found she could not have a post-chaise till the next Monday, and as
she felt much refreshed by her supper, she concluded to take the stage
again. We travelled all night, and arrived in the morning at Montreul,
where we viewed the town and went to breakfast.
This town is situated on a high hill, and is strongly fortified with
great walls, intrenchments, &c. There are some good buildings in it,
and many genteel inhabitants.
From Montreul we went to Boulogn, where we were obliged to dine at too
early an hour, _viz._ at about eleven. Many of us had an inclination
not to dine at all; but on being informed that there would be no other
dinner for us, we consented. We left this place about twelve, and
arrived at Calais at about four in the afternoon, much fatigued with
our journey.
As we had rode all night, we escaped being haunted by the beggars,
which I have spoken of in the beginning of this _Tour_; and from hence
it did not cost me quite so much to come from Paris as it did to go
there.
We drank tea and supped at the hotel in Calais, and were visited again
by the same monk or priest, who had begged of me at the hotel before.
We gave him some money, and he pronounced a blessing, and departed.
As the tide was down, we were not able to set off for Dover till
late in the evening. At about nine we were obliged to go down near
the vessel, and tarry till it was high-water, because we had to pass
through several gates that the people were ordered to shut at that hour.
We stayed at a public-house, where we drank punch, negus, &c. and at
about eleven we embarked for Dover, and arrived at our desired haven
about four the next morning, having had a very pleasant and agreeable
passage. But as it was low water when we came to Dover, we were obliged
to go ashore in a boat, and to pay three shillings a-piece to the
boatman for carrying us about half a mile.
Whilst I was on the way to and from Paris, we had some warm debates
upon several philosophical subjects, _viz._ Chymestry, electricity,
the cause of earthquakes, the variation of the compass; the formation,
preservation, and dissolution of the human body, &c. and, although I do
not take much delight in arguments, but have rather endeavoured to shun
and avoid them as much as possible; yet inasmuch as I had begun upon
a good basis, and found myself violently opposed, I stood my ground,
supported and maintained my cause, and at last had the satisfaction of
seeing my opponents convinced of their error.
CHAP. XXIV.
_Further Claims on our Bounty.--French Coin exchanged for
English.--Views the Castle and Town of_ Dover.--_Arrives at_
Canterbury.--_A Description of the Abbey.--Comes to_ Rochester, _and
at length reaches_ Piccadilly.
July 26.
When we had arrived at Dover we breakfasted at the hotel, where the
captain of the vessel, the steward, porters, &c. came and begged of us.
We gave the captain half a crown a-piece, and something to the rest of
the beggars; but were now obliged to get our French money changed for
English, and to lose considerably by the exchange.
Afterwards we walked upon the High-lands at Dover, and viewed the
castle and the town: and when the tide was up, our vessel arrived with
our baggage: our trunks were searched at the Custom-house, and one in
our company, who had brought a number of prints from Paris, had them
seized, because they were prohibited goods. A thing he said he did not
know till they were taken from him. He told me they were worth about
thirty pounds.
When our business was done at the Custom-house, we returned to the
hotel, where our lady, the lawyer, and one of the merchants, set off
in a post-chaise for London, because they had not paid their fare any
further than to Calais, and could travel faster in the chaise than
they could in the diligences. I told the lady before we parted, that
I intended to give the public a narration of my journey. She prayed I
would let her have one, and promised to call on me when she came to
London.
The two Spanish gentlemen, a Frenchman, and two other gentlemen,
with myself, left Dover about noon, and dined at Canterbury, where
we viewed the abbey, which is a very ancient and elegant building: A
part of it has been built eleven hundred years. We were there in the
time of divine worship. They chanted the service, and their vocal
and instrumental music was very excellent: The former bishops of
Canterbury are buried here, and there are many statues and paintings in
commemoration of ancient kings, bishops, and generals.
Before we left the hotel we were obliged to pay for the wine we had
drank.
At about ten in the evening we came to Rochester, where we called for
supper: but were informed that if we had one we must pay for a part of
it, as the money was all exhausted that we had paid for our passages
and entertainment, excepting five shillings. We had a supper, and
paid an extravagent price for it, but were careful to have the five
shillings deducted.
After we had supped, we pursued our journey, and arrived at the White
Bear Inn, Piccadilly, about five the next morning, greatly fatigued;
as we had been but about eighty-nine hours upon our journey, which is
nineteen hours short of the time commonly allowed for the performance
thereof. I had not been in bed for three nights, only I lay down a few
minutes on a mattress when we were crossing the English Channel.
I do not think that the owners of the diligences can afford to carry
people to and from Paris for a less sum than what they demand, nor to
give better entertainment than such as we received, as it is a great
distance, and half a guinea is given, out of five for the conveyance
of a passenger over the English Channel: but people ought to know how
they are to fare before they set off to France; and for that reason I
have been more minute in many circumstances, than at first sight might
appear to some to be necessary.
