says or does; he hath wickedly broken through every moral and human
obligation, trampled nature and conscience beneath his feet; and by
a steady and constitutional spirit of insolence and cruelty,
procured for himself an universal hatred. It is now the interest of
America to provide for herself. She hath already a large and young
family, whom it is more her duty to take care of, than to be
granting away her property, to support a power who is become a
reproach to the names of men and christians--Ye, whose office it is
to watch over the morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or
denomination ye are of, as well as ye, who are more immediately the
guardians of the public liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native
country uncontaminated by European corruption, ye must in secret
wish a separation--But leaving the moral part to private reflection,
I shall chiefly confine my farther remarks to the following heads.
First. That it is the interest of America to be separated from
Britain.
Secondly. Which is the easiest and most practicable plan,
reconciliation or independance? with some occasional remarks.
In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce the
opinion of some of the ablest and most experienced men on this
continent; and whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet publicly
known. It is in reality a self-evident position: For no nation in a
state of foreign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped
and fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any
material eminence. America doth not yet know what opulence is; and
although the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled in the
history of other nations, it is but childhood, compared with what
she would be capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have,
the legislative powers in her own hands. England is, at this time,
proudly coveting what would do her no good, were she to accomplish
it; and the Continent hesitating on a matter, which will be her
final ruin if neglected. It is the commerce and not the conquest of
America, by which England is to be benefited, and that would in a
great measure continue, were the countries as independant of each
other as France and Spain; because in many articles, neither can go
to a better market. But it is the independance of this country of
Britain or any other, which is now the main and only object worthy
of contention, and which, like all other truths discovered by
necessity, will appear clearer and stronger every day.
First. Because it will come to that one time or other.
Secondly. Because, the longer it is delayed the harder it will be to
accomplish.
I have frequently amused myself both in public and private companies,
with silently remarking, the specious errors of those who speak
without reflecting. And among the many which I have heard, the
following seems the most general, viz. that had this rupture
happened forty or fifty years hence, instead of now, the Continent
would have been more able to have shaken off the dependance. To
which I reply, that our military ability, at this time, arises from
the experience gained in the last war, and which in forty or fifty
years time, would have been totally extinct. The Continent, would
not, by that time, have had a General, or even a military officer
left; and we, or those who may succeed us, would have been as
ignorant of martial matters as the ancient Indians: And this single
position, closely attended to, will unanswerably prove, that the
present time is preferable to all others. The argument turns thus--
at the conclusion of the last war, we had experience, but wanted
numbers; and forty or fifty years hence, we should have numbers,
without experience; wherefore, the proper point of time, must be
some particular point between the two extremes, in which a
sufficiency of the former remains, and a proper increase of the
latter is obtained: And that point of time is the present time.
The reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly come
under the head I first set out with, and to which I again return by
the following position, viz.
Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to remain the
governing and sovereign power of America, (which, as matters are now
circumstanced, is giving up the point intirely) we shall deprive
ourselves of the very means of sinking the debt we have, or may
contract. The value of the back lands which some of the provinces
are clandestinely deprived of, by the unjust extention of the limits
of Canada, valued only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres,
amount to upwards of twenty-five millions, Pennsylvania currency;
and the quit-rents at one penny sterling per acre, to two millions
yearly.
It is by the sale of those lands that the debt may be sunk, without
burthen to any, and the quit-rent reserved thereon, will always
lessen, and in time, will wholly support the yearly expence of
government. It matters not how long the debt is in paying, so that
the lands when sold be applied to the discharge of it, and for the
execution of which, the Congress for the time being, will be the
continental trustees.
I proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the easiest and most
practicable plan, reconciliation or independance; with some
occasional remarks.
He who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his
argument, and on that ground, I answer generally--That independance
being a single simple line, contained within ourselves; and
reconciliation, a matter exceedingly perplexed and complicated, and
in which, a treacherous capricious court is to interfere, gives the
answer without a doubt.
The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is
capable of reflexion. Without law, without government, without any
other mode of power than what is founded on, and granted by courtesy.
