in the

Chinese Āgamas, in which the Buddha tells how essential the life of a

recluse is to the realisation of enlightenment and the destruction of

the evil passions. Constant application, earnest concentration, and

vigilant watchfulness—without these no Buddhists are ever expected to

attain the end of their lives.

[f40] The rendering is by Rhys Davids who states in the footnote: “The

word I have here rendered ‘earnest contemplation’ is Samadhi, which

occupies in the Five Nikayas very much the same position as faith

does in the New Testament; and this section shows that the relative

importance of Samādhi, Paññā, and Śīla played a part in early Buddhism

just as the distinction between faith, reason, and works did afterwards

in Western theology. It would be difficult to find a passage in which

the Buddhist view of the relation of these _conflicting_ ideas is

stated with greater beauty of thought, or equal succinctness of form.”

But why conflicting?

[f41] One hundred and eight samadhis are enumerated in the

_Mahāvyutpatti_. Elsewhere we read of “innumerable samadhis.”

Indians have been great adepts in this exercise, and many wonderful

spiritualistic achievements are often reported.

[f42] This series of dhyanas has also been adopted by Buddhists,

especially by Hinayanists. No doubt the Mahayana conception of dhyana

is derived or rather has developed from them, and how much it differs

from the Hinayana dhyanas will be seen later as we go on. The detailed

description of these dhyanas is given in the Agamas; see for instance

the _Sāmañña-phala Sutta_ in which the fruits of the life of a recluse

are discussed. These mental exercises were not strictly Buddhistic,

they were taught and practised more or less by all Indian philosophers

and mendicants. The Buddha, however, was not satisfied with them,

because they would not bring out the result he was so anxious to have,

that is, they were not conducive to enlightenment. This was the reason

why he left his two old teachers, Arada and Udraka, under whom he first

began his homeless life.

[f43] For example, the ten subjects for meditation are: Buddha, Dharma,

Sangha, Morality, Charity, Heaven, Serenity, Breathing, Impermanence,

and Death. The five subjects of tranquillisation are: Impurity,

Compassion, Breathing, Origination, and Buddha. The four subjects of

recollection are: Impurity of the Body, Evils of the Senses, Constant

Change of Thought, and Transitoriness of Existence.

[f44] _Laṅkāvatāra_, Nanjo Edition, p, 77.

[f45] There is however a Sutra in the Saṁyukta Āgama, fas. XXXIII.,

p. 93b (Anguttara-Nikāya, XI., 10), dealing with true dhyana

(_ājānīya-jhāna_) which is to be distinguished from untrained dhyana

(_khaḷuṅka-jhāna_). The latter is compared to an ill-disciplined horse

(_khaḷuṅka_) kept in the stable that thinks nothing of his duties but

only of the fodder he is to enjoy. In a similar way dhyana can never

be practised successfully by those who undertake the exercise merely

for the satisfaction of their selfish objects; for such will never come

to understand the truth as it is. If emancipation and true knowledge

are desired, anger, sleepiness, worrying, and doubt ought to be got

rid of, and then the dhyana can be attained that does not depend upon

any of the elements, or space, or consciousness, or nothingness, or

unthinkability—the dhyana that is not dependent upon this world or that

world or the heavenly bodies, or upon hearing or seeing or recollecting

or recognising—the dhyana that is not dependent upon the ideas of

attachment or seeking—the dhyana that is not in conformity with

knowledge or contemplation. This “true dhyana” then as is described in

this Sutra in the Nikayas, is more of the Mahayana than of the Hinayana

so called.

[f46] Kern’s translation,” Sacred Books of the East,” Vol. XXI., pp.

299–300.

[f47] For this and the following, see the Essay entitled, “History of

Zen Buddhism from Bodhi-Dharma to Hui-nêng,” p. 151 ff.

[f48] The story of Enlightenment is told in the Dīgha-Nikāya, XIV., and

also in the Introduction to the Jātaka Tales, in the Mahāvastu, and the

Majjhima-Nikāya, XXVI. and XXXVI., and again in the Samyutta-Nikāya,

XII. In detail they vary more or less, but not materially. The Chinese

translation of the _Sutra on the Cause and Effect in the Past and

Present_, which seems to be a later version than the Pali _Mahāpadāna_,

gives a somewhat different story, but as far as my point of argument is

concerned, the main issue remains practically the same. Aśvaghosha’s

_Buddhacarita_ is highly poetical. The _Lalita-vistara_ belongs to the

Mahayana. In this Essay I have tried to take my material chiefly from

_The Dialogues of the Buddha_, translated by Rhys Davids, _The Kindred

Sayings_, translated by Mrs. Rhys Davids, Majjhima-Nikāya, translated

by Sīlacāra, and the same by Neumann, the Chinese Āgamas and others.

[f49] The idea that there were some more Buddhas in the past seems

to have originated very early in the history of Buddhism as we may

notice here, and its further development, combined with the idea of the

Jātaka, finally culminated in the conception of a Bodhisattva, which is

one of the characteristic features of Mahayana Buddhism.

The six Buddhas of the past later increased into twenty-three or

twenty-four in the _Buddha-vamsa_ and _Prajñā-pāramitā_ and even into

forty-two in the _Lalita-vistara_. This idea of having predecessors

or forerunners seems to have been general among ancient peoples. In

China, Confucius claimed to have transmitted his doctrine from Yao and

Shun, and Laotzŭ from the Emperor Huang. In India, Jainism which has,

not only in the teaching but in the personality of the founder, many

similarities to Buddhism, mentions twenty-three predecessors, naturally

more or less corresponding so closely to those of Buddhism.

[f50] It is highly doubtful that the Buddha had a very distinct

and definite scheme for the theory of Causation or Dependence or

Origination, as the Paṭicca-samuppāda is variously translated. In

the present Sutra, he does not go beyond Viññāna (consciousness or

cognition), while in its accepted form now the Chain starts with

Ignorance (_avijjā_). We have however no reason to consider this

tenfold Chain of Causation the earliest and most authoritative of

the doctrine of Paṭicca-samuppāda. In many respects the Sutra itself

shows evidence of a later compilation. The point I wish to discuss

here mainly concerns itself with the Buddha’s intellectual efforts to

explain the realities of life by the theory of causation. That the

Buddha regarded Ignorance as the principle of birth-and-death and

therefore of misery in this world, is a well-established fact in the

history of Buddhism.

