colored citizens of this town have with friendly feelings taken into
consideration the objects of the Colonization Society, together with its
movements preparatory for our removal to the coast of Africa; and we
view them as wholly gratuitous, not called for by us, and in no way
essential to the welfare of our race; and we believe that our condition
can be best improved in this our own country and native soil, the United
States of America.
Resolved, That we hold this truth to be self-evident, that all men are
born free and equal; and we are men, and therefore ought to share as
much protection and enjoy as many privileges under our federal
government as any other class of the community.
Resolved, That we will be zealous in doing all that lies in our power to
improve the condition of ourselves and brethren in this our native land.
Resolved, That there is no philanthropy towards the people of color in
the colonization plan, but that it is got up to delude us away from our
country and home into a country of sickness and death.
Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be returned to every friend
who vindicates our rights and interests.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the Chairman
and Secretary, and sent to Boston, to be published in the Liberator.
ARTHUR COOPER, Chairman.
EDWARD J. POMPEY, Secretary.
A VOICE FROM PITTSBURGH.
PITTSBURGH, (Pa.,) Sept. 1, 1831.
At a large and respectable meeting of the colored citizens of
Pittsburgh, convened at the African Methodist Episcopal church, for the
purpose of expressing their views in relation to the American
Colonization Society, Mr J. B. Vashon was called to the chair, and Mr R.
Bryan appointed secretary. The object of the meeting was then stated at
considerable length, and in an appropriate manner, by the chairman. The
following resolutions were then unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That 'we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men
are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable
rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness'--Liberty and Equality now, Liberty and Equality forever!
Resolved, That it is the decided opinion of this meeting, that African
colonization is a scheme to drain the better informed part of the
colored people out of these United States, so that the chain of slavery
may be rivetted more tightly; but we are determined not to be cheated
out of our rights by the colonization men, or any other set of
intriguers. We believe there is no philanthropy in the colonization plan
towards the people of color, but that it is got up to delude us away
from our country and home to the burning shores of Africa.
Resolved, That we, the colored people of Pittsburgh and citizens of
these United States, view the country in which we live as our only true
and proper home. We are just as much natives here as the members of the
Colonization Society. Here we were born--here bred--here are our
earliest and most pleasant associations--here is all that binds man to
earth, and makes life valuable. And we do consider every colored man who
allows himself to be colonized in Africa, or elsewhere, a traitor to our
cause.
Resolved, That we are freemen, that we are brethren, that we are
countrymen and fellow-citizens, and as fully entitled to the free
exercise of the elective franchise as any men who breathe; and that we
demand an equal share of protection from our federal government with any
class of citizens in the community. We now inform the Colonization
Society, that should our reason forsake us, then we may desire to
remove. We will apprise them of this change in due season.
Resolved, That we, as citizens of these United States, and for the
support of these resolutions, with a firm reliance on the protection of
divine providence, do mutually pledge to each other our lives, our
fortunes, and our sacred honor, not to support a colony in Africa nor in
Upper Canada, not yet emigrate to Hayti. Here we were born--here will we
live by the help of the Almighty--and here we will die, and let our
bones lie with our fathers.
Resolved, That we return our grateful thanks to Messrs Garrison and
Knapp, publishers of the Liberator, and Mr Lundy, editor of the Genius
of Universal Emancipation, for their untiring exertions in the cause of
philanthropy.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the Chairman
and Secretary, and published in the Liberator.
J. B. VASHON, Chairman.
R. BRYAN, Secretary.
A VOICE FROM WILMINGTON.
WILMINGTON, July 12, 1831.
At a large and respectable meeting of the people of color of the borough
of Wilmington, convened in the African Union Church, July 12th, 1831,
for the purpose of considering the subject of colonization on the coast
of Africa:
On motion, the Rev. Peter Spencer was called to the chair, and Thomas
Dorsey appointed secretary.
The meeting was addressed by Abraham D. Shad, Junius C. Morell, Benjamin
Pascal and John P. Thompson, after which the following resolutions were
unanimously adopted.
Resolved, That this meeting view with deep regret the attempt now making
to colonize the free people of color on the western coast of Africa;
believing as we do that it is inimical to the best interests of the
people of color, and at variance with the principles of civil and
religious liberty, and wholly incompatible with the spirit of the
Constitution and Declaration of Independence of these United States.
Resolved, That we disclaim all connexion with Africa; and although the
descendants of that much afflicted country, we cannot consent to remove
to any tropical climate, and thus aid in a design having for its object
the total extirpation of our race from this country, professions to the
contrary notwithstanding.
Resolved, That a committee of three persons be appointed to prepare as
soon as practicable an address to the public, setting forth more fully
our views on the subject of colonization. The following persons were
appointed: Abraham D. Shad, Rev. Peter Spencer and W. S. Thomas.
Signed on behalf of the meeting.
PETER SPENCER, Chairman.
THOMAS DORSEY, Secretary.
_Address of the Free People of Color of the Borough of Wilmington,
Delaware._
We the undersigned, in conformity to the wishes of our brethren, beg
leave to present to the public in a calm and unprejudiced manner, our
decided and unequivocal disapprobation of the American Colonization
Society, and its auxiliaries, in relation to the free people of color in
the United States. Convinced as we are, that the operations of this
Society have been unchristian and anti-republican in principle, and at
variance with our best interests as a people, we had reason to believe
that the precepts of religion, the dictates of justice and humanity,
would have prevented any considerable portion of the community from
lending their aid to a plan which we fear was designed to deprive us of
rights that the Declaration of Independence declares are the
'unalienable rights' of all men. We were content to remain silent,
believing that the justice and patriotism of a magnanimous people would
prevent the annals of our native and beloved country from receiving so
deep a stain. But observing the growing strength and influence of that
institution, and being well aware that the generality of the public are
unacquainted with our views on this important subject, we feel it a duty
we owe to ourselves, our children and posterity, to enter our protest
against a device so fraught with evil to us. That many sincere friends
to our race are engaged in what they conceive to be a philanthropic and
benevolent enterprise, we do not hesitate to admit; but that they are
deceived, and are acting in a manner calculated most seriously to injure
the free people of color, we are equally sensible.
We are natives of the United States; our ancestors were brought to this
country by means over which they had no control; we have our attachments
to the soil, and we feel that we have rights in common with other
Americans; and although deprived through prejudice from entering into
the full enjoyment of those rights, we anticipate a period, when in
despite of the more than ordinary prejudice which has been the result of
this unchristian scheme, 'Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hands to
God.' But that this formidable Society has become a barrier to our
improvement, must be apparent to every individual who will but reflect
on the course to be pursued by the emissaries of this unhallowed
project, many of whom, under the name of ministers of the gospel, use
their influence to turn public sentiment to our disadvantage by
stigmatizing our morals, misrepresenting our characters, and endeavoring
to show what they are pleased to call the sound policy of perpetuating
our civil and political disabilities for the avowed purpose of
indirectly forcing us to emigrate to the western coast of Africa. That
Africa is neither our nation nor home, a due respect to the good sense
of the community forbids us to attempt to prove; that our language,
habits, manners, morals and religion are all different from those of
Africans, is a fact too notorious to admit of controversy. Why then are
we called upon to go and settle in a country where we must necessarily
be and remain a distinct people, having no common interest with the
numerous inhabitants of that vast and extensive country? Experience has
proved beyond a doubt, that the climate is such as not to suit the
constitutions of the inhabitants of this country; the fevers and
various diseases incident to that tropical clime, are such as in most
cases to bid defiance to the force of medicine.
The very numerous instances of mortality amongst the emigrants who have
been induced to leave this their native, for their adopted country,
clearly demonstrate the fallacy of those statements so frequently made
by the advocates of colonization in regard to the healthiness of
Liberia.
With the deepest regret we have witnessed such an immense sacrifice of
life, in advancing a cause which cannot promise the least advantage to
the free people of color, who, it was said, were the primary objects to
be benefitted by this 'heaven-born enterprise.' But we beg leave most
respectfully to ask the friends of African colonization, whether their
christian benevolence cannot in this country be equally as
advantageously applied, if they are actuated by that disinterested
spirit of love and friendship for us, which they profess? Have not they
in the United States a field sufficiently extensive to show it in? There
is embosomed within this republic, rising one million free people of
color, the greater part of whom are unable to read even the sacred
scriptures. Is not their ignorant and degraded situation worthy of the
consideration of those enlightened and christian individuals, whose zeal
for the cause of the African race has induced them to attempt the
establishment of a republican form of government amid the burning sands
of Liberia, and the evangelizing of the millions of the Mahometans and
pagans that inhabit the interior of that extensive country?
We are constrained to believe that the welfare of the people of color,
to say the least, is but a secondary consideration with those engaged in
the colonization project. Or why should we be requested to move to
Africa, and thus separated from all we hold dear in a moral point of
view, before their christian benevolence can be exercised in our behalf?
Surely there is no country of which we have any knowledge, that offers
greater facilities for the improvement of the unlearned; or where
benevolent and philanthropic individuals can find a people, whose
situation has greater claims on their christian sympathies, than the
people of color. But whilst we behold a settled determination on the
part of the American Colonization Society to remove us to Liberia,
without using any means to better our condition at home, we are
compelled to look with fearful diffidence on every measure of that
institution. At a meeting held on the 7th inst. in this borough, the
people of color were politely invited to attend, the object of which was
to induce the most respectable part of them to emigrate. The meeting was
addressed by several reverend gentlemen, and very flattering accounts
given on the authority of letters and statements said to have been
received from individuals of unquestionable veracity. But we beg leave
to say, that those statements differ so widely from letters that we have
seen of recent date from the colony, in regard to the condition and
circumstances of the colonists, that we are compelled in truth to say
that we cannot reconcile such contradictory statements, and are
therefore inclined to doubt the former, as they appear to have been
prepared to present to the public, for the purpose of enlisting the
feelings of our white friends into the measure, and of inducing the
enterprising part of the colored community to emigrate at their own
expense. That we are in this country a degraded people, we are truly
sensible; that our forlorn situation is not attributable to ourselves is
admitted by the most ardent friends of colonization; and that our
condition cannot be bettered by removing the most exemplary individuals
of color from amongst us, we are well convinced, from the consideration
that in the same ratio that the industrious part would emigrate, in the
same proportion those who would remain would become more degraded,
wretched and miserable, and consequently less capable of appreciating
the many opportunities which are now offering for the moral and
intellectual improvement of our brethren. We, therefore, a portion of
those who are the objects of this plan, and amongst those whose
happiness, with that of others of our color, it is intended to promote,
respectfully but firmly disclaim every connexion with it, and declare
our settled determination not to participate in any part of it.
But if this plan is intended to facilitate the emancipation of those who
are held in slavery in the South, and the melioration of their
condition, by sending them to Liberia; we question very much whether it
is calculated to do either. That the emancipation of slaves has been
measurably impeded through its influence, except where they have been
given up to the Board of Managers, to be colonized in Africa, to us is
manifest. And when we contemplate their uneducated and vitiated state,
destitute of the arts and unaccustomed to provide even for themselves,
we are inevitably led to the conclusion that their situation in that
pestilential country will be miserable in the extreme.