Held together by an unexampled concurrence of sentiment, which is
nevertheless subject to change, and which every secret enemy is
endeavouring to dissolve. Our present condition, is, Legislation
without law; wisdom without a plan; constitution without a name; and,
what is strangely astonishing, perfect Independance contending for
dependance. The instance is without a precedent; the case never
existed before; and who can tell what may be the event? The property
of no man is secure in the present unbraced system of things. The
mind of the multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed object
before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts. Nothing is
criminal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every one
thinks himself at liberty to act as he pleases. The Tories dared not
have assembled offensively, had they known that their lives, by that
act, were forfeited to the laws of the state. A line of distinction
should be drawn, between, English soldiers taken in battle, and
inhabitants of America taken in arms. The first are prisoners, but
the latter traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the other his
head.
Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some of
our proceedings which gives encouragement to dissensions. The
Continental Belt is too loosely buckled. And if something is not
done in time, it will be too late to do any thing, and we shall fall
into a state, in which, neither Reconciliation nor Independance will
be practicable. The king and his worthless adherents are got at
their old game of dividing the Continent, and there are not wanting
among us, Printers, who will be busy in spreading specious
falsehoods. The artful and hypocritical letter which appeared a few
months ago in two of the New-York papers, and likewise in two others,
is an evidence that there are men who want either judgment or
honesty.
It is easy getting into holes and corners and talking of
reconciliation: But do such men seriously consider, how difficult
the task is, and how dangerous it may prove, should the Continent
divide thereon. Do they take within their view, all the various
orders of men whose situation and circumstances, as well as their
own, are to be considered therein. Do they put themselves in the
place of the sufferer whose all is already gone, and of the soldier,
who hath quitted all for the defence of his country. If their ill
judged moderation be suited to their own private situations only,
regardless of others, the event will convince them, that "they are
reckoning without their Host."
Put us, say some, on the footing we were on in sixty-three: To which
I answer, the request is not now in the power of Britain to comply
with, neither will she propose it; but if it were, and even should
be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question, By what means is such a
corrupt and faithless court to be kept to its engagements? Another
parliament, nay, even the present, may hereafter repeal the
obligation, on the pretence, of its being violently obtained, or
unwisely granted; and in that case, Where is our redress?--No going
to law with nations; cannon are the barristers of Crowns; and the
sword, not of justice, but of war, decides the suit. To be on the
footing of sixty-three, it is not sufficient, that the laws only be
put on the same state, but, that our circumstances, likewise, be put
on the same state; Our burnt and destroyed towns repaired or built
up, our private losses made good, our public debts (contracted for
defence) discharged; otherwise, we shall be millions worse than we
were at that enviable period. Such a request, had it been complied
with a year ago, would have won the heart and soul of the Continent-
-but now it is too late, "The Rubicon is passed."
Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a
pecuniary law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as
repugnant to human feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce
obedience thereto. The object, on either side, doth not justify the
means; for the lives of men are too valuable to be cast away on such
trifles. It is the violence which is done and threatened to our
persons; the destruction of our property by an armed force; the
invasion of our country by fire and sword, which conscientiously
qualifies the use of arms: And the instant, in which such a mode of
defence became necessary, all subjection to Britain ought to have
ceased; and the independancy of America, should have been considered,
as dating its æra from, and published by, the first musket that was
fired against her. This line is a line of consistency; neither drawn
by caprice, nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of
events, of which the colonies were not the authors.
I shall conclude these remarks, with the following timely and well
intended hints. We ought to reflect, that there are three different
ways, by which an independancy may hereafter be effected; and that
one of those three, will one day or other, be the fate of America,
viz. By the legal voice of the people in Congress; by a military
power; or by a mob: It may not always happen that our soldiers are
citizens, and the multitude a body of reasonable men; virtue, as I
have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it perpetual.
Should an independancy be brought about by the first of those means,
we have every opportunity and every encouragement before us, to form
the noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth. We have it
in our power to begin the world over again. A situation, similar to
the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah until now. The
birthday of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, perhaps as
numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their portion of
freedom from the event of a few months. The Reflexion is awful--and
in this point of view, How trifling, how ridiculous, do the little,
paltry cavellings, of a few weak or interested men appear, when
weighed against the business of a world.