[f51] Cakkhu literally means an eye. It is often found in combination

with such terms as paññā (wisdom or reason), buddha, or samanta

(all-round), when it means a faculty beyond ordinary relative

understanding. As was elsewhere noticed, it is significant that

in Buddhism, both Mahayana and Hinayana, seeing (_passato_) is so

emphasised, and especially in this case the mention of an “eye” which

sees directly into things never before presented to one’s mind is

quite noteworthy. It is this cakkhu or paññā-cakkhu in fact that,

transcending the conditionality of the Fourfold Noble Truth or the

Chain of Origination, penetrates (_sacchikato_) into the very ground of

consciousness, from which springs the opposition of subject and object.

[f52] Here as well as in the next verse, “the truth” stands for Dharma.

[f53] We have, besides this, another verse supposed to have been

uttered by the Buddha at the moment of Supreme Enlightenment; it is

known as the Hymn of Victory. It was quoted in my previous Essay on Zen

Buddhism and the Doctrine of Enlightenment. The Hymn is unknown in the

Mahayana literature. The _Lalita-vistara_ has only this:

“Chinna vartmopasanta rajāḥ sushkā āsravā na punaḥ sravānti;

Chinne vartmani vartata duḥkhasyaisho ’nta ucyate.”[3.1]

[f54] _The Mahāvyutpatti_, CXLII., gives a list of thirteen terms

denoting the act of comprehending with more or less definite shades

of meaning: buddhi, mati, gati, mataṁ, dṛishtaṁ, abhisamitāvī,

samyagavabodha, supratividdha, abhilakshita, gatiṁgata, avabodha,

pratyabhijñā, and menire.

[f55] Franz Pfeiffer, p. 312, Martensen, p. 29.

[f56] Translated by Bhikkhu Sīlācāra. The original Pali runs as follows:

Sabbābhibhū sabbavidū ’ham asmi,

Sabbesu dhammesu anūpalitto,

Sabbaṁjaho tanhakkhaye vimutto,

Sayaṁ abhiññāya kam uddiseyyaṁ.

Na me ācariyo atthi, sadiso me na vijjati,

Sadevakasmiṁ lokasmiṁ na ’tthi me paṭipuggalo.

Ahaṁ hi arahā loke, ahaṁ satthā anuttaro,

Eko ’mhi sammasambuddho, sītibhūto ’smi nibbuto.

Dīgha-Nikāya, XXVI.

[f57] Ordinarily, the Chain runs as follows: 1. Ignorance (_avijjā_,

_avidyā_), 2. Disposition (_sankhāra_, _saṁskāra_), 3. Consciousness

(_viññāna_, _vijñāna_), 4. Name and Form (_nāmarūpa_), 5. Six

Sense-organs (_saḷāyatana_, _saḍāyatana_), 6. Touch (_phassa_,

_sparśa_), 7. Feeling (_vedana_), 8. Desire (_taṇhā_, _tṛshṇā_), 9.

Clinging (_upādāna_), 10. Becoming (_bhāva_), 11. Birth (_jāti_), and

12. Old Age and Death (_jarāmaranaṁ_).

[f58] _The Buddhacarita_, Book XIV.

[f59] Nānañ ca pana me dassanaṁ udapādi akuppā me ceto-vimutti ayaṁ

antimā jāti natthi dāni punabbhavo.

[f60] “Thus knowing, thus seeing,” (_evam jānato evam passato_) is

one of the set phrases we encounter throughout Buddhist literature,

Hinayana and Mahayana. Whether or not its compilers were aware of the

distinction between knowing and seeing in the sense we make now in the

theory of knowledge, the coupling is of great signification. They must

have been conscious of the inefficiency and insufficiency of the word

“to know” in the description of the kind of knowledge one has at the

moment of enlightenment. “To see” or “to see face to face” signifies

the immediateness and utmost perspicuity and certainty of such

knowledge. As was mentioned elsewhere, Buddhism is rich in terminology

of this order of cognition.

[f61] Tassa evam jānato evam passato kāmāsavāpi cittaṁ vimuccati

bhavāsavāpi cittaṁ vimuccati avijjāsavāpi cittaṁ vimuccati, vimuttasmiṁ

vimuttamit ñāṇaṁ hoti. Khina jāti vusitaṁ brahmacariyaṁ kataṁ karanīyam

nāparaṁ itthattāyāti pajānāti.

[f62] _The Brahmajāla Sutta_, p. 43. Translation by Rhys Davids.

[f63] The idea of performing miracles systematically through the power

acquired by self-concentration seems to have been greatly in vogue in

India even from the earliest days of her civilisation, and the Buddha

was frequently approached by his followers to exhibit his powers to

work wonders. In fact, his biographers later turned him into a regular

miracle-performer, at least as far as we may judge by the ordinary

standard of logic and science. But from the Prajñā-pāramitā point of

view, according to which “because what was preached by the Tathagata

as the possession of qualities, that was preached as no-possession of

qualities by the Tathagata, and therefore it is called the possession

of qualities,” (yaishā bhagavan lakshaṇasampat tathāgatena bhāshitā

alakshaṇasampad eshā tathāgatena bhāshita; tenocyate lakshaṇasampad

iti), the idea of performing wonders acquires quite a new signification

spiritually. In the _Kevaddha Sutta_, three wonders are mentioned as

having been understood and realised by the Buddha: the mystic wonder,

the wonder of education, and the wonder of manifestation. The possessor

of the mystic wonder can work the following logical and physical

impossibilities: “From being one he becomes multiform, from being

multiform he becomes one: from being visible he becomes invisible: he

passes without hindrance to the further side of a wall or a battlement

or a mountain, as if through air: he penetrates up and down through

solid ground as if through water: he walks on water without dividing

it, as if on solid ground: he travels cross-legged through the sky

like the birds on wing: he touches and feels with the hand even the

moon and sun, beings of mystic power and potency they be: he reaches

even in the body up to the heaven of Brahma.” Shall we understand this

literally and intellectually? Cannot we interpret it in the spirit of

the Prajñā-pāramitā idealism? Why? Taccittam yacittam acittam. (Thought

is called thought because it is no-thought.)