The present period is one of deep and increasing interest to the free
people of color, relieved from the miseries of slavery and its
concomitant evils, with the vast and (to us) unexplored field of
literature and science before us, surrounded by many friends whose
sympathies and charities need not the Atlantic between us and them,
before they can consent to assist in elevating our brethren to the
standing of men. We therefore particularly invite their attention to
the subject of education and improvement; sensible that it is much
better calculated to remove prejudice, and exalt our moral character,
than any system of colonization that has been or can be introduced; and
in which we believe we shall have the co-operation of the wisest and
most philanthropic individuals of which the nation can boast. The
utility of learning and its salutary effects on the minds and morals of
a people, cannot have escaped the notice of any rational individual
situated in a country like this, where in order successfully to
prosecute any mechanical or other business, education is indispensable.
Our highest moral ambition, at present, should be to acquire for our
children a liberal education, give them mechanical trades, and thus fit
and prepare them for useful and respectable citizens; and leave the
evangelizing of Africa, and the establishing of a republic at Liberia,
to those who conceive themselves able to demonstrate the practicability
of its accomplishment by means of a people, numbers of whom are more
ignorant than even the natives of that country themselves.
In conclusion, we feel it a pleasing duty ever to cherish a grateful
respect for those benevolent and truly philanthropic individuals, who
have advocated, and still are advocating our rights in our native
country. Their indefatigable zeal in the cause of the oppressed will
never be forgotten by us, and unborn millions will bless their names in
the day when the all-wise Creator, in whom we trust, shall have bidden
oppression to cease.
ABRAHAM D. SHAD, }
PETER SPENCER, } Committee to prepare
WM. S. THOMAS, } an Address.
A VOICE FROM HARRISBURG.
HARRISBURG, Pa., October, 1831.
At a large, well informed and respectable meeting of the citizens of
Harrisburg, convened at the African Wesleyan Methodist church, for the
purpose of expressing their sentiments in a remonstrance against the
proceedings of the American Colonization Society, Rev. Jacob D.
Richardson was called to the chair, and Jacob G. Williams appointed
secretary. After singing and prayer, Rev. Mr Richardson in some concise
remarks,--equalled by few, and exceeded by none,--expressed the object
of the meeting. The chairman called the house to order, and the
following resolutions were unanimously acceded to:
Resolved, That we hold these truths to be self-evident, (and it is the
boasted declaration of our independence) that all men (black and white,
poor and rich) are born free and equal; that they are endowed by their
Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. This is the language of America,
of reason, and of eternal truth.
Resolved, That we feel it to be our duty to be true to the constitution
of our country, and are satisfied with the form of government under
which we now live; and, moreover, that we are bound in duty and reason
to protect it against foreign invasion. We always have done so, and will
do so still.
Resolved, That we view the efforts of the Colonization Society as
officious and uncalled for by us. We have never done any thing worthy of
banishment from our friends and home: but this we would say--if the
Colonization Society will use their best endeavors to get our slave
brethren transported to Liberia, when we as a free body of people wish
to go, we will give the colonizationists timely notice.
Resolved, That it is the firm and decided opinion of this meeting, that
were there no free people of color among us, or if those who are free
had remained in the degraded character of slaves, (or, as they sometimes
call us, monkeys, apes and baboons,) they would never have got up the
chimerical scheme for our transportation to the burning shores of
Africa, with the fancied vision of elevating us, as they say, to dignity
and affluence.
Resolved, That we cannot remain inactive while colonizationists are
straining every nerve and racking their inventions to find out arguments
to persuade our free colored brethren to migrate to an unknown land,
which we can no more lay claim to than our white brethren can to England
or any other foreign country.
Resolved, That we reject the inhuman and unchristian measures taken by
the Colonization Society, for the illumination of the colored citizens
of the United States, their appropriate home, in a land of sickness,
affliction and death, when they are not willing, with few exceptions, to
give us a christian education while among them. We would wish to know of
the colonizationists, how, in the name of common sense and reason, do
they expect to do any thing for us thousands of miles across the
Atlantic, when they oppose almost every measure taken by our white
friends and brethren to improve our condition here?
Resolved, That it is the united opinion of this meeting, that the
enemies of our race, who are members of the Colonization Society, see
that the great Author of universal existence, who 'is no respecter of
persons,' who taught Balaam's ass to speak, and taught Solomon wisdom,
is now enlightening the sable sons of America: hence their object to
drain the country of the most enlightened part of our colored brethren,
so that they may be more able to hold their slaves in bondage and
ignorance.
Resolved, That we object to leaving the land of our birth, as there is
sufficient land in these United States, on which a colony can be
established that would be far more consonant to the wishes of the
colored population generally, and would be more adapted to their
constitution: neither would it involve the country in such expense as
would be incurred by sending them to a howling wilderness, far away from
the graves of their forefathers, unknown to us in every respect, unless
by geography, which few of us understand.
Resolved, That this meeting look upon the Colonization Society as a
vicious, nefarious and peace-disturbing combination, and that its
leaders might as well essay to cure a wound with an argument, or set a
dislocated bone by a lecture on logic, as to tell us their object is to
better our condition; because its members acknowledge slavery to be a
national evil, and use no means to annihilate it, but are exerting all
their energies and influence to persuade the free people of color to
remove to Africa, whose rights to Columbia's happy soil holds good with
any other citizen in America.
Resolved, That we look upon the conduct of those clergymen who have
misled their respective congregations with the preposterous idea of the
necessity of transporting the free people of color to Africa, as highly
deserving the just reprehension directed to the false priests and
prophets by the true prophets of the Most High; yet we gratefully
acknowledge the respect we entertain for those who have defended our
cause--we mean our white friends.
Resolved, That this meeting appoint Mr George Chester of Harrisburg, as
agent for the Liberator, and will use our utmost endeavors to get
subscribers for the same.
Resolved, That we will support the Colony in Canada, the climate being
healthy and the rights of our brethren secured.
Resolved, That the gratitude of this meeting, which is so sensibly felt,
be fully expressed to the Editors of the Liberator and Genius of
Universal Emancipation, Messrs Garrison and Lundy, whose independence of
mind and correct views of the rights of man have led them so intrepidly
to speak in favor of our cause.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the Chairman
and Secretary, and sent to the Liberator for publication.
JACOB D. RICHARDSON, Chairman.
JACOB G. WILLIAMS, Secretary.
A VOICE FROM ROCHESTER.
ROCHESTER, N. Y., October, 1831.
A large number of the colored citizens of Rochester having convened
themselves together, for the important object of taking into
consideration the anti-republican principles of the American
Colonization Society, the Rev. Mr Johnson was called to the chair, and
Mr A. Lawrence was appointed secretary.
The meeting was then briefly addressed by the secretary as follows:
Countrymen and Brothers--When viewing the inhumanity and anti-christian
principles of the American Colonization Society, in plotting our removal
to Africa, (which is unknown to us as our native country,) it seems as
though we were called upon publicly to express our feelings on the
subject. We do not consider Africa to be our home, any more than the
present whites do England, Scotland, or Ireland. This is the land our
fathers have tilled before us; this is the land that gave us our
birthright.--The meeting then
Resolved, That we never will remove to Africa; but should any of our
brethren wish to emigrate, we would recommend Canada as a country far
more congenial to our constitutions;--that we give our most sincere
thanks to our friendly advocates Messrs Garrison and Knapp, and Mr
Benjamin Lundy, who are crying unto their fellow men, night and day, to
let their countrymen go free: they will be called blessed by many
generations yet to come. The Colonization Society say that they cannot
treat us as men while we are with them; but if we will go out of their
reach, they will begin their charity. What should we think of such
religion as this? Because our skin is a little darker than theirs, they
say they cannot think of treating us as men. The scripture says, 'Beware
of wolves in sheep's clothing'--and such they seem to be. We earnestly
believe, with our generous friend Garrison, that it would not be a hard
matter to exceed them in doing right. Our blessed Lord said, that we
should do to all men as we would have them do to us. Now what would they
think, if we should tell them that they would be better off in New
Holland or in Tartary?
Resolved, That we will do all in our power to support the Liberator,
printed by Mr Garrison, and all other works in our behalf.
Resolved, That the foregoing proceedings be published in the Liberator.
HENRY JOHNSON, Chairman.
A. LAWRENCE, Secretary.
A VOICE FROM PROVIDENCE.
PROVIDENCE, November 1, 1831.
At a respectable meeting of the colored people of Providence, R. I.,
duly appointed and publicly holden at the African church, on the 31st of
October, 1831, to take into consideration the objects and motives of the
American Colonization Society, Mr George C. Willis was called to the
chair, and Mr Alfred Niger appointed secretary. The meeting was then
addressed at some length by the chairman, stating their object in
assembling together, and exposing the injustice and prejudice by which
he believed the friends of African colonization were actuated. The
following preamble and resolutions were read by the secretary, and
unanimously adopted:
Whereas our brethren, in different parts of the United States, have
thought proper to call meetings to express their disapprobation of the
American Colonization Society; we, concurring fully with them in
opinion, have assembled ourselves together for the purpose of uniting
with them, in declaring that we believe the operations of the Society
have been unchristian and anti-republican, and at variance with our best
interests as a people. Therefore,
Resolved, That we will use every fair and honorable means in our power,
to oppose the operations of the above mentioned Society.
Resolved, That we are truly sensible that we are in this country a
degraded and ignorant people; but that our ignorance and degradation are
not to be attributed to the inferiority of our natural abilities, but to
the oppressive treatment we have experienced from the whites in general,
and to the prejudice excited against us by the members of the
Colonization Society, their aiders and abettors.
Resolved, That we view, with unfeigned astonishment, the anti-christian
and inconsistent conduct of those who so strenuously advocate our
removal from this our native country to the burning shores of Liberia,
and who with the same breath contend against the cruelty and injustice
of Georgia in her attempt to remove the Cherokee Indians west of the
Mississippi.
Resolved, That we firmly believe, from the recent measures adopted by
the freemen of the city of New Haven, in regard to the establishment of
a College for our education in that place, that the principal object of
the friends of African colonization is to oppose our education and
consequent elevation here, as it will deprive them of one of their
principal arguments for our removal.
Resolved, That as our fathers participated with the whites in their
struggle for liberty and independence, and believing with the
Declaration of that Independence, 'that all men are created free and
equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable
rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;'
and as we have committed no crime worthy of banishment--Therefore
Resolved, That we will not leave our homes, nor the graves of our
fathers, and this boasted land of liberty and christian philanthropy.
Resolved, That, our unfeigned and sincere thanks be tendered to Messrs
Garrison and Knapp, and to every true friend to our cause, for their
unwearied and truly benevolent exertions in our behalf.
Resolved, That we will earnestly recommend the Liberator, published in
Boston by the above mentioned gentlemen, to the patronage of our friends
throughout the country.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the Chairman
and Secretary, and sent to Boston, with the request that they may be
published in the Liberator.
