Mr. George Thompson, the English anti-slavery orator, delivered an
address in the House of Representatives, to a large audience, April
6th, 1864. Among the distinguished persons present was President
Lincoln, who was greatly interested. The following morning, Mr.
Thompson and party, consisting of Rev. John Pierpont, Oliver Johnson,
formerly President of the Anti-Slavery Society of New York, and
the Hon. Lewis Clephane, of Washington, called at the White House.
The President was alone when their names were announced, with the
exception of myself. Dropping all business, he ordered the party to
be immediately admitted. Greeting them very cordially, the gentlemen
took seats, and Mr. Thompson commenced conversation by referring to
the condition of public sentiment in England in regard to the great
conflict the nation was passing through. He said the aristocracy and
the “money interest” were desirous of seeing the Union broken up, but
that the great heart of the masses beat in sympathy with the North.
They instinctively felt that the cause of liberty was bound up with
our success in putting down the Rebellion, and the struggle was being
watched with the deepest anxiety.
Mr. Lincoln thereupon said: “Mr. Thompson, the people of Great
Britain, and of other foreign governments, were in one great error in
reference to this conflict. They seemed to think that, the moment I
was President, I had the power to abolish slavery, forgetting that,
before I could have any power whatever, I had to take the oath to
support the Constitution of the United States, and execute the laws as
I found them. When the Rebellion broke out, my duty did not admit of
a question. That was, first, by all strictly lawful means to endeavor
to maintain the integrity of the government. I did not consider that
I had a _right_ to touch the ‘State’ institution of ‘Slavery’ until
all other measures for restoring the Union had failed. The paramount
idea of the constitution is the preservation of the Union. It may
not be specified in so many words, but that this was the idea of its
founders is evident; for, without the Union, the constitution would be
worthless. It seems clear, then, that in the last extremity, if any
local institution threatened the existence of the Union, the Executive
could not hesitate as to his duty. In our case, the moment came when I
felt that slavery must die that the nation might live! I have sometimes
used the illustration in this connection of a man with a diseased
limb, and his surgeon. So long as there is a chance of the patient’s
restoration, the surgeon is solemnly bound to try to save both life
_and_ limb; but when the crisis comes, and the limb must be sacrificed
as the only chance of saving the life, no honest man will hesitate.
“Many of my strongest supporters urged _Emancipation_ before I thought
it indispensable, and, I may say, before I thought the country ready
for it. It is my conviction that, had the proclamation been issued
even six months earlier than it was, public sentiment would not have
sustained it. Just so, as to the subsequent action in reference to
enlisting blacks in the Border States. The step, taken sooner, could
not, in my judgment, have been carried out. A man watches his pear-tree
day after day, impatient for the ripening of the fruit. Let him attempt
to _force_ the process, and he may spoil both fruit and tree. But let
him patiently _wait_, and the ripe pear at length falls into his lap!
We have seen this great revolution in public sentiment slowly but
_surely_ progressing, so that, when final action came, the opposition
was not strong enough to defeat the purpose. I can now solemnly
assert,” he concluded, “that I have a clear conscience in regard to my
action on this momentous question. I have done what no man could have
helped doing, standing in my place.”
Oliver Johnson, speaking, as he said, for the old Anti-Slavery party,
assured the President that they had fully appreciated the difficulties
and embarrassments of his position; but when they realized the
importance of the grand issue, and observed the conflicting influences
that were surging around him, they were in an agony of anxiety lest
he should somehow be led to take a false position. If, in the months
preceding the issue of the Emancipation Proclamation, they had seemed
impatient and distrustful, it was because their knowledge of his
character had not been sufficient to assure them that he would be able
to stand up manfully against the opposing current. He thanked God that
the result had shown that we had a President who was equal to the
emergency; and for _his_ part he was willing to sink all minor issues
in the grand consummation he believed then in sight!
A characteristic incident occurred toward the close of the interview.
When the President ceased speaking, the Rev. Mr. Pierpont, impressed
with his earnestness, turned to Mr. Thompson, and repeated a Latin
quotation from the classics. Mr. Lincoln, leaning forward in his chair,
looked from one to the other inquiringly, and then remarked, with a
smile, “_Which_, I suppose you are both aware, _I_ do not understand.”
As the party rose to take leave, the President remarked, motioning
toward me, “We have a young man here who is painting a picture
down-stairs, which I should be glad to have you see.” The gentlemen
expressed their acknowledgments of the courtesy, and Mr. Lincoln led
the way by the private staircase to the state dining-room. In the
passage through the hall he jocularly remarked to Mr. Thompson, “Your
folks made rather sad work of this mansion when they came up the
Potomac in 1812. Nothing was left of it but the bare walls.” I do not
remember the reply to this sally, save that it was given and received
in good part. Briefly going over the portraiture and composition of
the picture, then in too early a stage for criticism, Mr. Lincoln
presently excused himself, and returned to his duties. And thus ended
an interview doubtless indelibly stamped upon the memory of each
individual privileged in sharing it.
Upon referring to the date of the “Hodges” letter, it will be seen
that it was written April 4th, only three days before the visit of
Mr. Thompson and party. The coincidence of thought and expression in
that statement, and the President’s conversation on this occasion, are
noticeable; and are explained by the fact, that, with the language of
that letter still fresh in his mind, he very naturally fell into a
similar vein of illustration.