[f64] The questions are: Is the world eternal? Is the world not

eternal? Is the world finite? Is the world infinite? _Potthapāda-Sutta_.

[f65] Cf. _Dhammapada_, v. 385. “He for whom there is neither this nor

that side, nor both, him, the fearless and unshackled, I call indeed a

Brahman.”

[f66] _Sutta-nipāta_, v, 720. Sanantā yanti kussobbhā, tunḥī yāti

mahodadhi.

[f67] The Majjhima-Nikāya, 140, _Dhātuvibhangasuttam_. Asmīti bhikkhu

maññitam etaṁ; Ayam aham asmīti maññitam etaṁ; Bhavissan ti maññitam

etaṁ; Na bhavissan ti maññitam etaṁ; Rūpī bhavissan ti maññitam etaṁ;

Arūpī bhavissan ti maññitam etaṁ; Saññī bhavissan ti maññitam etaṁ;

Asaññi bhavissan ti maññitam etaṁ; Nevasaññi-nasaññi bhavissan ti

maññitam etaṁ.

[f68] Majjhima Nikāya, 22.

[f69] Cf. _Sutta-Nipāta_, v. 21. “By me is made a well-constructed

raft, so said Bhagavat, I have passed over to Nirvana, I have reached

the further bank, having overcome the torrent of passions; there is no

further use for a raft: therefore, if thou like, rain, O sky!”

[f70] I left here “dharmas” untranslated. For this untranslatable term,

some have “righteousness,” some “morality,” and some “qualities.”

This is as is well known a difficult term to translate. The Chinese

translators have rendered it by _fa_,[3.3] everywhere, regardless of

the context. In the present case, “dharma” may mean “good conduct,

“prescribed rules of morality,” or even “any religious teaching

considered productive of good results.” In the _Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra_,

Chapter 1, reference is also made to the transcending of both “adharma”

and “dharma,” saying: “Dharmā eva prahātavyāḥ prāgevādharmāḥ.” And

it is explained that this distinction comes from falsely asserting

(_vikalpagrahaṇam_) the dualism of what is and what is not, while the

one is the self-reflection of the other. You look into the mirror and

finding an image thereon you take it for a reality, while the image is

yourself and nobody else. The one who views the world thus, has the

rightful view of it, ya evam pasyati sa samyakpasyati. Indeed, when

he takes hold of _ekāgra_ (one-pointedness or oneness of things), he

realises the state of mind in which his inner wisdom reveals itself

(_svapratyātmāryajñānagocara_) and which is called the Tathāgatagarbha.

In this illustration “dharma” and “adharma” are synonyms of

being (_sat_) and non-being (_asat_) or affirmation (_asti_) and

negation (_nāsti_). Therefore, the abandoning of dharma and adharma

(_dharmādharmayoḥ prahāṇaṁ_) means the getting rid of dualism in all

its complexities and implications. Philosophically, this abandoning

is to get identified with the Absolute, and morally to go beyond good

and evil, right and wrong. Also compare _Sutta-Nipāta_, verse 886,

where dualism is considered to be the outcome of false philosophical

reasoning “Takkañ ca diṭṭhisu pakappayitvā, saccaṁ musā ti dvayadhammam

āhu.”

[f71] Abridged from the Majjhima Nikāya, 22, p. 139. Cf. also the

Samyutta Nikāya, XII., 70. p. 125.

[f72] For the Buddhist version of the story, see the

_Saddharma-puṇḍarīka Sūtra_ chapter 4, and the _Vajrasamādhi Sūtra_,

chapter 4 (Chinese translation).

[f73] Samyutta XII., 65, Nagara; cf. also one of the _Prajñā-pāramitā

sūtras_ which is known as one preached by Mañjuśrī (Nanjo Catalogue,

No. 21). In the Sutra we find that the Buddha, after mentioning the

simile of a gem-digger, makes reference to a man who feels overwhelmed

with delight when people talk pleasantly about the old towns and

villages once visited by himself. The same sort of a delightful feeling

is expressed by one who will listen to the discourse on Prajñāpāramitā

and understand it; for he was in his past lives present at the assembly

which was gathered about the Buddha delivering sermons on the same

subject. That the understanding of the doctrine of Prajñāpāramitā is a

form of memory is highly illuminating when considered in relation to

the theory of Enlightenment as advanced here.

That the ushering of Enlightenment is accompanied with the feeling of

return or remembrance is also unmistakably noted by the writer of the

_Kena-Upanishad_ (VI., 50):

“Now in respect to the Atman:

It is as though something forces its way into consciousness

And consciousness suddenly remembers—

Such a state of mind illustrates the awakening of knowledge of the

Atman.”

Sonadanda the Brahman had the following to say when he grasped the

meaning of the Buddha’s discourse on the characteristics of the true

Brahman (Rhys David’s translation): “Most excellent, oh Gotama, most

excellent! Just as if a man were to set up that which has been thrown

down, or were to reveal that which has been hidden away, or were to

point out the right road to him who has gone astray, or were to bring a

light into the darkness so that those who had eyes could see external

forms—just even so has the truth been made known to me, in many a

figure, by the venerable Gotama.”

[f74] _Buddhacarita_, translated by E. B. Cowell, pp. 131–132.

[f75] Lefmann’s edition, p. 289.

[f76] _Ariyapapariyesana-sutta_, Majjhima-Nikāya, XXVI., p. 167.

[f77] Used to designate the school which upholds the doctrine of

enlightenment (_sambodhi_).

[f78] This translation is not at all satisfactory.

[f79] Jōshu (778—897) was one of the early masters of Zen in the T‘ang

dynasty when it began to flourish with its vigorous freshness. He

attained to a high age of one hundred and twenty. His sermons were

always short and to the point, and his answers are noted for their

being so natural and yet so slippery, so hard to catch.

[f80] _Six Essays by Bodhi-Dharma_[4.25] is the book in which the

so-called writings of Bodhi-Dharma are collected. See also the Essay

“On Satori” which follows.

[f81] For Tao-hsüan‘s edition in the original Chinese, see Note 4.28 in

the Appendix.

[f82] This is the most significant phrase in Dharma’s writing. I have

left it untranslated, for later this will be explained fully.

[f83] The author of this story or prefatory note is T‘an-lin (Donrin),

who, according to Dr. Tokiwa, of the Tokyo Imperial University, was a

learned scholar partaking in the translation of several Sanskrit works.