GEORGE C. WILLIS, Chairman.
ALFRED NIGER, Secretary.
A VOICE FROM TRENTON.
TRENTON, November 30, 1831.
At a respectable meeting of the free people of color in Trenton,
convened in the Mount Zion church, November 30, 1831, for the purpose of
considering the subject of colonization on the coast of Africa--On
motion, the Rev. Lewis Cork was called to the chair, and Abner H.
Francis appointed secretary. The meeting was addressed by Messrs
Gardener and Thompson; after which, the following resolutions were
unanimously adopted.
Resolved, Inasmuch as we, free people of color, have done all that is in
our power to convince the white inhabitants of these United States, that
it is our wish to live peaceably with all men; and inasmuch as our
general demeanor has been that of industry and sobriety, notwithstanding
there are some among us to the contrary, as well as among the whites;
therefore we do most solemnly declare, that the statements made to the
contrary by the Rev. Mr Crosby, in his late addresses in this city, and
all statements by petitioners to legislative bodies, and by the
Colonization Society, or any thing of the same nature, are a positive
libel on our general character.
Resolved, Whereas we have lived peaceably and quietly in these United
States, of which we are natives, and have never been the cause of any
insurrectionary or tumultuous movements as a body, that we do view every
measure taken by any associated bodies to remove us to other climes,
anti-christian and hostile to our peace, and a violation of the laws of
humanity.
Resolved, That if, in the opinion of government, our stay or liberty can
no longer be granted in the States in which we live, we see nothing
contrary to the constitution of these United States, or to christianity,
justice, reason or humanity, in granting us a portion of the Western
territory, as a state, with the same franchise as that of Pennsylvania,
New Jersey, or any other free State; for we challenge the Union to prove
that, as free men, we have ever given the least ground for the
uncharitable censures that have been cast upon us.
Resolved, That we view the American Colonization Society as the most
inveterate foe both to the free and slave man of color; forasmuch as the
agents thereof, and its members who have petitioned the several
legislatures, have unequivocally declared its object, to wit, the
extermination of the free people of color from the Union; and to effect
this they have not failed to slander our character, by representing us
as a vagrant race; and we do therefore disclaim all union with the said
Society, and, once for all, declare that we never will remove under
their patronage; neither do we consider it expedient to emigrate any
where, but to remain in the land and see the salvation of God.
Nevertheless, if any of our brethren should be compelled or see proper
to emigrate, we would recommend to them Upper Canada or Mexico.
Resolved, That we view with the highest emotion of gratitude, the
benevolence of Great Britain and that of the Canada Company, in
affording an asylum in the Wilberforce settlement, in Upper Canada, for
our oppressed brethren of the South, who have been or may be forced, by
unconstitutional laws, to leave their rightful home and place of
nativity, without any cause except that of having a dark skin.
Resolved, That this meeting approve the establishment of a college, as
recommended by the Annual Convention held in Philadelphia last June, and
that we give all possible aid to that institution.
Resolved, That we view the Liberator, edited by William Lloyd Garrison,
as a great herald in the cause of liberty, and that we recommend to the
colored citizens of Trenton the utility of subscribing to the above
named paper.
Resolved, That there be a committee of three appointed to draft an
address more expressive of our views on the above subject.
Resolved, That the following persons compose that committee--Sampson
Peters, Robert Thomas, George Cole.
LEWIS CORK, Chairman.
ABNER H. FRANCIS, Secretary.
ADDRESS.
We, the undersigned, in conformity to the above appointment, beg leave
to present to the public, in a calm, unprejudiced manner, our decided
disapprobation of the American Colonization Society and its auxiliaries,
in relation to the people of color in the United States. We are well
convinced, from the mass that has been written on the above subject by
those who have preceded us, that it will be difficult to avoid
repetition; nevertheless; we hope to touch some points which have not
been fairly understood by that Society. They have supposed that our
objections are to civilizing and evangelizing Africa; but we beg leave
to say, that it is an error. We are well aware, that there is no surer
way to effect this great object than to plant among the heathen,
colonies of Christian missionaries. We wish, therefore, to be
understood, that we highly approve of the evangelizing of Africa, but
disapprove of the present measures of the American Colonization Society,
if their motives have not been misrepresented by their agents and
others, in some previous addresses in this city and elsewhere. But
viewing them as we now do, we must say that, in our opinion, their false
representations of our general character--their recommending our removal
from our native land--their opposition to our having a part of the West
appointed to us--their objections to our proposed college, and of our
march to science--their false statements in relation to the health of
the colony at Liberia, with a variety of other subjects of the same
nature--all lead to a conclusion, that it is our greatest foe.
We would here ask the public a few questions. First--Is the gospel of
Jesus Christ calculated to lead to insurrectionary measures? If so, why
then send it to the heathen? Second--What gentleman, who has set his
slaves free, has been murdered by them for so doing? Third--What have
those States, who have washed their hands clean of the cursed stain of
slavery, lost by it? Fourth--What neighborhood, where education and
general information have been disseminated among the people of color, is
the worse for it?
In closing our remarks, we would say, that we do think that the subjects
looked to by the Colonization Society, to civilize Africa, are
incompetent; for we do suppose that men selected for such an important
enterprise, should be men of deed and sound piety--men of regular and
industrious habits, of scientific knowledge and general experience: that
such men can be obtained, we have no doubt; and if there cannot, let us
first prepare some in this country.
SAMPSON PETERS, }
ROBERT THOMAS, } Committee.
GEORGE COLE, }
A VOICE FROM LYME.
LYME, Ct., January 9, 1832.
At a respectable meeting of the colored citizens of this place, held
pursuant to public notice--Mr Luther Wright was called to the chair, and
Mr Daniel R. Condol appointed secretary.
After some animated remarks by Messrs Wright and Condol, it was
Resolved, That it is the sincere opinion of this meeting, that the
American Colonization Society is one of the wildest projects ever
patronised by a body of enlightened men; and further, that many of those
who support it would be willing, if it were in their power, to drive us
out of existence.
Resolved, That though we be last in calling a meeting, we feel no less
the pernicious influence of this Society than the rest of our brethren;
and that we will resist every attempt to banish us from this our native
land.
Resolved, That we place unshaken reliance upon the promises of Jehovah,
and believe that he will take our reproach away, and give freedom to
those who are held in captivity.
Resolved, That we are not for insurrection, but for peace, freedom and
equality.
Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be rendered to Messrs Garrison
and Knapp, for their benevolent exertions in behalf of the oppressed
descendants of Africa; and that they be requested to insert these
proceedings in the Liberator.
LUTHER WRIGHT, Chairman.
DANIEL R. CONDOL, Secretary.
A VOICE PROM LEWISTOWN.
LEWISTOWN, Pa., January 9, 1832.
At a numerous meeting held by the free people of color of the borough of
Lewistown, in the African Methodist Episcopal church, Samuel Johnston
was called to the chair, and Martin Johnston appointed secretary. The
following resolutions were then read, and unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That we will not leave these United States, the land of our
birth, for a home in Africa.
Resolved, That we will strenuously oppose the colonizing of the free
people of color in Liberia.
Resolved, That we are willing to emigrate to any part of the United
States which may be granted to us.
Resolved, That we will support the Liberator, a paper published in
Boston, edited by William Lloyd Garrison; and also the colony in Upper
Canada as an asylum for our oppressed brethren.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to prepare an address to be
published in the Liberator.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the Chairman
and Secretary, and forwarded to the editor of the Liberator for
publication.
SAMUEL JOHNSTON, Chairman.
MARTIN JOHNSTON, Secretary.
ADDRESS.
We, the undersigned, in conformity to the above appointment, beg leave
to present to the public, in a calm and unprejudiced manner, our reasons
for opposing the scheme of African colonization. This is the land of our
birth. The Declaration of Independence declares, that 'all men are born
free and equal:' it does not say that the _white_ man or the _black_ man
is free,--but all, without respect to color, tongues, or nation. We
therefore consider all laws to enslave or degrade the people of color as
contrary to the letter and spirit of this Declaration; and that
according to it we are freemen, and have as indisputable a right to
enjoy our liberty as any white man. To deny it to us, because we differ
in color, is oppression. To say that Africa is our native country is
untrue. Here we were born, and here we mean to die; for all men are born
free.
We wish to return our grateful thanks to our friends, and to the friends
of the abolition of slavery. We consider slavery a national sin, which,
if not speedily overthrown, will cause this nation to mourn and weep;
for God has declared that Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hands unto
him, and he will hear her cry.
We would say to colonizationists that we consider them our foes instead
of our friends. It is vain for them to say that we would do better in
Liberia; for we do not believe it. There is room enough in this country
for us; and if they be our friends, let them meliorate our condition
here. Let them join in the work of immediate abolition of slavery. Let
them wash out the stains which disfigure the national character. And
then let them tell us about Liberia.
One reason why we are opposed to leaving these United States is this:
you have so long denied us the enjoyment and protection of the laws of
God and man in this country, that you wish now to oppress us still more.
But thanks be to Him who holds all things in his hand, we believe He
will plead our cause. Your skirts are already dyed with the blood of
millions of souls. 'Vengeance is mine--I will repay,' saith the Lord.
Awake, ye wolves in sheep's clothing. Your cup is now full. You are
daily causing innocent blood to be shed. How long, ye slavites, ye
kidnappers, ye that traffic in human flesh, will you sleep? When will
you awake to your best interests? For remember that you will not always
be able to hold your victims in servile chains.
J. G. SMITH, }
M. WALKER, } Committee.
M. JOHNSTON, }
A VOICE FROM NEW-BEDFORD.
NEW-BEDFORD, January 23, 1832.
At a meeting of the people of color in New-Bedford, January 23d, for the
purpose of considering and giving their opinion of the American
Colonization Society, and the actual evil or benefit of that Society to
the objects of its supervision, the free people of color, Mr Richard
Johnson was called to the chair, and Richard G. Overing appointed
secretary. After an address from the chair, it was moved that
resolutions expressive of the views of the meeting, respecting the
Colonization Society, be drawn up, and published in some newspaper not
adverse to the rights and well being of all men, be their color what it
may. The following are the resolves of the meeting:
Resolved, That in whatever light we view the Colonization Society, we
discover nothing in it but terror, prejudice and oppression; that the
warm and beneficent hand of philanthropy is not apparent in the system,
but the influence of the Society on public opinion is more prejudicial
to the interest and welfare of the people of color in the United States,
than slavery itself.
Resolved, That the Society, to effect its purpose, the removal of the
free people of color, (not the slaves) through its agents, teaches the
public to believe that it is patriotic and benevolent to withhold from
us knowledge and the means of acquiring subsistence, and to look upon us
as unnatural and illegal residents in this country; and thus by force of
prejudice, if not by law, endeavor to compel us to embark for Africa,
and that too, apparently, by our own free will and consent.
Resolved, That as great a nuisance as we may be in the estimation of
that Society, we yet have a hope in Him who has seen fit to continue our
existence through days worse than which we do not fear, and which
emboldens us as peaceable citizens, to resolve to abide the issue of
coming days in our native land, in which we ask no more than the age in
which we live demands, and which this nation, as republicans and
christians, should not refuse to grant.