Should we neglect the present favorable and inviting period, and an
Independance be hereafter effected by any other means, we must
charge the consequence to ourselves, or to those rather, whose
narrow and prejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the measure,
without either inquiring or reflecting. There are reasons to be
given in support of Independance, which men should rather privately
think of, than be publicly told of. We ought not now to be debating
whether we shall be independant or not, but, anxious to accomplish
it on a firm, secure, and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it
is not yet began upon. Every day convinces us of its necessity. Even
the Tories (if such beings yet remain among us) should, of all men,
be the most solicitous to promote it; for, as the appointment of
committees at first, protected them from popular rage, so, a wise
and well established form of government, will be the only certain
means of continuing it securely to them. Wherefore, if they have not
virtue enough to be Whigs, they ought to have prudence enough to
wish for Independance.
In short, Independance is the only Bond that can tye and keep us
together. We shall then see our object, and our ears will be legally
shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well, as a cruel enemy.
We shall then too, be on a proper footing, to treat with Britain;
for there is reason to conclude, that the pride of that court, will
be less hurt by treating with the American states for terms of peace,
than with those, whom she denominates, "rebellious subjects," for
terms of accommodation. It is our delaying it that encourages her to
hope for conquest, and our backwardness tends only to prolong the
war. As we have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our
trade to obtain a redress of our grievances, let us now try the
alternative, by independantly redressing them ourselves, and then
offering to open the trade. The mercantile and reasonable part in
England, will be still with us; because, peace with trade, is
preferable to war without it. And if this offer be not accepted,
other courts may be applied to.
On these grounds I rest the matter. And as no offer hath yet been
made to refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of this
pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot be
refuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too numerous to be
opposed. Wherefore, instead of gazing at each other with suspicious
or doubtful curiosity; let each of us, hold out to his neighbour the
hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like
an act of oblivion shall bury in forgetfulness every former
dissension. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none
other be heard among us, than those of a good citizen, an open and
resolute friend, and a virtuous supporter of the rights of mankind
and of the FREE AND INDEPENDANT STATES OF AMERICA.
To the Representatives of the Religious Society of the People called
Quakers, or to so many of them as were concerned in publishing the
late piece, entitled "The Ancient Testimony and Principles of the
People called Quakers renewed, with Respect to the King and
Government, and touching the Commotions now prevailing in these and
other parts of America addressed to the People in General."
The Writer of this, is one of those few, who never dishonours
religion either by ridiculing, or cavilling at any denomination
whatsoever. To God, and not to man, are all men accountable on the
score of religion. Wherefore, this epistle is not so properly
addressed to you as a religious, but as a political body, dabbling
in matters, which the professed Quietude of your Principles instruct
you not to meddle with.
As you have, without a proper authority for so doing, put yourselves
in the place of the whole body of the Quakers, so, the writer of
this, in order to be on an equal rank with yourselves, is under the
necessity, of putting himself in the place of all those, who,
approve the very writings and principles, against which your
testimony is directed: And he hath chosen this singular situation,
in order, that you might discover in him that presumption of
character which you cannot see in yourselves. For neither he nor you
can have any claim or title to Political Representation.
When men have departed from the right way, it is no wonder that they
stumble and fall. And it is evident from the manner in which ye have
managed your testimony, that politics, (as a religious body of men)
is not your proper Walk; for however well adapted it might appear to
you, it is, nevertheless, a jumble of good and bad put unwisely
together, and the conclusion drawn therefrom, both unnatural and
unjust.
The two first pages, (and the whole doth not make four) we give you
credit for, and expect the same civility from you, because the love
and desire of peace is not confined to Quakerism, it is the natural,
as well the religious wish of all denominations of men. And on this
ground, as men labouring to establish an Independant Constitution of
our own, do we exceed all others in our hope, end, and aim. Our plan
is peace for ever. We are tired of contention with Britain, and can
see no real end to it but in a final separation. We act consistently,
because for the sake of introducing an endless and uninterrupted
peace, do we bear the evils and burthens of the present day. We are
endeavoring, and will steadily continue to endeavour, to separate
and dissolve a connexion which hath already filled our land with
blood; and which, while the name of it remains, will be the fatal
cause of future mischiefs to both countries.