He is also mentioned in connection with Yeka (Hui-k‘ê) in the biography

of the latter by Tao-hsüan. If Donrin were more of a scholar as we can

see by this identification than a genuine Zen master, it was quite

natural for him to write down this “Meditation on Four Acts,” which

mainly appeals as it stands to the scholarly interpretation of Zen.

While the doctrine of _Pi-kwan_ is emphatically Zen, there is much in

the “Meditation” that lends itself to the philosophising of Zen.

[f84] Translated into Chinese during the Northern Liang dynasty which

lasted A.D. 397–439. The translator’s name is lost.

[f85] 大乘壁觀功業最高

[f86] We read in Tao-hsüan’s _Biographies_ that wherever Bodhi-Dharma

stayed he taught people in his Zen doctrine, but as the whole country

at the time was deeply plunged into scholastic discussions, there was a

great deal of slanderous talk against meditation when they learned of

Bodhi-Dharma’s message.

[f87] Is it possible that this passage has some reference to the

_Vajrasamādhi_ where Bodhisattva Mahābala speaks of a “flaccid mind”

and a “strong mind”? The former which is possessed by most common

people “pants” (or gasps or hankers) very much, and prevents them from

successfully attaining to the Tathāgata-dhyāna, while the “strong

mind” is characteristic of one who can enter upon the realm of reality

(_bhūtakoṭi_). As long as there are “pantings” (or gaspings) in the

mind, it is not free, it is not liberated, and cannot identify itself

with the suchness of reason. The mind must be “strong” or firm and

steady, self-possessed and concentrating, before it is ready for the

realisation of Tathāgata-dhyāna—a dhyana going far beyond the reach of

the so-called four dhyānas and eight samādhis.

[f88] This subject was treated in another place, though rather

sketchily, and will be further elaborated later in an independent essay.

[f89] In this connection I wish to make some remarks against certain

scholars who consider the philosophy of Śūnyatā to be really the

foundation of Zen. Such scholars fail utterly to grasp the true

purport of Zen which is first of all an experience and not at all

a philosophy or dogma. Zen can never be built upon any set of

metaphysical or psychological views; the latter may be advanced after

the Zen experience has taken place, but never before. The philosophy

of the Prajñāpāramitā can never precede Zen, but must always follow

it. Buddhist scholars like those at the time of Dharma are too apt

to identify teaching and life, theory and experience, description

and fact. When this confusion is allowed to grow, Zen Buddhism will

cease to yield an intelligent and satisfactory interpretation. Without

the fact of Enlightenment under the Bodhi-tree near the Nairañjanā,

no Nāgārjunas could ever hope to write a single book on the Prajñā

philosophy.

[f90] As I stated before, there is a confusion between Dharma’s

_mien-pi_ habit of sitting and his doctrine of the _pi-kuan_

meditation. The confusion dates quite early, and even at the time

of the author of the _Records_ the original meaning of _pi-kuan_,

wall-contemplation, must have been lost.

[f91] Sometimes this man is said to be a civilian and sometimes a

soldier embracing Confucianism.

[f92] As one can readily see, this story is more or less fictitious. I

mean Kuang’s standing in the snow and cutting-off of his arm in order

to demonstrate his earnestness and sincerity. Some think that the snow

story and that of self-mutilation do not belong to that of Kuang, but

borrowed from some other sources, as Tao-hsüan makes no reference to

them in his book. The loss of the arm was due to a party of robbers

who attacked Kuang after his interview with Dharma. We have no way to

verify these stories either way. The whole setting however is highly

dramatic, and there must have been once in the history of Zen some

necessity to interweave imagination largely with facts, whatever they

may be.

[f93] According to Hsieh-sung, the author of the _Right Transmission of

the Law_, Bodhi-Dharma has here followed Nāgārjuna in the anatomy of

Zen-understanding. For Nāgārjuna says in his famous commentary on the

_Prajñāpāramitā-sūtra_, “Moral conduct is the skin, meditation is the

flesh, the higher understanding is the bone, and the mind subtle and

good is the marrow.” “This subtle mind,” says Hsieh-sung, is what is

secretly transmitted from the Buddha to his successors in the faith.

He then refers to Chih-I of the Sui dynasty who regards this mind as

the abode of all the Buddhas and as the middle way in which there

is neither unity nor multiplicity and which can never be adequately

expressed in words.

[f94] According to this, there must have been a special volume of

sermons and letters by Hui-k‘ê, which were compiled evidently by

his disciples and admirers before they were put down in writing and

thoroughly revised by the author himself. In the case of Bodhi-Dharma

too, according to Tao-hsüan, his sayings were apparently in circulation

in the day of Tao-hsüan, that is, early in the T‘ang dynasty.

[f95] Understood by some to be leprosy.

[f96] In the _Vimalakīrti_, Chapter III., “The Disciples,” we have the

following: “Do not worry about the sins you have committed, O monks,”

said Vimalakīrti, “Why? Because sins are in their essence neither

within nor without nor in the middle. As the Buddha taught us, all

things are defiled when Mind is defiled; all things are pure when Mind

is pure: and Mind is neither within nor without nor in the middle. As

is Mind, so are sins and defilements, so are all things—they never

transcend the suchness of truth.”

[f97] _Hsin_, is one of those Chinese words which defy translation.

When the Indian scholars were trying to translate the Buddhist Sanskrit

works into Chinese, they discovered that there were five classes of

Sanskrit terms which could not be satisfactorily rendered into Chinese.

We thus find in the Chinese Tripitaka such words as _prajñā_, _bodhi_,

_buddha_, _nirvāṇa_, _dhyāna_, _bodhisattva_, etc., almost always

untranslated; and they now appear in their original form among the

technical Buddhist terminology. If we could leave _hsin_ with all its

nuance of meaning in this translation, it would save us from the many

difficulties that face us in its English rendering. For _hsin_ means

mind, heart, soul, spirit—each singly as well as all inclusively. In

the present composition by the third patriarch of Zen, it has sometimes

an intellectual connotation but at other times it can properly be

done by “heart.” But as the predominant note of Zen Buddhism is more

intellectual than anything else, though not in the sense of being

logical or philosophical, I decided here to translate _hsin_ by “mind”

rather than by “heart.”