Signed in behalf of the meeting.
RICHARD JOHNSON, Chairman.
R. G. OVERING, Secretary.
The foregoing resolutions and addresses are given in plain, it may be
occasionally in severe language; and display an intensity of feeling, a
depth of abhorrence, and a firmness of purpose, honorable to men who
appreciate their rights and love their country. Before I proceed,
however, to comment upon these important proceedings, I shall make some
quotations from the essays and addresses of colored writers, in order to
sustain my assertion that the American Colonization Society is directly
opposed to the wishes of our free colored population.
'A COLORED BALTIMOREAN'[AH] records his sentiments in the following
style:
'We believe, sirs, that the people of color in the United States
will never be prevailed over to abandon the land of their birth,
and every thing vernacular with them--to forego many advantages
which they now possess, and many more which they have in
prospect, for the imaginary, or if real, the fleeting and
short-lived honors held out to them by our "Americo-African
empire." Why should we exchange a temperate and salubrious
climate, adapted to our constitutions as Americans, for one, to
us, fraught with disease and death? Why should we leave a land
in which the arts and sciences are flourishing, and which is
beginning to yield to our research, for one, where the
irradiating beams of the sun of science have yet to be announced
by the bright star of hope? Why should we leave a land
illuminated with the blaze of gospel light, for one enshrouded
in pagan gloom? Why should we, who are in tolerable
circumstances in America, who enjoy many of the comforts of
life, and are evidently on the advanced march of mind, cast away
these certain, real, and growing advantages, for those which are
precarious and chimerical? Why should we abandon our firesides,
and every thing associated with the dear name of _home_--undergo
the fatigues of a perilous voyage, and expose ourselves, our
wives, and our little ones, to the deleterious influences of an
uncongenial sun, for the enjoyment of a liberty divested of its
usual accompaniments, surrounded with circumstances which
diminish its intrinsic value, and render it indeed "a dear
earned morsel"? * * * * * *
'But "it is the hope of accomplishing the entire subversion of
the slave trade and Mahometan superstition, and all their
subsidiary concomitants, that has actuated the Christian and
stimulated the philanthropist." Noble objects indeed! And who
are those christians and philanthropists? Our friend tells us,
without distinction, that they are "those noble and heroic men
who have enlisted under the banner of colonization." But how
happens it that some of the most distinguished of these
_christians_ and _philanthropists_ are themselves slaveholders,
and so far abettors of the _slave trade_ as to be actually
guilty of selling into a cruel and interminable vassalage the
hapless victims of their tender mercies? Again, how is it that
none but the free people of color have been chosen to evangelize
Africa? Is it because they are under an exclusive moral
obligation to dispel the "gloom of Mahometan superstition?" Is
it because they are pre-eminently qualified in point of morals
and information for the missionary enterprise? None will say
this. Perhaps we shall be told, that the identity of their color
gives them a decided advantage over every other people. But how
is it that those wicked white men, who are in the habit of
resorting thither for the most nefarious purposes, have access
to these people? And we have not forgotten that during the visit
of the Rev. G. R. McGill, in Baltimore, he informed us that
colored men from the United States, being thought by the natives
to be men of information, are received and treated as white men,
and denominated by the same epithet. Since then it does not
appear that we are pre-eminently qualified for this work, why
should it be pressed upon us? * * * *
'Tell us not that the Sovereign Ruler of the universe, who is
not a respecter of persons, whose "tender mercies are over all
his works," will _never_ elevate us to the dignity of men and
christians, unless we emigrate to Africa. Tell us not that in
this _christian_ country, this "land of the free and home of the
brave," we must _for ever_ remain a degraded and proscribed
race--that we must _for ever_ be treated as the outcasts of
creation. We are aware that this doctrine has been asserted with
all the confidence of inspiration by _some_ of our gospel
ministers. We have heard them proclaim it in a tone calculated
to strengthen the prejudices existing against us. They seem to
forget that there is a superintending providence--that He, who
"sits upon the whirlwind and directs the storm," has ever
manifested himself a friend to the oppressed of every clime.
They seem to forget that the religion of Jesus, wherever it
reigns with unrestrained sway, demolishes every partition wall,
and exterminates out of the heart all those bitter prejudices
which impede the march of the Messiah's kingdom. We should like
to have these prophets give us their ideas in relation to the
millennial reign of Christ. We should like to have them inform
us whether or not the general prejudices and their inseparable
accompaniments, which now lie upon, and operate against us, on
account of our color, will be consistent with this glorious
reign of _peace_, and _love_, and _joy_. Let these ministers
consider that much of our degradation is chargeable to the
indifference (to say the least) that they manifest in regard to
our situation--that if they as patterns of piety hold us at a
distance, it is but natural for the inconsiderate to follow
their example. Let them recollect that while they are making
powerful and irresistible appeals to the humanity of the
American people in behalf of the oppressed of other climes, they
have a people among them whose claims upon their liberality are
paramount to those of any other. Let these ministers tell us how
often they make it their business to visit those portions of
their flocks whose crime is, their color. Nay, one of them said
not long since, to be familiar with the people of color would
destroy his _usefulness_ among the whites. But whether they do
their duty in relation to us or not, we indulge in no fears in
regard to our future condition. We are not distrustful of the
goodness and power of Him who has overruled the evil designs of
those men that first tore our ancestors from their native
shores, who is still overruling, and who will continue to
overrule the designs of all who would treat us as the
offscouring of the earth, because our Creator has not given us a
color as white as their own. If ever there was a people who
could look up to Heaven with unshaken confidence for protection,
it is that people whose sufferings are not the consequences of
their crimes; it is that people whose misfortunes work in them
the graces of faith, patience and hope. And why should we not
cherish these invaluable graces? We are told by high authority,
that "_all things_ shall work together _for good_ to them that
love God"--that "He will give grace and glory, and _no good
thing_ will He _withhold_ from them that walk uprightly." You
see, sirs, we have one straight forward course to pursue--one
marked out by the hand of unerring wisdom. This course we intend
to pursue, without giving ourselves any uneasiness as to the
issue; this we leave to Him who has the administration of the
universe in his hands, and who has declared for our
encouragement, "even the very hairs of your head are all
numbered." Tell us not of the wisdom, and power, and number of
our enemies; He who has given us a hope, which at least makes
our condition tolerable, will say to them, as He did to the
tempestuous billows, "Hitherto shalt thou come, but no further;
and here shall thy proud waves be stayed."'
* * * * * * * * *
'What effect have the evils of slavery in this _happy_ land upon
the mind of the liberal, the unprejudiced, and philanthropic
Lafayette?
'Hear him, he will speak for himself: "When I am indulging in my
views of American prospects and American liberty, it is
mortifying to be told that in that very country a large portion
of the people are slaves. It is a dark spot on the face of the
nation. _Such a state of things cannot always exist._" It was a
sight of the evils alluded to, and their inseparable
concomitants, that extorted from the pen of Mr Jefferson that
comprehensive and soul-thrilling sentence--"I tremble for my
country when I reflect that God is just, and that his justice
cannot sleep for ever." But may we not indulge the hope that
the evils spoken of will yet awaken the sympathies of the
American people--soften their cruel prejudices--arouse their
slumbering energies--and produce in them an unconquerable
determination to wash from their "stars and stripes" one of the
blackest spots that ever cursed the globe, or stained the
historic page? Shall we be told that _invincible_ prejudices
render this great desideratum impracticable? And what is this
but a libel upon the American people? What is it but to say,
there is in them a moral incapacity to do justice, love mercy,
and walk uprightly? Colonization orators, designing politicians,
ministers of Jesus, tell me, how can you thus libel your
countrymen? Surely, there is a regenerating, a redeeming spirit
in the land--a spirit transforming misanthropes into
philanthropists--bondmen into freemen--abettors of slavery into
champions of liberty--a spirit that will yet drive from America
the demon of slavery, and render it indeed "the land of the free
and the home of the brave."'[AI]
* * * * * * * *
'I have just found time to notice a few very exceptionable
features of a communication over the signature of "A
Marylander," published, a few days ago, in the American of our
city. The writer is unquestionably entitled to the credit of
being a thorough-going colonizationist. He writes in the _true
spirit_ of the cause. He seems to be under an excitement
produced by the publication of our anti-colonization
resolutions. This being the case, it is not to be expected that
he would, throughout his communication, avail himself of the
guarded, accommodating, and conciliating language usual with
colonization writers and declaimers. After being convinced that
the people of color are not to be persuaded to leave the land of
their birth, and every thing vernacular with them, for "regions"
which he tells us are "now dark as the valley of the shadow of
death," he says, "I would propose then that Maryland should
colonize her own free blacks." He does not add the usual
qualification, "_with their own consent_:" he knows this will
never be obtained. He therefore says: "I earnestly _hope_ that
the time _is now_ come when our state will wake up to all the
importance of this subject, and will instantly commence _a
system of measures_ imperatively demanded by the _sternest_
principles [colonization principles?] of _sound_ policy." We
would tell this precocious statesman that we are not to be
intimidated into colonization "_measures_" by the angry
effusions of his illiberal soul; that we had rather die in
Maryland under the pressure of unrighteous and cruel laws than
be driven, like cattle, to the pestilential clime of Liberia,
where grievous privation, inevitable disease, and premature
death, await us in all their horrors. We are emboldened thus to
speak, not from a reliance on the mere arm of flesh; no--it is
the righteousness of our cause, a knowledge of the attributes of
Deity, combined with a consciousness of innocence under
suffering, that have inspired us with a moral courage which no
oppression shall shake, no fulminations overawe. Our limits will
not permit us to expatiate, at this time, on the import of the
terms, "_a system of measures--the sternest principles_," &c. We
would barely remark that the climax of injustice and cruelty,
here suggested, nay, recommended, is the legitimate fruit of the
operations of the American colonization societies relative to
the free people of color. We have always believed that the
"_system of measures_" here recommended, would be the dernier
resort of these _christian_ associations. The unmerited abuse,
that has been so unsparingly heaped upon us by colonizationists
for expressing our opinions of their project as connected with
our happiness, their manifest determination to effectuate their
object regardless of our consent, abundantly corroborate the
opinion we have long since entertained. We turn, however, from
the contemplation of the persecution and oppression, which, it
seems, are in reserve for us, to notice, briefly, the moving
cause of this virulent and relentless attack upon our rights and
happiness. "The _census just taken_," says A Marylander,
"_admonishes_ us in the strongest manner, of the necessity of
prompt and efficient measures to drain off this description of
our population." Here then is the _patriotic_, the _benevolent_,
the _christian_ principle, by which the colonization societies,
throughout our land, are actuated. This is the selfish policy of
which we complain, and which should be execrated by all _true_
patriots, philanthropists, and christians. Our increase is
represented as an "_alarming evil--an evil_," said one of our
colonization orators in the pulpit, not long since, "which
_threatens_ our very _existence_." Now, if all this be true, how
can they, on their own principles, say we can _never_ be a
people in this country? Surely, they are taking effectual steps
to convince us, that the enjoyment of our rights in this, our
native land, is not only possible, but highly probable. This we
have always believed. And we hope and pray, that it may be
accomplished in a way sanctioned by the gospel of peace:
"without confused noise, or garments rolled in blood." But this
glorious victory over pride and prejudice, by gospel weapons,
will never be accomplished by colonization principles. Nor will
those ministers of the gospel have any part or lot in this
matter, who solemnly declare, in the face of heaven and earth,
that we can _never enjoy, in this country_, those inalienable
rights of man, whose inviolable preservation promotes the
welfare of the whole human family. Such ministers virtually
declare that they do not believe the doctrines they are bound to
preach; that He, from whom they profess to have received their
commission, is, indeed, "a hard man, reaping where he has not
sown, and gathering where he has not strawed;" that He requires
of them and their flocks, that which they are morally incapable
of performing; that they _cannot_ love their neighbor as
themselves, or do unto others what they wish done unto
themselves, because their Lord, in his wisdom, has given some of
their fellow creatures a different color from their own. These
temporising, retrograde reformers are doing a serious injury to
the people of color. They heed not the warning of Heaven: "Do my
people no harm." They are doing more to strengthen the cruel and
unchristian prejudices, already too powerful against us, than
all the slaveholders in the Union. They hesitate not to declare,
that, in America, we are out of the reach of humanity. They seem
to think that the religion of the benevolent Saviour which
enjoins, "_honor all men_," and which explicitly says, "if ye
have _respect to persons_, ye _commit sin_," is nothing more
than a dead letter, or must _for ever_ remain powerless, in the
United States of America. And have these men the face to contend
with the infidels of our land? Why, one infidel, with the bible
in his hands, would "chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand
to flight." But notwithstanding these discouraging
circumstances, our cause will yet triumph. He who is for us, is
stronger than all that are against us. "The rulers" of the land
may "take counsel together," and some of the professed ministers
of Jesus may "come into their secret," but "He that sitteth in
the heavens shall laugh: the Lord shall have them in derision."
