XXIII.

Soon after the chalk sketch of my conception had been placed upon the

canvas, I attended one of the receptions given by the Secretary of the

Navy and Mrs. Welles. While standing as I thought unobserved, near a

corner of the room, Mr. Seward approached me, and in a manner of more

than usual warmth, said, “I told the President the other day that you

were painting your picture upon a false presumption.” Looking at him in

some surprise, I inquired his meaning. “Oh,” he rejoined, “you appear

to think in common with many other foolish people, that the great

business of this Administration is the destruction of slavery. Now

allow me to say you are much mistaken. Slavery was killed years ago.

Its death knell was tolled when Abraham Lincoln was elected President.

The work of this Administration is the suppression of the Rebellion

and the preservation of the Union. Abolitionists, like the different

religious sects, have been chasing one idea, until they have come to

believe that their horizon absolutely bounds the world. Slavery has

been in fact but an incident in the history of the nation, inevitably

bound to perish in the progress of intelligence. Future generations

will scarcely credit the record that such an institution ever existed

here; or existing, that it ever lived a day under such a government.

But suppose, for one moment, the Republic destroyed. With it is bound

up not alone the destiny of a race, but the best hopes of all mankind.

With its overthrow the sun of liberty, like the Hebrew dial, would

be set back indefinitely. The magnitude of such a calamity is beyond

our calculation. The salvation of the nation is, then, of vastly more

consequence than the destruction of slavery. Had you consulted me for

a subject to paint, I should not have given you the Cabinet Council

on Emancipation, but the meeting which took place when the news came

of the attack upon Sumter, when the first measures were organized for

the restoration of the national authority. That was the crisis in the

history of this Administration--not the issue of the Emancipation

Proclamation. If I am to be remembered by posterity,” he concluded,

with much excitement of manner, “let it not be as having loved

predominantly white men or black men, but as one who loved his country.”

Assenting to much that he had said, I replied, that with all deference,

I could not accept his conclusions regarding slavery. Although more

than a year had passed since the issue of the proclamation, the

Confederacy, founded upon it, was yet powerful enough to threaten

the destruction of the nation, though, for my own part, I did not

question the result of the conflict. I looked upon the Declaration

of Independence as the _assertion_ that all men were created free.

Mr. Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation was the _demonstration_ of

this great truth. Without slavery the Republic would have been in

no danger. That was the canker-worm gnawing away the nation’s life.

Not until the Administration was ready to strike at the root and

cause of the Rebellion, was there any reason to hope for the success

of the national cause. Without this step, however grand or high the

conception in the minds of men of the Republic, in all probability

it would have perished. Therefore, in my judgment, no single act

of the Administration could for one moment be compared with that

of emancipation. Granting the potential view, the proclamation was

necessary, as the sign and seal of the consummation.

“Well,” replied Mr. Seward, “you think so, and this generation may

agree with you; but posterity will hold a different opinion.”

Of course this conversation could not but attract the attention of

all in the immediate vicinity. A few moments later, Senator Morgan,

referring to the Secretary’s assertion that slavery was dead when

the Rebellion broke out, told me this characteristic incident of the

President, showing that he, at least, did not hold that view. Soon

after the issue of the proclamation, having official business, as

Governor of New York, which called him to Washington, Mr. Lincoln

remarked to him, speaking of his action upon this subject, “We are a

good deal like whalers who have been long on a chase. At last we have

got our harpoon fairly into the monster; but we must now look how we

steer, or with one _flop_ of his tail, he will yet send us all into

eternity!”

The inner life of Abraham Lincoln · 第 28 / 121 题