[f98] This means: When the absolute oneness of things is not properly

understood, negation as well as affirmation will tend to be one-sided

view of reality. When Buddhists deny the reality of an objective

world, they do not mean that they believe in the unconditioned

emptiness of things; they know that there is something real which

cannot be done away with. When they uphold the doctrine of void this

does not mean that all is nothing but an empty hollow, which leads

to a self-contradiction. The philosophy of Zen avoids the error of

one-sidedness involved in realism as well as in idealism.

[f99] I.e., Tat tvam asi.

[f100] There is however a variation from five years to fifteen years

according to different authorities.

[f101] These accounts, whether truly historical or not, concerning the

controversy between the two leaders of Zen early in the T‘ang dynasty

prove how heated was the rivalry between the North and the South. The

_Sermons of the Sixth Patriarch_ (_Fa-pao-tan-ching_) itself appears

as if written with the sole object of refuting the opponents of the

“abrupt” school.

[f102] This is a constant refrain in the teaching of the

_Prajñāpāramitā Sūtras_—to awaken one’s thought where there is no abode

whatever (na kvacit pratishṭitaṁ cittaṁ utpādayitavyam). When Jōshu

called on Ungo, the latter asked, “O you, old wanderer! how is it that

you do not seek an abiding place for yourself?” “Where is my abiding

place?” “There is an old temple ruin at the foot of this mountain.”

“That is a fitting place for your old self,” responded Jōshu. Later,

he came to Shūyūsan, who asked him the same question, saying, “O you,

old wanderer! why don’t you get settled?” “Where is the place for me to

get settled?” “Why, this old wanderer doesn’t know even where to get

settled for himself.” Said Jōshu, “I have been engaged these thirty

years in training horses, and to-day I have been kicked around by a

donkey!”

[f103] This is the name of the place where Hui-nêng had his Zen

headquarters.

[f104] _Hsing_ means nature, character, essence, soul, or what is

innate to one. “Seeing into one’s Nature” is one of the set phrases

used by the Zen masters, and in fact the avowed object of all Zen

discipline. Satori is its more popular expression. When one gets

into the inwardness of things, there is satori. This latter however

being a broad term, can be used to designate any kind of a thorough

understanding, and it is only in Zen that it has a restricted meaning.

In this article I have used the term as the most essential thing in

the study of Zen; for “seeing into one’s Nature” suggests the idea

that Zen has something concrete and substantial which requires being

seen into by us. This is misleading, though satori too I admit is a

vague and naturally ambiguous word. For ordinary purposes, not too

strictly philosophical, satori will answer, and whenever _chien-hsing_

is referred to, it means this, the opening of the mental eye. As to the

sixth patriarch’s view on “seeing into one’s Nature,” see above under

“History of Zen Buddhism.”

[f105] According to the _Mahāparinirvāna-sūtra_, translated into

Chinese by Dharmaraksha, A.D. 423, Vol. XXXIII., he was one of the

three sons of the Buddha while he was still a Bodhisattva. He was most

learned in all Buddhist lore, but his views tended to be nihilistic and

he finally fell into hell.

[f106] That is, from the idea that this sitting cross-legged leads to

Buddhahood. From the earliest periods of Zen in China, the quietist

tendency has been running along the whole history with the intellectual

tendency which emphasises the satori element. Even to-day these

currents are represented to a certain extent by the Soto on the one

hand and the Rinzai on the other, while each has its characteristic

features of excellence. My own standpoint is that of the intuitionalist

and not that of the quietist; for the essence of Zen lies in the

attainment of satori.

[f107] W. Lehmann, _Meister Eckhart_. Göttingen, 1917, p. 243. Quoted

by Prof. Rudolf Otto in his _The Idea of the Holy_, p. 201.

[f108] In Claud Field’s _Mystics and Saints of Islam_ (p. 25), we read

under Hasan Basri, “Another time I saw a child coming toward me holding

a lighted torch in his hand, ‘Where have you brought the light from?’ I

asked him. He immediately blew it out, and said to me, ‘O Hasan, tell

me where it is gone, and I will tell you whence I fetched.’” Of course

the parallel here is only apparent, for Tokusan got his enlightenment

from quite a different source than the mere blowing out of the candle.

Still the parallel in itself is interesting enough to be quoted here.

[f109] See the Essay entitled “Practical Methods of Zen Instruction.”

[f110] The lightning simile in the _Kena-Upanished_ (IV. 30), as is

supposed by some scholars, is not to depict the feeling of inexpressive

awe as regards the nature of Brahman, but it illustrates the bursting

out of enlightenment upon consciousness. “A—a—ah” is most significant

here.

[f111] This is spread before the Buddha and on it the master performs

his bowing ceremony, and its rolling up naturally means the end of a

sermon.

[f112] _Tou chi chia_, meaning “the verse of mutual understanding”

which takes place when the master’s mind and the disciple’s are merged

in each other’s.

[f113] It was originally a mosquito driver, but now it is a symbol of

religious authority. It has a short handle, a little over a foot long

and a longer tuft of hair, usually a horse’s tail or a yak’s.

[f114] In the Chinese Notes I have added six more such verses which may

further help the reader to gain an insight into the content of satori.

[f115] This is one of the most noted kō-an and generally given to the

uninitiated as an eye-opener. When Jōshu was asked by a monk whether

there was Buddha-Nature in the dog, the master answered “Mu!” (_wu_ in

Chinese), which literally means “no.” But as it is nowadays understood

by the followers of Rinzai, it does not mean anything negative as

the term may suggest to us ordinarily, it refers to something most

assuredly positive, and the novice is told to find it out by himself,

not depending upon others (_aparapaccaya_), as no explanation will be

given nor is any possible. This kō-an is popularly known as “Jōshu’s Mu

or Muji.” A kō-an is a theme or statement or question given to the Zen

student for solution, which will lead him to a spiritual insight. The

subject will be fully treated in the Second Series of the Essays in Zen

Buddhism.

[f116] Another kō-an for beginners. A monk once asked Jōshu, “All

things return to the One, but where does the One return?” to which the

master answered, “When I was in the province of Seiju (Ts‘ing-chou), I

had a monkish garment made which weighed seven kin (_chin_).

[f117] He is the founder of the modern Japanese Rinzai school of Zen.