Fear not then, my colored countrymen, but press forward, with a
laudable ambition, for all that heaven has intended for you and
your children, remembering that the path of duty is the path of
safety, and that "righteousness" alone "exalteth a nation."'
If excellence of style, a dignified carriage, sound logic, a high and
abiding faith, and fervent piety, confer credit upon a writer, few have
ever better illustrated these traits than 'A COLORED BALTIMOREAN,' or
deserved a nobler tribute of praise. He who would be ashamed to
acknowledge such a man as his countryman and brother, has yet to learn
his own insignificance and what constitutes the majesty of human nature.
The following is an extract of a letter from a colored gentleman of
wealth and respectability in Philadelphia, whose friendship is courted
by honorable men, and whose usefulness is scarcely exceeded by any other
citizen:
'Is it not preposterous to one, like myself, whose family has
resided in the state of Pennsylvania ever since the great
lawgiver, William Penn, came last to this state from England;
and who fought for the independence of my country, whose
Declaration asserts, that all men are born with free and equal
rights--is it not preposterous to be told that this is not my
country? I was seven months on board of the old Jersey Prison
ship in the year 1780, "the times that tried men's souls;" and
am I now to be told that Africa is my country, by some of those
whose birth-place is unknown? Is it not a contradiction to say
that a man is an alien to the country in which he was born? To
separate the blacks from the whites is as impossible, as to bale
out the Delaware with a bucket. I have always been decidedly of
opinion, that if the Colonization Society would take but half
the pains to improve the children of color in their own country,
and expend but half the money that they are devoting to
accomplish their visionary scheme of christianizing Africa, by
offering premiums to master mechanics to take them as
apprentices, they would do more to destroy prejudice than any
thing else. When I look at this globe, containing eight or nine
hundred millions of inhabitants, and see that they differ in
color from the frozen to the temperate and torrid zones, and
that every thing is variegated, I am astonished that any man
should be so prejudiced against his fellow-man; but we pray for
the aid of the Almighty to take the scales from their eyes; and
that the Liberator may be one of the instruments in commencing
the work.'[AJ]
'I would ask some of our pretended white friends, and the
members of the American Colonization Society, why they are so
interested in our behalf as to want us to go to Africa? They
tell us that it is our home; that they desire to make a people
of us, which we can never be here; that they want Africa
civilized; and that we are the very persons to do it, as it is
almost impossible for any white person to exist there. I deny
it. Will some of those guardian angels of the people of color
tell me how it is that we, who were born in the same city or
state with themselves, can live any longer in Africa than they?
I consider it the most absurd assertion that any man of common
sense could make, unless it is supposed, as some have already
said, that we are void of understanding. If we had been born on
that continent, the transportation would be another matter; but
as the fact is the reverse, we consider the United States our
home, and not Africa as they wish to make us believe;--and if we
do emigrate, it will be to a place of our own choice.
'I would also mention to the supporters of the Colonization
Society, that if they would spend half the time and money that
they do, in educating the colored population and giving them
lands to cultivate here, and secure to them all the rights and
immunities of freemen, instead of sending them to Africa, it
would be found, in a short time, that they made as good citizens
as the whites. Their traducers would hear of fewer murders,
highway robberies, forgeries, &c. &c. being committed, than they
do at present among some of the white inhabitants of this
country.'[AK]
'Colonization principles, abstractly considered, are
unobjectionable; but the means employed for their propagation,
we think, are altogether objectionable. We are deprived of our
birthright, and pointed by the colonization partisans to another
country as a home. They speak of the prejudices which exist
against us, as an insuperable hindrance to the improvement of
our situation here. We are sickened by the constant reiteration
of "_extraneous mass_," "_African inferiority_," &c. which tends
immediately to justify the slaveholder in his crime, and
increase already existing prejudice. The Colonization Society
never will effect the removal of slavery. The God of justice
will never, in my opinion, let this nation off so easily. It is
in vain to hold back. The eyes of all will ultimately be opened
to see that nothing but universal emancipation can possibly
avert impending wrath.'[AL]
'How long, oh! ye boasters of freedom, will ye endeavor to
persuade us, your derided, degraded fellow countrymen, to the
belief that our interest and happiness are prized in high
estimation among you? Be it known, that we are not all such
misguided, deluded mortals as to be duped by your plans; that we
will not suffer ourselves to become so infatuated as to "hurl
reason from her throne," and succumb to your glittering, showy,
_dissimulating_ path to eminence. We spurn with contempt your
unrighteous schemes, and point the finger of derision at your
fruitless attempts. You have commenced them in a day, when
liberty, justice and equality are claimed by almost all, as
nature's rights; for behold! a beam of science, lucid as the
sun, has divinely fallen upon the lightless intellects of a
portion of that ignoble part of your fellow creatures, who have
been so long the victims of your fell injustice and inhumanity.
Would to God that conscience might subdue your malignant
prejudices. Tell us not that our condition can never be bettered
in the land of our birth: you know it not. Make but the attempt
in consecrating a portion of your time, talents and money upon
us here, and you would soon find the cause of Afric's injured
race vindicated by her descendants; and the day which now dawns
would be speedily ushered into blazing light, declaring in its
effulgence the joyful sound of Liberty--Justice--Equality, to
all mankind.'[AM]
'There is much to be surprised at, little to admire, and nothing
worthy of imitation, in the "bubbles" of our friends, the
colonizationists. They have enlisted the prejudices and the
support of the wealthy and influential in their favor; they have
succeeded in sending some two or three thousand to Liberia; and
they are flattered with their partial success, and no doubt look
forward to the time when they will behold the whole of the
colored inhabitants of America, in the far distant land of
Africa. But let them not anticipate too much; they have yet one
obstacle to overcome which threatens to overthrow their
"baseless fabric;" or at any rate impede their progress. Their
proceedings have not obtained the approbation of those, whose
approbation is most needed, _the colored people themselves_.
They are most strangely mistaken if they suppose that it is an
easy matter to win them, either by _sophistry_ or _force_. The
press has begun its revolutionizing work, overturning in its
progress every thing calculated to suppress inquiry or to blind
the understanding. Already have the intrigues of the designing
been exposed, and already have the colored people set their
faces against oppression.
'The Colonization Society has erred in matters of _policy_; for
instead of exerting themselves to gain the confidence of the
colored people, and thus by persuasion to have rid the country
of them, they have acted in a manner calculated to disgust every
humane mind, and have rendered it an utter _impossibility_ to
remove them; and it is most fortunate for the unfortunate, that
they have detected those intriguing spirits in their _humane_
and _charitable_ undertaking.
'How many hours of anguish, how much incalculable misery has been
prevented; in short, how many human beings have been saved from
an untimely grave, by the timely interposition of the PRESS! It
has said, let it be so, and it _was_ so; its thunders have been
heard, and the oppressor trembles like the earthquake: it has
overthrown, yea, totally demolished the sharp-edged sword of
the Colonization Society.
'Support the PRESS then, ye people of color, and the result will
be a total overthrow of all the darling schemes of the aforesaid
darling Society; it has accomplished wonders, yea, wonders
already; much more can, nay, will be done; again I say, support
the PRESS.'[AN]
'The African Colonization Society declares that we the people of
color shall have no part nor lot in the free institutions of
this country. Why? Because the Creator of all--the sovereign
Ruler of the universe, who holds in his hands the destiny of
nations, thought fit and proper, in his infinite wisdom, to
tincture us with a darker hue than the paler part of community!
or, if I may say, because the lot of our predecessors happened
to be cast in the torrid zone, beneath the scorching beams of a
vertical sun! These are the objections the African Colonization
Society offer to this community to our remaining in this
country--in the land of freemen! These are the considerations
that prompt them to tell us that we the descendants of Africa
can never be men unless we abandon the land of our birth, our
homes and people, and submit to that uncongenial clime, the
barbarous regions of Africa, amidst unyielding contagion and
mortality! O, that man would remember, that knowledge and
virtue, not complexion, are the emblems that constitute the
value of human dignity! With these, we are worthy--without them,
we are unworthy. By the acts and operations of wicked men,
shielded under a cloak of religion, we the people of color are
doomed to all the miseries that the human body is able to
sustain--deprived of light, knowledge and social intercourse, by
the colonization gentlemen. With all their pretended zeal and
love of liberty, manifested towards the African race, I count
them as enemies, not friends. I do not solicit their love, nor
regard their friendship. I speak for one: I never did, and never
will court an enemy as a friend, knowingly, let him be whom he
may--let him belong to church or state, I feel the weight of
their predominant power, and the finishing blow they are about
to strike. Thus we move by them, poor and pennyless, despised
and forsaken by all; creeping through your streets, submissively
bowed down to every foot whose skin is tinctured with a lighter
hue than ours--thus we sojourn in solitude, not for our crimes
but color.