CHAP. XXV.
_Definition of Liberty.--All have a Right to it, but some deprive
themselves of that Right by their own Conduct, and some by the
Conduct of others.--Of the Duty of Nations.--The evil Effects of bad
Constitutions.--Of the French Revolution.--The happy Condition of the
British Empire._
As liberty consists in the free exercise of our religion, the enjoyment
of our rights, and the profits of our labour, with the protection of
our persons and properties, it is a privilege of an immense value. And
as it is the natural right of every man, it is our indespensible duty
to seek after it, whenever we are deprived of its benefits. But we find
that many deprive themselves of liberty by their own evil conduct--by
breaking the good and wholesome laws of the land, by doing things
dishonourable to the Creator, and injurious to mankind. Thus thieves,
robbers, murderers, &c. destroy their own freedom by their vicious
behaviour; and expose themselves, not only to confinement, but to more
severe punishments.
We also find, that many are deprived of liberty by the inhuman conduct
of tyrants, who oppress and persecute those over whom they have usurped
dominion and power, by taking from them the liberty of conscience, and
loading them with burthens which they are unable to bear.
It is the duty of every nation to guard against all these evils; and
from hence arises the necessity of having a good constitution and
system of laws in every kingdom or state; binding upon all ranks,
orders, and degrees of men. Hence also arises the necessity of having
kings, counsellors, governors, magistrates, and other officers
appointed for the administration of justice, and the preservation of
public tranquillity.
Various constitutions and systems of laws have been framed and
established amongst different nations; and where ignorance and
superstition have reigned triumphant, the constitution and laws have
been very deficient, so that things have been established and practised
that were repugnant to the principles of justice and humanity. What
numerous multitudes have been massacred for a difference of opinion
in matters of religion and modes of worship! And how many thousands
have worn out their days in vassalage and slavery, because laws have
been made contrary to the requisitions of the great law of reason!
But whenever the minds of the people are illuminated, and the clouds
of darkness, ignorance and superstition are dispelled, the spirit
of liberty breaks forth like the sun in its meridian splendor. The
constitutions are altered, oppressive laws abolished, the bands of
tyranny and oppression are broken asunder, distressed objects are
discharged from confinement, the liberal and mechanical arts and
sciences thrive and flourish, and all enjoy those liberties which are
the natural right of every man.
The illumination of the minds of the people in France, has been
productive of the great and glorious Revolution; of the forming of
a new constitution, the enacting of new laws, and the abolishing of
those things that were repugnant to the interest and prosperity of the
kingdom. How pleasing must it be to see both the King and the National
Assembly unite together in establishing the new constitution, and in
promoting whatever may conduce to the good of the nation, and benefit
of mankind in general! May the flame of liberty, like the refulgent
beams of the sun, be extended over the face of the whole globe; and
may all nations partake of the great and glorious blessings of natural
freedom!
And with pleasure we recollect, that once in the _British Empire_, the
inhabitants, fired with the love of liberty, drove ignorance, darkness,
and superstition before them; made a glorious stand for their rights,
and were thereby brought into a happy situation. We are now blest with
a good king, with good rulers, and with a good constitution and system
of laws.--Here a man enjoys a free toleration of religion.--Here he
is rewarded for his labour.--Here he is protected in his person and
property.--Here agriculture, navigation, trade, commerce, architecture,
and the manufactories thrive and flourish; and the nation has arrived
to an inconceivable pitch of grandeur and affluence. Our constitution,
being pregnant with a variety of privileges, is admired by distant
nations: foreigners come from afar, and find shelter and protection,
liberty and freedom, under our government!
CHAP. XXVI.
THE GREAT
CONSTITUTION
OF
LIBERTY,
Founded upon the Principles of Justice,
and the Laws of Humanity.
Every constitution and system of laws ought to be constructed upon the
principles of justice and humanity, which will ensure the rights of a
king, and the peace, liberty, and happiness of his subjects. I shall
therefore beg leave to observe:
1. That every man has a legal right to perform religious worship
according to the dictates of his conscience, at such times and places
as shall be most agreeable to himself; providing he doth not injure
others in their persons, characters, or properties.
2. That it is unlawful to persecute any of the human race, for a
difference of opinion in matters of religion or modes of worship.
3. That public teachers are needful to instruct people in the
principles of religion and morality.
4. That good rulers, both in church and state, ought to be reasonably
rewarded for their services, out of the public funds; and impowered to
remove officers for malconduct; and, by and with the advice and consent
of the body corporate, to expel members for vicious practices.
5. That the freedom of speech, and the liberty of the press, are the
natural rights of every man, providing he doth not injure himself nor
others by his conversation, or publications.