All the masters belonging to this school at present in Japan trace back

their line of transmission to Hakuin.

[f118] Literally, “a great doubt”, but it does not mean that, as the

term “doubt” is not understood here in its ordinary sense. It means a

state of concentration brought to the highest pitch.

[f119] Ganto (Yen-t‘ou, 828—887) was one of the great Zen teachers in

the T‘ang dynasty. But he was murdered by an outlaw when his death-cry

is said to have reached many miles around. When Hakuin first studied

Zen, this tragic incident in the life of an eminent Zen master who is

supposed to be above all human ailments, troubled him very much, and

he wondered if Zen were really the gospel of salvation. Hence this

allusion to Ganto. Notice also here that what Hakuin discovered was a

living person and not an abstract reason or anything conceptual. Zen

leads us ultimately to somewhat living, working, and this is known as

“seeing into one’s own Nature” (_chien-hsing_). The Chinese Notes,

[5.39].

[f120] Kō-ans (_kung-an_) are sometimes called “complications,”

(_kê-t‘êng_) literally meaning “vines and wistarias” which are

entwining and entangling; for according to the masters there ought not

to be any such thing as a kō-an in the very nature of Zen, it was an

unnecessary invention making things more entangled and complicated than

ever before. The truth of Zen has no need for kō-ans. It is supposed

that there are one thousand seven hundred kō-ans which will test the

genuineness of satori.

[f121] Tsu-yüan (1226–1286) came to Japan when the Hōjō family was in

power at Kamakura. He established the Engakuji monastery which is one

of the chief Zen monasteries in Japan. While still in China his temple

was invaded by soldiers of the Yüan dynasty, who threatened to kill

him, but Bukko was immovable and quietly uttered the following verse:

“Throughout heaven and earth there is not a piece of ground where a

single stick could be inserted;

I am glad that all things are void, myself and the world:

Honoured be the sword, three feet long, wielded by the great Yüan

swordsmen;

For it is like cutting a spring breeze amidst the flashes of

lightning.”

See Chinese Notes, [5.40].

[f122] That is, sitting cross-legged in meditation.

[f123] This lively utterance remind one of a lightning simile in the

_Kena-Upanishad_ (IV. 30):

“This is the way It [that is, Brahman] is to be illustrated:

When lightnings have been loosened,—

a—a—ah!

When that has made the eyes to be closed,—

a—a—ah!

So far concerning Deity [devata].”

Lightning flash is a favourite analogue with the Zen masters too; the

unexpected onrush of satori into the ordinary field of consciousness

has something of the nature of lightning. It comes so suddenly and when

it comes the world is at once illumined and revealed in its entirety

and in its harmonious oneness; but when it vanishes everything falls

back into its old darkness and confusion.

[f124] Pao-tz‘u Wên-ch‘in, a disciple of Pao-fu Ts‘ung-chan, who died

928 A.D.

[f125] Another time when Jōshu was asked about the “first word,” he

coughed. The monk remarked, “Is this not it?” “Why, an old man is not

even allowed to cough!”—this came quickly from the old master. Jōshu

had still another occasion to express his view on the one word. A monk

asked, “What is the one word?” Demanded the master, “What do you say?”

“What is the one word?”—the question was repeated when Jōshu gave his

verdict, “You make it two.” (Ch. N., [3].)

Shuzan (Shu-shan) was once asked, “An old master says, ‘There is one

word which when understood wipes out the sins of innumerable kalpas:’

what is this one word?” Shuzan answered, “Right under your nose!” “What

is the ultimate meaning of it?” “This is all I can say”:—this was the

conclusion of the master. (Ch. N., [4].)

[f126] There are many mondoes purporting to the same subject. The

best known one by Jōshu is quoted elsewhere; of others we mention the

following. A monk asked Risan (Li-shan), “All things are reduced to

emptiness, but where is emptiness reduced?” Risan answered, “The tongue

is too short to explain it to you.” “Why is it too short?” “Within and

without, it is of one suchness,” said the master. (Ch. N., [6].)

A monk asked Keisan (Ch‘i-shan), “When relations are dissolved, all

is reduced to emptiness; but where is emptiness reduced?” The master

called out to the monk, and the monk responded, “Yes,” whereupon the

master called his attention, saying, “Where is emptiness?” Said the

monk, “Pray, you tell me.” Keisan replied, “It is like the Persian

tasting pepper.” While the one light is an etiological question as long

as its origin is the point at issue, the questions here referred to are

teleological because the ultimate reduction of emptiness is the subject

for solution. But as Zen transcends time and history, it recognises

only one beginningless and endless course of becoming. When we know the

origin of the one light, we also know where emptiness ends. (Ch. N.,

[7].)

[f127] Another time a monk was told, “Hold on to your poverty!” Nan-yin

Yegu’s (Nan-yüan Hui-yü) answer to his poverty-stricken monk was more

consoling, “You hold a handful of jewels yourself.” The subject of

poverty is the all-important one in our religious experience—poverty

not only in the material but also in the spiritual sense. Asceticism

must have as its ground-principle a far deeper sense than to be merely

curving human desires and passions, there must be in it something

positive and highly religious. “To be poor in spirit,” whatever meaning

it may have in Christianity, is rich in signification for Buddhists,

especially for Zen followers. A monk, Sei-jei (Ch‘ing-shi), came to

Sozan (Ts‘ao-shan), a great master of the Sōtō school in China, and

said, “I am a poor lonely monk: pray have pity on me.” “O monk, come on

forward!” Whereupon the monk approached the master, who then exclaimed,

“After enjoying three cupfuls of fine _chiu_ (liquor) brewed at

Ch‘ing-yüan, do you still protest that your lips are not at all wet?”

As to another aspect of poverty, cf. Hsiang-yen’s poem of poverty.

[f128] An analogous story is told of Sekito Kisen (Shih-t‘ou

Hsi-ch‘ien) who is grandson in faith of the sixth patriarch. The story

is quoted elsewhere.

[f129] When this is literally translated, it grows too long and loses

much of its original force. The Chinese runs thus: _hao li yu ch‘a

t‘ien ti hsüan chüeh_. It may better be rendered, “An inch’s difference

and heaven and earth are set apart.”