'I came here for the purpose of showing to this community, that
the people of color of the United States disapprove of the
African Colonization plan. They do not wish to emigrate to
Africa. These six hundred or more, that the gentleman tells you
are now waiting for a passage to Liberia, are not the free
people of color of the United States; they are, if any, the
poor, old, worn-out southern slaves, freed on the condition to
go to Africa, or die in the tracks of slavery, no more fit for
their cotton and rice fields--for the laws of those states
forbid the master, let him be possessed of all the fine feelings
that the human mind is able to contain; unless he banishes them
to some distant region, across that "mighty ocean" they speak
of, they cannot be free. According to the laws of those states,
and the basis on which the Society is built, the emancipated
slaves are not free until they stand upon the shores of Liberia.
Thus the Northern and Middle States are called upon for
donations to enable the monarch of the south to bury his slaves
in the sands of Africa; thus far, northern capital is
instrumental in parting asunder parents and children--no more to
meet, until Jehovah will stand upon the four corners of the
earth, and proclaim deliverance to the captive!--when the arm of
tyrants shall cease to sway the rod of tyranny over the heads of
their helpless children--until all creation shall vanish and
crumble into nothing.
'About the time of the formation of this Society, the people of
color, in different sections of the Union, took the alarm--they
thought there was something wrong in the views of that combined
body. So, the free people of color of Richmond, convened
themselves together in the state of Virginia, where the
gentleman says the African Colonization Society first
originated. They assembled themselves together for the purpose
of ascertaining each other's feelings with regard to that
combined body, and after mature reflection, they petitioned
Congress--I will give you the words of their memorial, which are
sufficient evidence to substantiate in the mind of every
rational person, that the people of color wish to remain in this
country.
'"At a meeting of a respectable portion of the free people of
color of the city of Richmond, on Friday, January 24, 1817,
William Bowler was appointed chairman, and Lentey Craw,
secretary. The following preamble and resolution were read,
unanimously adopted, and ordered to be printed.
'"Whereas a Society has been formed at the seat of government,
for the purpose of colonizing, with their own consent, the free
people of color of the United States; therefore we, the free
people of color of the city of Richmond, have thought it
advisable to assemble together under the sanction of authority,
for the purpose of making a public expression of our sentiments
on a question in which we are so deeply interested. We perfectly
agree with the Society, that it is not only proper, but would
ultimately tend to the benefit and advantage of a great portion
of our suffering fellow creatures, to be colonized; but while we
thus express our approbation of a measure laudable in its
purposes, and beneficial in its designs, it may not be improper
in us to say, that we prefer being colonized in the most remote
corner of the land of our nativity, to being exiled to a foreign
country--and whereas the president and board of managers of the
said Society have been pleased to leave it to the entire
discretion of Congress to provide a suitable place for carrying
these laudable intentions into effect--Be it therefore
'"Resolved, That we respectfully submit to the wisdom of
Congress whether it would not be an act of charity to grant us a
small portion of their territory, either on the Missouri river,
or any place that may seem to them most conducive to the public
good and our future welfare, subject, however, to such rules and
regulations as the government of the United States may think
proper to adopt."
'WM. BOWLER, Chairman.
'LENTEY CRAW, Secretary.'[AO]
'The _colonization craft_ is a diabolical pursuit, which a great
part of our christian community are engaged in. Now, brethren, I
need not enlarge on this point. You that have been observing,
have already seen the trap under the bait; and although some of
our population have been foolish enough to sell their birthright
for a mess of pottage, yet I doubt whether the Colonization
Society will entrap many more. It is too bare-faced, and
contrary to all reason, to suppose, that there is any good
design in this project. If they are willing to restore
four-fold for what they have taken by false accusation, they
can do it to better advantage in the bosom of our country, than
at several thousand miles off. How would you do, brethren, if
your object was really to benefit the poor? Would you send them
into a neighboring forest, and there deal out that food which
they were famishing for? Now we stand different from beggars.
Our ancestors were stolen property, and property which belonged
to God. This is well known by our religious community; and they
find that the owner is about to detect them. Now if they can
slip away the stolen goods, by smuggling all those out of the
country, which God would be likely to make an instrument of, in
bringing them to justice, and keep the rest in ignorance; by
such means, things would go on well with them, and they would
appease their consciences by telling what great things they are
doing for the colored population and God's cause. But we
understand better how it is. The deception is not so well
practised, but that we can discover the mark of the beast. They
will steal the sons of Africa, bring them to America, keep them
and their posterity in bondage for centuries, letting them have
what education they can pick up of themselves; then transport
them back to Africa; by which means America gets all her
drudgery done at little expense, and endeavors to flatter the
Deity, by making him a sacrifice of good works of this kind. But
to the awful disappointment of all such blasphemers, they will
meet the justice of God, which will be to them a devouring
sword.'[AP]
'Though delivered from the fetters of slavery, we are oppressed
by an unreasonable, unrighteous, and cruel prejudice, which aims
at nothing less, than the forcing away of all the free colored
population of the United States to the distant shores of Africa.
Far be it from me to impeach the motives of every member of the
American Colonization Society. The civilizing and christianizing
of that vast continent, and the extirpation of the abominable
traffic in slaves, (which, notwithstanding all the laws passed
for its suppression, is still carried on in all its horrors,)
are no doubt the principal motives, which induce many to give it
their support.
'But there are those, and those who are most active and
influential in this cause, who hesitate not to say, that they
wish to rid the country of the free colored population; and
there is sufficient reason to believe that with many, this is
the principal motive for supporting that Society; and that
whether Africa is civilized or not, and whether the slave-trade
be suppressed or not, they would wish to see the free colored
people removed from this country to Africa.
'Africa could certainly be brought into a state of civil and
religious improvement, without sending all the free people of
color in the United States there.
'A few well-qualified missionaries, properly fitted out and
supported, would do more for the instruction and improvement of
the natives of that country, than a host of colonists, the
greater part of whom would need to be instructed themselves, and
all of whom for a long period would find enough to do to provide
for themselves, instead of instructing the natives.
'How inconsistent are those who say, that Africa will be
benefitted by the removal of the free people of color of the
United States there, while they say, they are the _most vile and
degraded_ people in the world!--If we are as vile and degraded
as they represent us, and they wish the Africans to be rendered
a virtuous, enlightened and happy people, they should not
_think_ of sending _us_ among them, lest we should make them
worse instead of better.
'The colonies planted by white men on the shores of America, so
far from benefitting the aborigines, corrupted their morals, and
caused their ruin; and yet those who say _we_ are the most vile
people in the world, would send us to Africa, to improve the
character and condition of the natives! Such arguments would not
be listened to for a moment, were not the minds of the community
strangely warped by prejudice.
'Those who wish that that vast continent should be _compensated_
for the injuries done it, by sending thither the light of the
gospel and the arts of civilized life, should aid in sending and
supporting well qualified missionaries, who should be wholly
devoted to the work of instruction, instead of sending
colonists, who would be apt to turn the ignorance of the natives
to their own advantage, and do them more harm than good.
'Much has also been said by colonizationists, about improving
the character and condition of the people of color of this
country, by sending them to Africa. This is more inconsistent
still. We are to be improved by being sent far from civilized
society. This is a novel mode of improvement. What is there in
the burning sun, the arid plains, and barbarous customs of
Africa, that is so peculiarly favorable to our improvement? What
hinders our improving here, where schools and colleges abound,
where the gospel is preached at every corner, and where all the
arts and sciences are verging fast to perfection? Nothing,
nothing but prejudice. It requires no large expenditures, no
hazardous enterprises, to raise the people of color in the
United States to as highly improved a state, as any class of the
community. All that is necessary is, that those who profess to
be anxious for it, should lay aside their prejudices, and act
towards them as they do by others.
'We are NATIVES of this country; we ask only to be treated as
well as FOREIGNERS. Not a few of our fathers suffered and bled
to purchase its independence; we ask only to be treated as well
as those who fought against it. We have toiled to cultivate it,
and to raise it to its present prosperous condition; we ask only
to share equal privileges with those who come from distant lands
to enjoy the fruits of our labor. Let these moderate requests be
granted, and we need not go to Africa nor any where else, to be
improved and happy. We cannot but doubt the purity of the
motives of those persons who deny us these requests, and would
send us to Africa, to gain what they might give us at home.
'But they say, the prejudices of the country against us are
invincible; and as they cannot be conquered, it is better that
we should be removed beyond their influence. This plea should
never proceed from the lips of any man, who professes to believe
that a just God rules in the heavens.
'The American Colonization Society is a numerous and influential
body. Would they lay aside their _own_ prejudices, much of the
burden would be at once removed; and their example (especially
if they were as anxious to have _justice done us here_, as to
send us to Africa,) would have such an influence upon the
community at large, as would soon cause prejudice to hide its
deformed head.
'But alas! the course which they have pursued, has an opposite
tendency. By the _scandalous misrepresentations_, which they are
continually giving of our character and conduct, we have
sustained much injury, and have reason to apprehend much more.
'Without any charge of crime, we have been denied all access to
places, to which we formerly had the most free intercourse; the
colored citizens of other places, on leaving their homes, have
been denied the privilege of returning; and others have been
absolutely driven out.
'Has the Colonization Society had no effect in producing these
barbarous measures?
'They profess to have no other object in view, than the
colonizing of the free people of color on the coast of Africa,
with their _own consent_; but if our homes are made so
uncomfortable that we cannot continue in them; or if, like our
brethren of Ohio and New Orleans, we are driven from them, and
no other door is open to receive us but Africa, our removal
there will be any thing but voluntary.
'It is very certain, that very few free people of color _wish_
to go to that _land_. The Colonization Society _know_ this, and
yet they do certainly calculate, that in time they will have us
all removed there.
'How can this be effected, but by making our situation worse
here, and closing every other door against us?'[AQ]
'My attention was forcibly attracted by a communication in Mr
Poulson's Daily Advertiser of the 16th inst. which states, that
Mrs Stansbury of Trenton, N. J. has presented _one thousand
dollars_ to the Colonization Society. Now I think it is greatly
to be regretted, that this highly generous and benevolent lady
has been induced to make this donation for the purpose of
conveying some of the superannuated slaves to Africa, when
objects of much greater importance could be attained by offering
a premium to master mechanics to take colored children as
apprentices, so that they would become useful to themselves and
others. It is an inquiry becoming of the utmost importance, what
is to become of those children who are arriving at the age of
manhood?
'I am greatly astonished that the ministers of the gospel should
take so active a part, in endeavoring to convey the freemen of
color to Africa. Even in Boston and New-York, they have taken
the lead in support of this object. They cannot be aware of the
great injury they will be the means of inflicting on us: instead
of doing this, they should endeavor to remove prejudice, to
ameliorate and improve the condition of the colored people by
education, and by having their children placed in a situation to
learn a trade. I hope, through the assistance of Divine
Providence, that the Liberator may be the means (especially in
Boston, the Cradle of Liberty and Independence) of guiding the
people of this country in the path, which equal justice and the
public good so evidently indicate.