6. That legislative and executive officers, consisting of kings,
counsellors, governors, judges, magistrates, representatives, and other
rulers, are necessary to make and execute laws for the preservation of
the public tranquillity in empires, kingdoms, and states.
7. That it is unlawful for rulers to make and execute laws repugnant to
those of the great _Governor_ of the universe, or destructive to the
peace and prosperity of the community at large.
8. That the people have a right to chuse and send delegates, to
represent their state and condition in a legislative assembly.
9. That a legislative body ought to consist of a mixture of
monarchical, aristocratical, and democratical governments, and be
divided into three branches, as that of a king, lords, and commons.
10. That each branch ought to have a negative voice on the other
branches; and no bill ought to be passed into a law without the advice
and consent of, at least, two-thirds of the members of two of the
branches of the legislature.
11. That legislators ought to meet once in a year, and as much oftener
as the circumstances of the nation may require, at such times and
places as may be most convenient.
12. That the people have a right to petition the legislature for a
redress of grievances.
13. That every branch of an empire ought to be subject to the supreme
legislative head of a nation: To render all proper honour and obedience
to the king, and to all in authority, and to be subordinate to the good
and wholesome laws of the land.
14. That a king ought to be considered as the first supreme legislative
and executive officer in a kingdom, and to be empowered to grant
pardons to criminals whenever it may be needful. He has a right to a
free liberty of conscience; to protection in his person, character, and
property; to rule and govern his people according to the constitution,
statutes, laws and ordinances of his realm; to that honour and
obedience that is due to personages in such an exalted station; and to
such a revenue as his circumstances may require, and his subjects be
able to raise.
15. That no man ought to be chosen into office, unless he is endowed
with wisdom and knowledge, and can be well recommended for good works
and pious actions.
16. That it is lawful to confer titles of honour upon, and to give
rewards to such persons as may merit them, by their vigorous exertions
and good conduct.
17. That legislators ought to be exempted from being arrested for debt,
whilst they are passing to, remain at, and are returning from the
legislative assemblies, because an arrestment would impede the public
service.
18. That courts of justice ought to be established, and justice
administered to all, without respect of persons.
19. That every man ought to be allowed a trial by jury.
20. That those under confinement ought to know what they are confined
for; who their accusers are; not be compelled to bear witness against
themselves; be allowed to bring evidence, with the benefit of counsel;
and should not be condemned, unless found guilty by the testimony of
two or three credible witnesses.
21. That excessive bail ought never to be demanded, excessive fines
required, nor excessive punishments inflicted.
22. That criminals under confinement, ought to have no punishment
laid upon them, but that which is requisite for the securing of their
bodies; unless after they have been found guilty, it is ordered by the
judges, agreeable to the laws of the land.
23. That no man ought to be imprisoned for debt, providing he gives up
his property to his creditors, and has not waited his time in idleness,
nor his estate by intemperance, gaming, or any other vicious practice.
24. That persons falsely imprisoned, ought to be immediately liberated,
and to have ample satisfaction for the injuries they have received; and
those guilty of the abomination of confining the innocent, ought to be
severely punished for their atrocious conduct.
25. That every one who is a subject of taxation, ought to be allowed to
vote for a representative.
26. That every man ought to be taxed in proportion to his abilities.
27. That the power of levying and collecting taxes, duties, imposts,
&c. with that of coining money, emitting bills of credit, borrowing
money for the public use, entering into treaties and alliances with
foreign powers, appointing, commissioning, and sending of ambassadors,
ministers, consuls, messengers, &c. belongs to the legislature.
28. That such treaties ought to be esteemed as a part of the law of the
land; kept inviolate; and whenever they are broken, restitution ought
to be made to the party injured.
29. That as money is a defence as well as wisdom, a circulating medium
ought to be established, consisting of gold, silver, copper, and
bills of exchange. Its credit should be kept up, and but one currency
established in a kingdom.
30. That churches ought to be built for the accommodation of the
people when they perform religious worship; public schools, colleges,
academies, and universities erected, for the promotion of literature;
hospitals founded for the reception of the sick; work-houses for the
employment of idle persons; and prisons for the securing of thieves,
robbers, murderers, and other felons;--and societies instituted, for
the purpose of making further discoveries and improvements in the
liberal and mechanical arts and sciences.
31. That custom-houses, post-offices, and post-roads, ought to be
established in every kingdom and state.
32. That weights and measures ought to be alike in every part of an
empire, if not through the world.
33. That all foreigners ought to be treated with hospitality, and
protected by the laws of the land.
34. That the heirs of an estate ought not to be disinherited by reason
of the ill conduct of their parents; nor thrown out of their posts of
honour and profit, in consequence of the unlawful behaviour of their
relations.