[f130] That is, Ts‘ao-ch‘i, where the sixth patriarch of Zen used to

reside. It is the birthplace of Chinese Zen Buddhism.

[f131] Does this not remind us of an old mystic who defined God as an

unutterable sigh?

[f132] A monk asked Hsüan-sha, “What is the idea of the National

Teacher’s calling out to his attendant?” Said Hsüan-sha, “The attendant

knows well.” Yün-chü Hsi commented on this: “Does the attendant really

know, or does he not? If we say he does, why does the National Teacher

say, ‘It is you that are not fair to me’? But if the attendant knows

not, how about Hsüan-sha’s assertion? What would be our judgment of the

case?”

Hsüan-chiao Chêng said to a monk, “What is the point the attendant

understands?” Replied the monk, “If he did not understand, he would

never have responded.” Hsüan-chiao said, “You seem to understand some.”

A monk asked Fa-yen, “What is the idea of the National Teacher’s

calling out to his attendant?” Fa-yen said, “You go away now, and come

back some other time.” Remarked Yün-chü, “When Fa-yen says this, does

he really know what the National Teacher’s idea is? or does he not?”

A monk approached Chao-chou with the same question, to which he

replied, “It is like writing characters in the dark: while the

characters are not properly formed, their outlines are plainly

traceable.”

[f133] Literally, “A day [of] no work [is] a day [of] no eating.” cf.

II. Thessalonians, III., 10: “If any would not work, neither should he

eat.” It is noteworthy that St. Francis of Assisi made this the first

rule of his Brotherhood.

[f134] _Tso ch‘an_ is one of those compound Buddhist terms made of

Sanskrit and Chinese. _Tso_ is Chinese meaning “to sit,” while _ch‘an_

stands for _dhyāna_ or _jhāna_. The full transliteration of the term is

_ch‘anna_, but for brevity’s sake the first character alone has been

in use. The combination of _tso-ch‘an_ comes from the fact that dhyana

is always practised by sitting cross-legged. This posture has been

considered by the Indians the best way of sitting for a long while in

meditation. In it, according to some Japanese physicians, the centre of

gravitation rests firmly in the lower regions of the body, and when the

head is relieved of an unusual congestion of blood, the whole system

will work in perfect order and the mind be put in suitable mood to take

in the truth of Zen.

[f135] He was the noted Confucian disciple of Baso (Ma-tsu), and his

wife and daughter were also devoted Zen followers. When he thought the

time had come for him to pass away, he told his daughter to watch the

course of the sun and let him know when it was midday. The daughter

hurriedly came back and told the father that the sun had already passed

the meridian and was about to be eclipsed. Hō came out, and while he

was watching the said eclipse, she went in, took her father’s own seat,

and passed away in meditation. When the father saw his daughter already

in Nirvana, he said, “What a quick-witted girl she is!” Hō himself

passed away some days later.

[f136] This historical temple was unfortunately destroyed by the

earthquake of 1923, with many other buildings.

[f137] In those monasteries which are connected in some way with the

author of this admonition, it is read or rather chanted before a

lecture or _Teisho_ begins.

[f138] I must not forget to mention that after the reading of the

_Hṛidaya Sūtra_ the following names of the Buddhas and others are

invoked: 1. Vairocana-Buddha in his immaculate Body of the Law, 2.

Vairocana-Buddha in his perfect Body of Bliss, 3. Śākyamuni-Buddha

in his infinite manifestations as Body of Transformation, 4.

Maitreya-Buddha who is to come in some future time, 5. All the

Buddhas past, present, and future in the ten quarters of the world,

6. The great holy Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, 7. The great morally-perfect

Bodhisattva Samantabhadra, 8. The great compassionate Bodhisattva

Avalokiteśvara, 9. All the venerable Bodhisattva-mahāsattvas, and 10.

Mahāprajñāpāramitā.

[f139] When the slop-basin goes around, spiritual beings are again

remembered: “This water in which my bowls were washed tastes like

nectar from heaven. I now offer this to the numerous spirits of the

world: may they all be filled and satisfied! Om ma-ku-ra-sai (in

Pekingese, _mo-hsiu-lo-hsi_) svāha!”

[f140] This question of dust reminds one of Berkeley’s remark: “We have

just raised a dust and then complain we cannot see.”

[f141] _Shê-li_, is some indestructible substance, generally in

pebble-form, found in the body of a saint when it is cremated.

[f142] _Kung-an_ is a question or theme given to the student for

solution. It literally means “public document,” and, according to a

Zen scholar, it is so called because it serves as such in testing the

genuineness of enlightenment a student claims to have attained. The

term has been in use since the early days of Zen Buddhism in the T‘ang

dynasty. The so-called “cases” or “dialogues” (_mondo_) are generally

used as kō-ans. A special chapter devoted to the subject will be found

in the second series of The Essays.

[f143] I cannot tell how early this “Sesshin” originated in the history

of the Zendo. It is not in Hyakujo’s Regulations, and did not start in

China but in Japan probably after Hakuin. The Sojourn period generally

being a “stay at home” season, the monks do not travel, but practise

“Sesshin” and devote themselves to the study of Zen; but in the week

specially set up as such, the study is pursued with the utmost vigour.

[f144] That is, _ti-ch‘ang_. _Tei_ means “to carry in hand,” “to show

forth,” or “manifest,” and _sho_ “to recite.” Thus by a Teisho the

old master is revived before the congregation and his discourses are

more or less vividly presented to view. It is not merely explaining or

commenting on the text.

[f145] Dharaṇī is a Sanskrit term which comes from the root _dhṛi_,

meaning “to hold.” In Buddhist phraseology, it is a collection,

sometimes short, sometimes long, of exclamatory sentences which are

not translated into other languages. It is not therefore at all

intelligible when it is read by the monks as it is done in the Chinese

and Japanese monasteries. But it is supposed to “hold” in it in some

mysterious way something that is most meritorious and has the power to

keep evil ones away. Later, dharanis and mantrams have grown confused

with one another.

[f146] The founder of Tenryuji, Kyoto. He is known as “Teacher of Seven

Emperors.” 1274–1361.

[f147] _San-ch‘an_ literally means “to attend or study Zen.” As it is

popularly used now in Japan, it has, besides its general meaning, the

special one as is referred to in the text.