'I have never conversed with an intelligent man of color, (not
swayed by interested and sinister motives,) who was not
decidedly opposed to leaving his home for the fatal clime of
Africa. I am well acquainted with all the masters of vessels,
belonging to this port, who have been to the coast of Africa;
and they all agree in representing it as one of the most
unhealthy countries in the latitude of 40. In the months of June
and July, the thermometer is at from 88 to 90 degrees. What must
it be, then, in the latitude of 6 or 7, under a vertical sun,
and where, after the rainy season, the effluvium which arises
from the putrefaction of vegetables is productive of the most
fatal effects? Sir James L. Yeo agrees with their account, in
his statement laid before the Admiralty of Great Britain.
'Has any one, in either of our southern States, given any thing
like a thousand dollars to promote emigration to Africa? Not one
has shown so much compassion for the oppressed slave. General
Mercer,--who is, I believe, the President of the Colonization
Society,--promised to emancipate his slaves, and to sell his
large possessions in Virginia, and to remove with them to
Africa--(my friends inform me, and I believe him to be one of
the most humane and best of masters.) Mr Key, the great
advocate, and the late Judge Washington, promised to liberate
their slaves: I believe that neither of them has performed his
promise.
'According to a statement made by Mr Key, they have removed in
fourteen years about as many hundred emigrants. I will venture
to say, that at least a half million have been born during the
same period. We ask not their compassion and aid, in assisting
us to emigrate to Africa: we are contented in the land that gave
us birth, and for which many of our fathers fought and died,
during the war which established our independence. I well
remember that when the New England regiment marched through this
city on their way to attack the English army under the command
of Lord Cornwallis, there were several companies of colored
people, as brave men as ever fought; and I saw those brave
soldiers who fought at the battle of Red Bank, under Col. Green,
where Count Donop the commander was killed, and the Hessians
defeated. All this appears to be forgotten now; and the
descendants of these men, to whom we are indebted for the part
they took in the struggle for independence, are intended to be
removed to a distant and inhospitable country, while the
emigrants from every other country are permitted to seek an
asylum here from oppression, and to enjoy the blessings of both
civil and religious liberty, equally with those who are entitled
to it by birthright.
'I think the ministers of the gospel might do much towards
destroying the domestic slave trade, which breaks asunder the
sacred ties of husband, wife and children. Not a voice is
raised by them against this most cruel injustice. In the British
colonies, this is not permitted; yet it exists in the only true
republic on earth.'[AR]
'_My Friends and Countrymen_:--I trust, by this time, you have
known well my sentiments in relation to the American
Colonization Society; and the great objects, which have been set
forth, of a general union of interest, in funds and education,
for the permanent establishment and furtherance of our
prosperity, in this our native country.
'In addition to what has been already said on the subject, I
shall briefly set forth some of the leading causes of our
wretchedness and misery; and the prominent motives of the
Colonization Society in sending us away. Much theory has been
used, in the discussions upon our civil and political situation,
in this country. We have been branded, in many instances,--may I
not say, in the highest courts of the nation, courts of justice
and equity, in public and family circles?--as being an inferior
race of beings, not possessing like intellect and faculty with
the whites. We are represented as being incapable of acting for
ourselves; consequently not educated and qualified to be
admitted into public places, to vindicate the integrity of our
race, and the qualifications we are capable of acquiring. Many
of our noble statesmen, orators and lawyers, have made our
capital ring with the empty sound of
inferiority,--degradation,--the impossibility of tolerating
equality with the blacks. Sacred writ has been carefully
examined by these gentlemen of science, and construed to suit
their narrow consciences. Prophets have arisen among them, who
hold forth to the people the continuation of our political
thraldom, unless there be a general removal of all the free
among us to the coast of Africa. Others argue, that, although
they have good feelings towards us, and would do any thing for
us, if we were out of their sight and out of the hearing of
their slaves, yet to admit us into their circles would be to
pervert the present order of society, and the happiness of the
good white citizens of the country. These are generally bible
men, such as hold forth the true oracles of God; yet deny him,
in their actions and words, the supreme control over all his
creatures. There is hardly ever an action performed, whether
good or bad, but there is generally a reason given for so doing;
and he is a wicked, daring character, who cannot find a cloak,
at any time, to cover his hideous crimes. The men who have been
foremost, in withholding from us our dearest and most sacred
rights, have always held out false colors to the community at
large, (such as, inferiority, degradation, nuisance, pest,
slaves, species of monkey, apes, &c.) to justify their inhuman
and unchristian acts towards us, and to deaden the severe pangs
of conscience that harass them. They would wish to appear
innocent before the world; as doing unto all men as they would
they should do unto them. Do they base their objects, in full,
upon such frivolous excuses as these? No. The truth is, actions
speak louder than words. It is my candid opinion, there would
have been no Colonization Society formed for our transportation
to the western coast of Africa, had there been no free colored
people, and did not our numbers increase daily. If we, as a free
body of people, had remained in the same character with slaves,
monkeys and baboons, there would not have been so much
excitement in the community about us; but as they see by our
improvement, (a great improvement, indeed, within forty years,)
that the period is hastening on, 'when there will be no other
alternative but we must rank among them in civilization, science
and politics, they have got up this colonization scheme to
persuade us to leave our slave brethren, and flee to the
pestilential shores of Africa, where we shall be in danger of
being forced to hang our harps upon the willows, and our song of
liberty and civilization will be hushed by the impelling force
of barbarian despots.'[AS]
'And in pursuit of this great object [the elevation of the
people of color] various ways and means have been resorted to;
among others, the American Colonization Society is the most
prominent. Not doubting the sincerity of many friends who are
engaged in that cause; yet we beg leave to say, that it does not
meet with our approbation. However great the debt which these
United States may owe to injured Africa, and however unjustly
her sons have been made to bleed, and her daughters to drink of
the cup of affliction, still we who have been born and nurtured
on this soil, we, whose habits, manners and customs are the same
in common with other Americans, can never consent to take our
lives in our hands, and be the bearers of the redress offered by
that Society to that much afflicted country.
'Tell it not to barbarians, lest they refuse to be civilized,
and eject our Christian missionaries from among them, that in
the nineteenth century of the christian era, laws have been
enacted in some of the States of this great republic, to compel
an unprotected and harmless portion of our brethren to leave
their homes and seek an asylum in foreign climes: and in taking
a view of the unhappy situation of many of these, whom the
oppressive laws alluded to, continually crowd into the Atlantic
cities, dependent for their support upon their daily labor, and
who often suffer for want of employment, we have had to lament
that no means have yet been devised for their relief.'[AT]
'The Convention has not been unmindful of the operations of the
American Colonization Society; and it would respectfully suggest
to that august body of learning, talent and worth, that, in our
humble opinion, strengthened, too, by the opinions of eminent
men in this country, as well as in Europe, that they are
pursuing the direct road to perpetuate slavery, with all its
unchristianlike concomitants, in this boasted land of freedom;
and, as citizens and men whose best blood is sapped to gain
popularity for that Institution, we would, in the most feeling
manner, beg of them to desist: or, if we must be sacrificed to
their philanthropy, we would rather die at home. Many of our
fathers, and some of us, have fought and bled for the liberty,
independence and peace which you now enjoy; and, surely, it
would be ungenerous and unfeeling in you to deny us a humble and
quiet grave in that country which gave us birth!'[AU]
'Sir, upon the whole, my view of the operations of the
Colonization Society, in relieving the slave States of the evil
which weighs them down more than a hundred tariffs, is
illustrated by an old fable, in which it is stated, that a man
was seen at the foot of a mountain, scraping away the dust with
his foot. One passing by, asked him what he was doing? I wish to
remove this mountain, said he. You fool, replied the other, you
can never do it in that way. Well, said he, I can raise a dust,
can't I?
'Sir, I do not wish to censure the motives of this Society, but
surely they are visionary. Its supporters are bewildered in
their own dust, which is well calculated to injure the vision of
good men. The Commercial Advertiser says they do indeed wish to
wipe away from the national records the stain of slavery, "but
hope it may be accomplished (as the Virginia Enquirer has it)
surely but quietly." Yes, Sir, and quietly enough!
'Our ambition leads not to superiority, but to our _freedom_ and
_political rights_. _Grant this!_ we ask no more! If the places
in which we dwell are too straight for us and the white
population, place us in a state far to the West--take us
into the Union--give us our _rights_ as _freemen_. Let the
southern states make all born after a date not two years
distant, free! and let the Colonization Society turn its
attention and energies to the removing of liberated slaves
there: the free people will go without their aid. But if the
Government is fearful of retaliation, it may allay its fears by
a consideration of the fact of there not being one freeman
engaged in the late insurrections--of freemen informing against
slaves--the peaceable manner in which we live in the
neighborhoods of the south, and throughout the whole Union. The
meetings that have lately been held, and resolutions passed
expressive of our disapprobation of such measures, may all show
that such fears are groundless. I repeat again--_Give us our
rights--we ask no more!_
'Yes, Sir, if I possessed the Indies, I would pledge the whole
that if such measures were taken, and such grants made, no
retaliation would be made by us as a body for former evils.'[AV]
'In no age of our existence have there been more pains taken by
priests and people, in public and private, in church and state,
to give them currency, than at present. The whole theme of that
wicked, persecuting combination--the Colonization Society--is
calculated to impress upon the mind of the public these
atrocious maxims which every day strengthen a prejudice not only
cherished by the whites against the blacks, but by the blacks
against the whites. That foul fiend of hell, that destroying
angel who hath power to take peace from the earth, and to kill
with the sword, is gaining a commanding influence very fast over
both parties. And who, but the advocates of the Colonization
Society, receive him as a welcome guest? Who but they have built
him a temple, and cried, "Long live Prejudice against free born
Americans of sable hue!" Who but they are continually crying,
"The free blacks are dangerous! the free blacks are dangerous!
Away with them--away with them to Africa!" Who but they are the
apologists for murder, theft, and all the horrid concomitants of
slavery? Who but they have defiled our temples of worship
dedicated to God for his service, making merchandise of the
souls of men by transferring them over to the keeping of
prejudice?'[AW]
Other extracts might be recorded, but these must suffice. I have given
the sentiments of the people of color as expressed individually, in
public orations, in conventions of delegates, and in popular assemblies.
Their proceedings evince a keen discrimination between true and false
philanthropy, and an intellectual ability successfully to defend their
cause. Their instincts are more than a match for the specious sophistry
and learned sense of colonizationists: they meet them on every point,
and on every point achieve a victory. Conscious of the fact that in
their complexion is found the only motive for their banishment, they
clearly illustrate the hypocrisy and injustice of the African crusade.
Their union of purpose is such as cannot be broken. How intense is their
love of country! how remarkable their patient endurance of wrongs! how
strong their abhorrence of expatriation! how auspicious the talents
which they display!
Every humane and honorable man will assent to the proposition, that no
scheme for the removal of a numerous people from one continent to
another, ought to be prosecuted contrary to their desires. A scheme
cannot be benevolent which thrives upon persecution. Benevolent
oppression is a solecism.
