the present circumstances would be intolerable. The more sea port
towns we had, the more should we have both to defend and to lose.
Our present numbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that
no man need be idle. The diminution of trade affords an army, and
the necessities of an army create a new trade.
Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account
will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave
posterity with a settled form of government, an independant
constitution of its own, the purchase at any price will be cheap.
But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts
repealed, and routing the present ministry only, is unworthy the
charge, and is using posterity with the utmost cruelty; because it
is leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs,
from which they derive no advantage. Such a thought is unworthy a
man of honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a
pedling politician.
The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard if the work be
but accomplished. No nation ought to be without a debt. A national
debt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no
case a grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one
hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of
four millions interest. And as a compensation for her debt, she has
a large navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for
the twentieth part of the English national debt, could have a navy
as large again. The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more
than three millions and an half sterling.
The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published
without the following calculations, which are now given as a proof
that the above estimation of the navy is just. See Entic's naval
history, intro. page 56.
The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with
masts, yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight
months boatswain's and carpenter's sea-stores, as calculated by Mr.
Burchett, Secretary to the navy.
£
[pounds
sterling]
For a ship of 100 guns = 35,553
90 = 29,886
80 = 23,638
70 = 17,785
60 = 14,197
50 = 10,606
40 = 7,558
30 = 5,846
20 = 3,710
And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of
the whole British navy, which in the year 1757, when it was at its
greatest glory consisted of the following ships and guns:
Ships. Guns. Cost of one. Cost of all.
Cost in £ [pounds sterling]
6 100 35,553 213,318
12 90 29,886 358,632
12 80 23,638 283,656
43 70 17,785 764,755
35 60 14,197 496,895
40 50 10,606 424,240
45 40 7,558 340,110
58 20 3,710 215,180
85 Sloops, bombs
and fireships, one
with another, at } 2,000 170,000
------------
Cost 3,266,786
Remains for Guns 233,214
------------
3,500,000
No country on the globe is so happily situated, or so internally
capable of raising a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and
cordage are her natural produce. We need go abroad for nothing.
Whereas the Dutch, who make large profits by hiring out their ships
of war to the Spaniards and Portuguese, are obliged to import most
of the materials they use. We ought to view the building a fleet as
an article of commerce, it being the natural manufactory of this
country. It is the best money we can lay out. A navy when finished
is worth more than it cost. And is that nice point in national
policy, in which commerce and protection are united. Let us build;
if we want them not, we can sell; and by that means replace our
paper currency with ready gold and silver.
In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great errors;
it is not necessary that one fourth part should be sailors. The
Terrible privateer, Captain Death, stood the hottest engagement of
any ship last war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her
complement of men was upwards of two hundred. A few able and social
sailors will soon instruct a sufficient number of active landmen in
the common work of a ship. Wherefore, we never can be more capable
to begin on maritime matters than now, while our timber is standing,
our fisheries blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of
employ. Men of war, of seventy and eighty guns were built forty
years ago in New-England, and why not the same now? Ship-building is
America's greatest pride, and in which, she will in time excel the
whole world. The great empires of the east are mostly inland, and
consequently excluded from the possibility of rivalling her. Africa
is in a state of barbarism; and no power in Europe, hath either such
an extent of coast, or such an internal supply of materials. Where
nature hath given the one, she has withheld the other; to America
only hath she been liberal of both. The vast empire of Russia is
almost shut out from the sea; wherefore, her boundless forests, her
tar, iron, and cordage are only articles of commerce.
In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not the
little people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we
might have trusted our property in the streets, or fields rather;
and slept securely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows.
The case now is altered, and our methods of defence, ought to
improve with our increase of property. A common pirate, twelve
months ago, might have come up the Delaware, and laid the city of
Philadelphia under instant contribution, for what sum he pleased;
and the same might have happened to other places. Nay, any daring
fellow, in a brig of fourteen or sixteen guns, might have robbed the
whole Continent, and carried off half a million of money. These are
circumstances which demand our attention, and point out the
necessity of naval protection.
Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with Britain,
she will protect us. Can we be so unwise as to mean, that she shall
keep a navy in our harbours for that purpose? Common sense will tell
us, that the power which hath endeavoured to subdue us, is of all
others, the most improper to defend us. Conquest may be effected
under the pretence of friendship; and ourselves, after a long and
brave resistance, be at last cheated into slavery. And if her ships
are not to be admitted into our harbours, I would ask, how is she to
protect us? A navy three or four thousand miles off can be of little
use, and on sudden emergencies, none at all. Wherefore, if we must
hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves? Why do it
for another?