35. That every author ought to have the benefit of his own productions,
whether they be upon theological, mathematical, philosophical,
physical, mechanical, or any other subject.
36. That all officers, whether ecclesiastical, civil, or military,
with every other person, ought to guard against sedition, treason,
rebellion, and every thing that may tend to sow discord amongst
brethren, destroy the public tranquillity, and make mankind unhappy.
Thus have I framed a CONSTITUTION, which appears to me to
be according to the law of reason, and the dictates of sound policy.
Perhaps some things have escaped my observation, that might justly be
added. However, I believe that one calculated and established upon
these principles, would secure the rights of kings and those of their
subjects, which is all that any rational person can desire.
CHAP. XXVII.
_Of the impossibility of framing a Constitution that will please every
Body.--Anecdote of two Irishmen.--The Rights of Kings, and Liberties
of their Subjects, ought to be secured by a good Constitution and
System of Laws.--Story of the Parson's Wig.--Thoughts on the Mode of
chusing Representatives.--The Happiness of the People ought to be
promoted._
I cannot expect my political sentiments will please every body, let
them be ever so well founded on reason; for there are such a number of
discontented mortals in the world, who lust after dominion and power,
and such multitudes that do not wish to be under any government at all,
that should the _Angel Gabriel_ frame and send a _Constitution_ from
_Heaven_, some would be found to murmur at it.
Many are of such a craving temper and disposition, that they would
engross the whole world to themselves, and rule and govern it, were it
in their power. The ambition of some men is almost boundless.--This
brings to my mind an anecdote of two Irishmen, who being intoxicated
with liquor at an inn, began to think that they were masters of the
whole globe, and agreed to divide it equally between themselves: but
as the intoxication increased, one of them, who was of a very craving
disposition, concluded that he had the best right to the world, and
swore that he would have it all to himself; whilst the other contended,
that he was justly entitled to one half of it, and wanted no more than
his right. At last they settled the matter by a number of heavy blows;
but whether the world was at last to be equally divided, or whether
one was to have it all, and the other no part of it, I have forgot,
although I had my information from a gentleman who was witness to this
very singular contest, and knew something of our _wise_ combatants.
The same temper and disposition amongst others, has prevailed too
much in the world; and has sometimes broke out into such acts of
violence, that kings and nobles have been deprived of their rights,
and oftentimes the people at large of theirs. A monarch may crave the
estates, and all the profits of the labours of his subjects; and, on
the contrary, the people may crave those things that legally belong
to their king; and, by acts of violence and injustice, both may lose
their rights. But both of these extremes ought to be carefully guarded
against, and the rights of kings, and those of their subjects, secured
by a _good Constitution_ and system of laws. Is it not strange that
mortal men, who can abide but a very short time in this troublesome
world, should be so craving as to lust after more riches, honours and
profits, than they can enjoy, or that can possibly do them any good?
"Why doth the miser all his cares employ,
"To gain those riches that he can't enjoy?"
When the powers of legislation are lodged altogether in one man,
and the nobles and other inhabitants of a country are shut out from
having any voice in the making of laws; or when the powers are in the
nobles, or in the people only, it will naturally generate a spirit of
discontent amongst those who have not a share in that power. Will not a
king feel very uneasy, if he has no part of the legislative power? Will
not the nobles be discontented, if they have no part of it? And, will
not the people murmur, if they have no share in the same? Therefore,
to prevent uneasiness, and promote a spirit of union and harmony in
empires, kingdoms and states, it is best, in my opinion, to have a
mixture of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy in every legislative
body, like the parliament of Great Britain.
The things of this world are so mutable, that we cannot foretel what
constitutions may be established hereafter. And although an astronomer
can determine the revolutions and rotations of the rambling planets,
and point out the directions, stations, and retrogradations of the
luminaries of heaven, for thousands of years to come; yet he cannot
foretel what will be done hereafter, even in his own country, or in
any other part of the globe, in regard to the overturning, altering,
framing, and establishing of constitutions, kingdoms, or states. It is
probable that there may be alterations in these things; and perhaps
the future generations may have a greater knowledge in politics than
the present, and be able to frame better modes of government than the
nations are in this age: for if the knowledge of philosophy increases
in the world, and the glorious sun-shine of liberty and freedom
breaks forth, the clouds of darkness and ignorance will be dispelled,
atheism, superstition and idolatry will wear away, and the people be
freed from those burthens and impositions that involve many, in the
dark and benighted corners of the globe, in vassalage and slavery!
It is probable they will discover that some constitutions have been
deficient, and be able to correct and amend whatever has been amiss.
But such is the changeableness and discontented tempers of many, that
they would be for ever altering that which is even good and complete,
and so alter till they spoil it,--_like the minister's wig_; an account
of which I will just relate as I received it.