[f148] Formerly, this was an open affair, and all the mondos

(askings and answerings) took place before the whole congregation,

as is stated in the Regulations of Hyakujo. But, later, undesirable

results followed, such as mere formalism, imitations, and other empty

nonsenses. In modern Zen, therefore, all sanzen is private, except on

formal occasions.

[f149] While thus going around, he came to a house where an old woman

refused to give him any rice; he however kept on standing in front of

it, looking as if nothing were said to him. His mind was so intensely

concentrated on the subject which concerned him most at the time. The

woman got angry, because she thought he was altogether ignoring her

and trying to have his own way. She struck him with a big broom with

which she was sweeping and told him to depart right at once. The heavy

broom smashed his large monkish hat and knocked him down on the ground.

He was lying there for a while, and when he came to sense again,

everything became to him clear and transparent.

[f150] As to the life of his teacher, Daito, reference was made to it

elsewhere.

[f151] The wind is probably one of the best imageries to get us into

the idea of non-attachment or Śūnyatā philosophy. The New Testament

has at least one allusion to it when it says, “The wind bloweth as it

listeth,” and here we see the Chinese mystics making use of the wind

to depict his inner consciousness of absolute identity, which is also

the Buddhist notion of the void. Now compare the following passage

from Echkart: Darum ruft die Braue auch weiter: “Weiche von mir, mein

Geliebter, weiche von mir”: “Alles, was irgend der Darstellung fähig

ist, das halte ich nicht für Gott. Und so fliehe ich vor Gott, Gottes

wegen!”—‘Ei, wo ist dann der Seele Bleiben?’—“Auf den Fittichen der

Winde!” (Büttner, _Meister Eckeharts Schriften und Predigten_, Erster

Band, p. 189.) “So flieche ich vor Gott, Gottes wegen,” reminds us of a

Zen master who said, “I hate even to hear the name of the Buddha.” From

the Zen point of view, “Gottes wegen,” may better be left out.

[f152] The full passage is: “He who seeks learnedness gets daily

enriched. He who seeks the Tao is daily made poor. He is made poorer

and poorer until he arrives at non-action (_wu wei_). With non-action,

there is nothing that he cannot achieve.” (Chap. 48.)

[f153]

Na vāsanair bhidyate cit na cittaṁ vāsanaiḥ saha,

Abbinnalakshaṇaṁ cittaṁ vāsanaiḥ pariveshtitarṁ.

Malavad vāsanā yasya manovijñāna-sambhavā,

Pata-śuklopamaṁ cittaṁ vāsanair na virājate.

Yathā na bhāvo nābhāvo gaganaṁ kathyate mayā,

Ālayaṁ hi tathā kāya bhāvābhāva-vivarjitaṁ.

Manovijñāna vyāvṛittaṁ cittaṁ kālusbya varjitam,

Sarvadharmāvabodhena cittaṁ buddhaṁ vadāmyaham.

_The Laṅkāvatāra_, p. 296.

[f154] Not an ordinary question asking enlightenment, but one that

has a point in it showing some understanding on the part of the

inquirer. All those questions already quoted must not be taken in

their superficial or literary sense. They are generally metaphors. For

instance, when one asks about a phrase having no shadow, he does not

mean any ordinary ensemble of words known grammatically as such, but

an absolute proposition whose verity is so beyond a shadow of doubt

that every rational being will at once recognise as true on hearing it.

Again, when reference is made to murdering a parent or a Buddha, it

has really nothing to do with such horrible crimes, but as we have in

Rinzai’s sermon elsewhere, the murdering is transcending the relativity

of a phenomenal world. Ultimately, therefore, this question amounts to

the same thing as asking “Where is the one to be reduced, when the many

are reduced to the one?”

[f155] This means Buddha who is supposed by Buddhists to have been the

owner of a golden-coloured body, sixteen feet in height.

[f156] Generally after a sermon the monks come out and ask various

questions bearing on the subject of the sermon, though frequently

indifferent ones are asked too.

[f157] See the article on the “History of Zen Buddhism,” p. 149 et seq.

[f158] For detail see “Practical Methods of Zen Instruction.”

[f159] Cf. also “History of Zen Buddhism” where reference is made to

the Northern and Southern school of Zen under the fifth patriarch in

China.

[f160] See for detail p. 177, “History of Zen.”

[f161] According to Fariduddin Attar, A.D. 1119–1229, of Khorassan,

Persia, Cf. Claud Field’s _Mystics and Saints of Islam_, p. 123 et seq.

[f162] Underhill—_Mysticism_, p. 369.

[f163] After this book went to the press, I have come across an old

edition of the spiritual cow-herding pictures, which end with an empty

circle corresponding to the eighth of the present series. Is this the

work of Seikyo as referred to in Kakuan’s Preface? The cow is shown to

be whitening here gradually with the progress of discipline. I may have

an occasion later to reproduce this edition.

[f164] See also a Sutra in the Anguttara Āgama bearing the same

title, which is evidently another translation of the same text. Also

compare “The Herdsman, I.,” in _The First Fifty Discourses of Gotama

the Buddha_; Vol. II., by Bhikkhu Sīlācāra. Leipzig, 1913. This a

partial translation of the Majjhima Nikāya of the Pali Tripitaka.

The eleven items as enumerated in the Chinese version are just a

little differently given. Essentially of course, they are the same

in both texts. A Buddhist dictionary called _Daizo Hossu_ gives

reference on the subject to the great Mahayana work of Nāgārjuna,

the _Māhāprājñāpāramitā-Śāstra_, but so far I have not been able to

identify the passage.

[f165] The ten pictures reproduced here were specially prepared for the

author by Reverend Seisetsu Seki, Abbot of Tenryuji, Kyoto, which is

one of the principal historical Zen monasteries in Japan. The original

Chinese verses with their introductory notes are found in the Appendix.

[f166] It will be interesting to note what a mystic philosopher would

say about this: “A man shall become truly poor and as free from his

creature will as he was when he was born. And I say to you, by the

eternal truth, that as long as ye desire to fulfil the will of God, and

have any desire after eternity and God; so long are ye not truly poor.

He alone hath true spiritual poverty who wills nothing, knows nothing,

desires nothing.”—(From Eckhart as quoted by Inge in _Light, Life, and

Love_.)

Essays in Zen Buddhism · 第 151 / 154 题