The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not a
tenth part of them are at any one time fit for service, numbers of
them not in being; yet their names are pompously continued in the
list, if only a plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part, of
such as are fit for service, can be spared on any one station at one
time. The East and West Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other
parts over which Britain extends her claim, make large demands upon
her navy. From a mixture of prejudice and inattention, we have
contracted a false notion respecting the navy of England, and have
talked as if we should have the whole of it to encounter at once,
and for that reason, supposed, that we must have one as large; which
not being instantly practicable, have been made use of by a set of
disguised Tories to discourage our beginning thereon. Nothing can be
farther from truth than this; for if America had only a twentieth
part of the naval force of Britain, she would be by far an over
match for her; because, as we neither have, nor claim any foreign
dominion, our whole force would be employed on our own coast, where
we should, in the long run, have two to one the advantage of those
who had three or four thousand miles to sail over, before they could
attack us, and the same distance to return in order to refit and
recruit. And although Britain by her fleet, hath a check over our
trade to Europe, we have as large a one over her trade to the West-
Indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of the Continent, is
entirely at its mercy.
Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of
peace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant
navy. If premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ
in their service ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty or fifty
guns, (the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the
merchants) fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guardships on
constant duty, would keep up a sufficient navy, and that without
burdening ourselves with the evil so loudly complained of in England,
of suffering their fleet, in time of peace to lie rotting in the
docks. To unite the sinews of commerce and defense is sound policy;
for when our strength and our riches play into each other's hand, we
need fear no external enemy.
In almost every article of defense we abound. Hemp flourishes even
to rankness, so that we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior
to that of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world.
Cannon we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every
day producing. Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution is our
inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us.
Wherefore, what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? From
Britain we can expect nothing but ruin. If she is once admitted to
the government of America again, this Continent will not be worth
living in. Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be
constantly happening; and who will go forth to quell them? Who will
venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience?
The difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting some
unlocated lands, shews the insignificance of a British government,
and fully proves, that nothing but Continental authority can
regulate Continental matters.
Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, is,
that the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet
unoccupied, which instead of being lavished by the king on his
worthless dependants, may be hereafter applied, not only to the
discharge of the present debt, but to the constant support of
government. No nation under heaven hath such an advantage as this.
The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from being
against, is an argument in favour of independance. We are
sufficiently numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united.
It is a matter worthy of observation, that the more a country is
peopled, the smaller their armies are. In military numbers, the
ancients far exceeded the moderns: and the reason is evident. For
trade being the consequence of population, men become too much
absorbed thereby to attend to anything else. Commerce diminishes the
spirit, both of patriotism and military defence. And history
sufficiently informs us, that the bravest achievements were always
accomplished in the non-age of a nation. With the increase of
commerce, England hath lost its spirit. The city of London,
notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults with the
patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less willing
are they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, and
submit to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel.
Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in
individuals. It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the
Continent into one government half a century hence. The vast variety
of interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population,
would create confusion. Colony would be against colony. Each being
able might scorn each other's assistance: and while the proud and
foolish gloried in their little distinctions, the wise would lament,
that the union had not been formed before. Wherefore, the present
time is the true time for establishing it. The intimacy which is
contracted in infancy, and the friendship which is formed in
misfortune, are, of all others, the most lasting and unalterable.
Our present union is marked with both these characters: we are young
and we have been distressed; but our concord hath withstood our
troubles, and fixes a memorable area for posterity to glory in.
The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never
happens to a nation but once, viz. the time of forming itself into a
government. Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that
means have been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors,
instead of making laws for themselves. First, they had a king, and
then a form of government; whereas, the articles or charter of
government, should be formed first, and men delegated to execute
them afterward: but from the errors of other nations, let us learn
wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity--To begin government
at the right end.
When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at the
point of the sword; and until we consent, that the seat of
government, in America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we
shall be in danger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian,
who may treat us in the same manner, and then, where will be our
freedom? where our property?
As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensable duty of all
government, to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I
know of no other business which government hath to do therewith. Let
a man throw aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of
principle, which the niggards of all professions are so unwilling to
part with, and he will be at once delivered of his fears on that head.
Suspicion is the companion of mean souls, and the bane of all good
society. For myself, I fully and conscientiously believe, that it is
the will of the Almighty, that there should be diversity of
religious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our
Christian kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking, our
religious dispositions would want matter for probation; and on this
liberal principle, I look on the various denominations among us, to
be like children of the same family, differing only, in what is
called, their Christian names.
In page forty, I threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of a
Continental Charter, (for I only presume to offer hints, not plans)
and in this place, I take the liberty of re-mentioning the subject,
by observing, that a charter is to be understood as a bond of solemn
obligation, which the whole enters into, to support the right of
every separate part, whether of religion, personal freedom, or
property. A firm bargain and a right reckoning make long friends.
In a former page I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large and
equal representation; and there is no political matter which more
deserves our attention. A small number of electors, or a small
number of representatives, are equally dangerous. But if the number
of the representatives be not only small, but unequal, the danger is
increased. As an instance of this, I mention the following; when the
Associators petition was before the House of Assembly of
Pennsylvania; twenty-eight members only were present, all the Bucks
county members, being eight, voted against it, and had seven of the
Chester members done the same, this whole province had been governed
by two counties only, and this danger it is always exposed to. The
unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house made in their last
sitting, to gain an undue authority over the delegates of that
province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power
out of their own hands. A set of instructions for the Delegates were
put together, which in point of sense and business would have
dishonoured a schoolboy, and after being approved by a few, a very
few without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed in
behalf of the whole colony; whereas, did the whole colony know, with
what ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public
measures, they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of
such a trust.
Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if continued
would grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are different
things. When the calamities of America required a consultation,
there was no method so ready, or at that time so proper, as to
appoint persons from the several Houses of Assembly for that purpose;
and the wisdom with which they have proceeded hath preserved this
continent from ruin. But as it is more than probable that we shall
never be without a Congress, every well wisher to good order, must
own, that the mode for choosing members of that body, deserves
consideration. And I put it as a question to those, who make a study
of mankind, whether representation and election is not too great a
power for one and the same body of men to possess? When we are
planning for posterity, we ought to remember, that virtue is not
hereditary.
It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are
frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes. Mr. Cornwall
(one of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New-
York Assembly with contempt, because that House, he said, consisted
but of twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could
not with decency be put for the whole. We thank him for his
involuntary honesty. ¹
¹ Those who would fully understand of what great consequence a large
and equal representation is to a state, should read Burgh's
political disquisitions.
To Conclude, however strange it may appear to some, or however
unwilling they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and
striking reasons may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle our
affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for
independance. Some of which are,
First.--It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war, for
some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as
mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: but while
America calls herself the Subject of Great-Britain, no power,
however well disposed she may be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore,
in our present state we may quarrel on for ever.
Secondly.--It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain will
give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of that
assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and
strengthening the connection between Britain and America; because,
those powers would be sufferers by the consequences.
Thirdly.--While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we
must, in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels. The
precedent is somewhat dangerous to their peace, for men to be in
arms under the name of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the
paradox: but to unite resistance and subjection, requires an idea
much too refined for common understanding.
Fourthly.--Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched to
foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured, and the
peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress; declaring,
at the same time, that not being able, any longer, to live happily
or safely under the cruel disposition of the British court, we had
been driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections with
her; at the same time, assuring all such courts of our peaceable
disposition towards them, and of our desire of entering into trade
with them: Such a memorial would produce more good effects to this
Continent, than if a ship were freighted with petitions to Britain.
Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can neither
be received nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is against us,
and will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other
nations.
These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but,
like all other steps which we have already passed over, will in a
little time become familiar and agreeable; and, until an
independance is declared, the Continent will feel itself like a man
who continues putting off some unpleasant business from day to day,
yet knows it must be done, hates to set about it, wishes it over,
and is continually haunted with the thoughts of its necessity.
APPENDIX.
Since the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or
rather, on the same day on which it came out, the King's Speech made
its appearance in this city. Had the spirit of prophecy directed the
birth of this production, it could not have brought it forth, at a
more seasonable juncture, or a more necessary time. The bloody
mindedness of the one, shew the necessity of pursuing the doctrine
of the other. Men read by way of revenge. And the Speech, instead of
terrifying, prepared a way for the manly principles of Independance.
Ceremony, and even, silence, from whatever motive they may arise,
have a hurtful tendency, when they give the least degree of
countenance to base and wicked performances; wherefore, if this
maxim be admitted, it naturally follows, that the King's Speech, as
being a piece of finished villainy, deserved, and still deserves, a
general execration both by the Congress and the people. Yet, as the
domestic tranquillity of a nation, depends greatly, on the chastity
of what may properly be called national manners, it is often better,
to pass some things over in silent disdain, than to make use of such
new methods of dislike, as might introduce the least innovation, on
that guardian of our peace and safety. And, perhaps, it is chiefly
owing to this prudent delicacy, that the King's Speech, hath not,
before now, suffered a public execution. The Speech if it may be
called one, is nothing better than a wilful audacious libel against
the truth, the common good, and the existence of mankind; and is a
formal and pompous method of offering up human sacrifices to the
pride of tyrants. But this general massacre of mankind, is one of
the privileges, and the certain consequence of Kings; for as nature
knows them not, they know not her, and although they are beings of
our own creating, they know not us, and are become the gods of their
creators. The Speech hath one good quality, which is, that it is not
calculated to deceive, neither can we, even if we would, be deceived
by it. Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it. It leaves us
at no loss: And every line convinces, even in the moment of reading,
that He, who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutored
Indian, is less a Savage than the King of Britain.
Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining jesuitical
piece, fallaciously called, "The Address of the people of England to
the inhabitants of America," hath, perhaps, from a vain supposition,
that the people here were to be frightened at the pomp and
description of a king, given, (though very unwisely on his part) the
real character of the present one: "But" says this writer, "if you
are inclined to pay compliments to an administration, which we do
not complain of," (meaning the Marquis of Rockingham's at the repeal
of the Stamp Act) "it is very unfair in you to withhold them from
that prince, by whose nod alone they were permitted to do any
thing." This is toryism with a witness! Here is idolatry even
without a mask: And he who can calmly hear, and digest such doctrine,
hath forfeited his claim to rationality--an apostate from the order
of manhood; and ought to be considered--as one, who hath not only
given up the proper dignity of man, but sunk himself beneath the
rank of animals, and contemptibly crawls through the world like a
worm.