We fight neither for revenge nor conquest; neither from pride nor
passion; we are not insulting the world with our fleets and armies,
nor ravaging the globe for plunder. Beneath the shade of our own
vines are we attacked; in our own houses, and on our own lands, is
the violence committed against us. We view our enemies in the
character of Highwaymen and Housebreakers, and having no defence for
ourselves in the civil law, are obliged to punish them by the
military one, and apply the sword, in the very case, where you have
before now, applied the halter--Perhaps we feel for the ruined and
insulted sufferers in all and every part of the continent, with a
degree of tenderness which hath not yet made its way into some of
your bosoms. But be ye sure that ye mistake not the cause and ground
of your Testimony. Call not coldness of soul, religion; nor put the
Bigot in the place of the Christian.
O ye partial ministers of your own acknowledged principles. If the
bearing arms be sinful, the first going to war must be more so, by
all the difference between wilful attack and unavoidable defence.
Wherefore, if ye really preach from conscience, and mean not to make
a political hobby-horse of your religion, convince the world thereof,
by proclaiming your doctrine to our enemies, for they likewise bear
arms. Give us proof of your sincerity by publishing it at St.
James's, to the commanders in chief at Boston, to the Admirals and
Captains who are piratically ravaging our coasts, and to all the
murdering miscreants who are acting in authority under him whom ye
profess to serve. Had ye the honest soul of Barclay ¹ ye would
preach repentance to your king; Ye would tell the Royal Wretch his
sins, and warn him of eternal ruin. Ye would not spend your partial
invectives against the injured and the insulted only, but, like
faithful ministers, would cry aloud and spare none. Say not that ye
are persecuted, neither endeavour to make us the authors of that
reproach, which, ye are bringing upon yourselves; for we testify
unto all men, that we do not complain against you because ye are
Quakers, but because ye pretend to be and are not Quakers.
¹"Thou hast tasted of prosperity and adversity; thou knowest what it
is to be banished thy native country, to be over-ruled as well as to
rule, and set upon the throne; and being oppressed thou hast reason
to know how hateful the oppressor is both to God and man: If after
all these warnings and advertisements, thou dost not turn unto the
Lord with all thy heart, but forget him who remembered thee in thy
distress, and give up thyself to follow lust and vanity, surely
great will be thy condemnation.--Against which snare, as well as the
temptation of those who may or do feed thee, and prompt thee to evil,
the most excellent and prevalent remedy will be, to apply thyself to
that light of Christ which shineth in thy conscience, and which
neither can, nor will flatter thee, nor suffer thee to be at ease in
thy sins."
--Barclay's address to Charles II.
Alas! it seems by the particular tendency of some part of your
testimony, and other parts of your conduct, as if, all sin was
reduced to, and comprehended in, the act of bearing arms, and that
by the people only. Ye appear to us, to have mistaken party for
conscience; because, the general tenor of your actions wants
uniformity: And it is exceedingly difficult to us to give credit to
many of your pretended scruples; because, we see them made by the
same men, who, in the very instant that they are exclaiming against
the mammon of this world, are nevertheless, hunting after it with a
step as steady as Time, and an appetite as keen as Death.
The quotation which ye have made from Proverbs, in the third page of
your testimony, that, "when a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh
even his enemies to be at peace with him"; is very unwisely chosen
on your part; because, it amounts to a proof, that the king's ways
(whom ye are desirous of supporting) do not please the Lord,
otherwise, his reign would be in peace.
I now proceed to the latter part of your testimony, and that, for
which all the foregoing seems only an introduction, viz.
"It hath ever been our judgment and principle, since we were called
to profess the light of Christ Jesus, manifested in our consciences
unto this day, that the setting up and putting down kings and
governments, is God's peculiar prerogative; for causes best known to
himself: And that it is not our business to have any hand or
contrivance therein; nor to be busy bodies above our station, much
less to plot and contrive the ruin, or overturn of any of them, but
to pray for the king, and safety of our nation, and good of all men:
That we may live a peaceable and quiet life, in all godliness and
honesty; under the government which God is pleased to set over us."-
-If these are really your principles why do ye not abide by them?
Why do ye not leave that, which ye call God's Work, to be managed by
himself? These very principles instruct you to wait with patience
and humility, for the event of all public measures, and to receive
that event as the divine will towards you. Wherefore, what occasion
is there for your political testimony if you fully believe what it
contains: And the very publishing it proves, that either, ye do not
believe what ye profess, or have not virtue enough to practise what
ye believe.