Another self-evident truth is, that no such removal can be effected
merely by the presentation of selfish inducements, or without resorting
to coercive measures. To show that coercion is openly advocated by some
of the prominent supporters of the Colonization Society, I make the
following extracts from the speeches of Messrs Broadnax and Fisher,
delivered during the 'Great Debate' in the Virginia House of Delegates a
short time since. Mr Broadnax said:
'IT IS IDLE TO TALK ABOUT NOT RESORTING TO FORCE. Every body
must look to the introduction of force of some kind or
other--and it is in truth a question of expediency; of moral
justice; of political good faith--whether we shall fairly
delineate our whole system on the face of the bill, or leave the
acquisition of extorted consent to other processes. The real
question--the only question of magnitude to be settled, is the
great preliminary question--Do you intend to send the free
persons of color out of Virginia, or not?'
'If the free negroes are willing to go, they will go--if not
willing, they must be compelled to go. Some gentlemen think it
politic not now to insert this feature in the bill, though they
proclaim their readiness to resort to it when it becomes
necessary; they think that for a year or two a sufficient number
will consent to go, and then the rest can be compelled. For my
part, I deem it better to approach the question and settle it at
once, and avow it openly. The intelligent portion of the free
negroes know very well what is going on.--Will they not see your
debates? _Will they not see that coercion is ultimately to be
resorted to?_ They will perceive that the edict has gone forth,
and that it must fall, if not now, in a short time upon them.'
'I have already expressed it as my opinion that few, very few,
will _voluntarily_ consent to emigrate, if no COMPULSORY MEASURE
be adopted.--With it--many, in anticipation of its sure and
certain arrival, will, in the mean time, go away--they will be
sensible that the time would come when they would be forced to
leave the State. Without it--you will still, no doubt, have
applicants for removal equal to your means. Yes, Sir, people who
will not only consent, but beg you to deport them. But what sort
of _consent_--a consent extorted by a series of oppression
calculated to render their situation among us insupportable.
Many of those who have already been sent off, went with _their
avowed consent_, but under the influence of a more decided
compulsion than any which this bill holds out. I will not
express, in its full extent, the idea I entertain of what has
been done, or what enormities will be perpetrated to induce this
class of persons to leave the State. Who does not know that when
a free negro, by crime or otherwise, has rendered himself
obnoxious to a neighborhood, how easy it is for a party to visit
him one night, take him from his bed and family, and apply to
him the gentle admonition of a severe flagellation, to induce
him to _consent_ to go away? In a few nights the dose can be
repeated, perhaps increased, until, in the language of the
physicians, _quantum suff._ has been administered to produce the
desired operation; and the fellow then becomes _perfectly
willing_ to move away. I have certainly heard, if incorrectly,
the gentleman from Southampton will put me right, that of the
large cargo of emigrants lately transported from that country to
Liberia, all of whom _professed_ to be _willing_ to go, were
rendered so by some such severe ministrations as those I have
described. A lynch club--a committee of vigilance--could easily
exercise a kind of inquisitorial _surveillance_ over any
neighborhood, and convert any desired number, I have no doubt,
at any time, into a willingness to be removed. But who really
prefers such means as these to the course proposed in this bill?
And one or the other is inevitable. For no matter how you change
this bill--sooner or later the free negroes will be _forced_ to
leave the State. Indeed, Sir, ALL OF US LOOK TO FORCE of some
kind or other, direct or indirect, moral or physical, legal or
illegal. Many who are opposed, they say, to any compulsory
feature in the bill, desire to introduce such severe regulations
into our police laws--such restrictions of their existing
privileges--such inability to hold property--obtain
employment--rent residences, &c., as to make it impossible for
them to remain amongst us. _Is not this force?_'
Mr Fisher said:
'If we wait until the free negroes consent to leave the State,
we shall wait until "time is no more." _They never will give
their consent_; and if the House amend the bill as proposed,
their consent is in a manner pointed out by the gentleman from
Dinwiddie--and it is a great question whether we shall force the
people to extort their consent from them in this way.--He
believed if the compulsory principle were stricken out, this
class of people would be forced to leave by the harsh treatment
of the whites. The people in those parts of the State where they
most abound, were determined,--as far as they could learn
through the newspapers and other sources,--to get rid of the
blacks.'
What a revelation, what a confession, is here! The free blacks taken
from their beds, and severely flagellated, to make them willing to
emigrate! And legislative compulsion openly advocated to accomplish this
nefarious project! Yes, the gentlemen say truly, 'few, very few will
_voluntarily_ consent to emigrate'--'they never will give their
consent'--and therefore they must be expelled by force! It is true, the
bill proposed by Mr Broadnax was rejected by a small majority; but it
serves to illustrate the spirit of the colonization leaders.
The editor of the Lynchburg Virginian, an advocate of the Society, uses
the following language:
'But, if they will not consider for themselves, WE _must
consider for them_. The safety of the people is the supreme law;
and to that law all minor considerations must bend. If the free
negroes will not emigrate, _they must be contented to endure
those privations which the public interest and safety call
for_.--In the last Richmond Enquirer we notice an advertisement,
setting forth, that "a petition will be presented to the next
legislature of Virginia, from the county of Westmoreland,
praying the passage of some law to _compel_ the free negroes in
this commonwealth to emigrate therefrom, under a penalty which
will effectually promote this object." So, too, at a meeting of
the citizens of Prince George county, in Maryland, it was
resolved to "petition the next legislature to remove all the
free negroes out of that State, and to prohibit all persons from
manumitting slaves without making provision for their removal."'
I close this work with a specimen of the sophistry which is used to give
_eclat_ to the American Colonization Society.
In the month of June, 1830, I happened to peruse a number of the
Southern Religious Telegraph, in which I found an essay, enforcing the
duty of clergymen to take up collections in aid of the funds of the
Colonization Society on the then approaching fourth of July. After an
appropriate introductory paragraph, the writer proceeds in the following
remarkable strain:
'But--we have a plea like a peace offering to man and to God. We
answer poor blinded Africa in her complaint--that we have her
children, and that they have served on our plantations. And we
tell her, look at their returning! We took them barbarous,
though measurably free,--untaught--rude--without
science--without the true religion--without philosophy--and
strangers to the best civil governments. And now we return them
to her bosom, _with the mechanical arts_ ... _with science_ ...
_with philosophy_ ... with civilization ... with republican
feelings ... and above all, with the true knowledge of the true
God, and the way of salvation through the Redeemer.'
'The mechanical arts!'--with whom did they serve an apprenticeship?
'With philosophy!'--in what colleges were they taught? It is strange
that we should be so anxious to get rid of these scientific men of
color--these philosophers--these republicans--these christians, and that
we should shun their company as if they were afflicted with the
hydrophobia, or carried a deadly pestilence in their train! Certainly,
they _must_ have singular notions of the christian religion which
tolerates--or, rather, which is so perverted as to tolerate--the
oppression of God's rational creatures by its professors! They must feel
a peculiar kind of brotherly love for those _good men_ who banded
together to remove them to Africa, because they were too proud to
associate familiarly with men of a sable complexion! But the writer
proceeds:
'We tell her, look at the little colony on her shores. We tell
her, look to the consequences that must flow to all her borders
from religion, and science, and knowledge, and civilization, and
republican government! And then we ask her--_is not one ship
load of emigrants returning with these multiplied blessings,
worth more to her than a million of her barbarous sons?_'
So! every ship load of ignorant and helpless emigrants is to more than
compensate Africa for every million of her children who have been
kidnapped, buried in the ocean and on the land, tortured with savage
cruelty, and held in perpetual servitude! Truly, this is a compendious
method of balancing accounts. In the sight of God, of Africa, and of the
world, we are consequently blameless--and rather praiseworthy--for our
past transgressions. It is such sophistry as is contained in the
foregoing extract, that kindles my indignation into a blaze. I abhor
cant--I abhor hypocrisy--and if some of the advocates of the
Colonization Society do not deal largely in both, I am unable to
comprehend the meaning of these terms.
Of the whole number of individuals constituting the officers of the
Society, nearly three-fourths, I believe, _are the owners of slaves_, or
interested in slave property; not one of whom, to my knowledge, has
emancipated any of his slaves to be sent to Liberia!! The President of
the Society, (CHARLES CARROLL,) owns, I have understood, nearly _one
thousand slaves_! And yet he is lauded, beyond measure, as a patriot, a
philanthropist, and a christian! The former President, (Judge BUSHROD
WASHINGTON,) so far from breaking the fetters of his slaves, actually
while holding his office offered a large reward for a runaway female
slave, to any person who would secure her by putting her into any jail
within the United States! What a mockery it is for such persons to
profess to deplore the existence of slavery, or to denounce the foreign
slave trade! for they neither cease from their own oppressive acts, nor
act much more honestly than the slave dealers--the latter stealing those
who are born on the coast of Africa, and the former those who are born
in this country!
FOOTNOTES:
[AE] John Neal.
[AF] _Vide_ the Fourth Volume of the Genius of Universal Emancipation
for 1829.
[AG] Alexander H. Everett, Esq. vide his work entitled 'America, or a
General Survey,' &c. &c. pp. 212, 225.
[AH] Genius of Universal Emancipation for November 27, 1829.
[AI] Genius of Universal Emancipation, January 29, 1830.
[AJ] 'The Liberator' for January 22, 1832.
[AK] 'A Colored Philadelphian'--vide 'The Liberator' for Feb. 12, 1831.
[AL] Correspondent of 'The Liberator,' Feb. 26, 1831.
[AM] Correspondent of 'The Liberator,' March 12, 1831.
[AN] 'African Sentinel,' Oct. 8, 1831, printed at Albany.
[AO] Extracts from 'An Address to the Gentlemen and Ladies of the County
of Otsego, N. Y., delivered on the 30th September, 1830, by Hayden
Waters, a man of color.' The proceedings of the colored inhabitants of
Virginia, incorporated into this Address, are those referred to on page
8 as having been accidentally mislaid.
[AP] 'Address delivered before the colored population of Providence, R.
I., November 27, 1828, by Rev. Hosea Easton.'
[AQ] 'A Discourse delivered in St. Philip's Church, for the benefit of
the colored community of Wilberforce, in Upper Canada, on the Fourth of
July, 1830. By Rev. Peter Williams, Rector of St. Philip's Church,
New-York.' Mr Williams is a clergyman of superior talents and great
moral worth, and beloved by an extensive circle of acquaintance.
[AR] From the pen of the Colored Gentleman in Philadelphia, referred to
on page 58--vide 'The Liberator,' March 12, 1831.
[AS] 'Address delivered before a Colored Association in Brooklyn, N. Y.,
August 5, 1831,' by George Hogarth. Vide 'The Liberator' for August 27,
1831.
[AT] Conventional Address of the People of Color in Philadelphia, in
1830.
[AU] 'Minutes and Proceedings of the First Annual Convention of the
People of Color, held by adjournment in the city of Philadelphia, in
June, 1831.'
[AV] 'Philadelphia Evangelist'--vide 'The Liberator' for November 26,
1831.
[AW] Correspondent of 'The Liberator,' December 17, 1831.
END OF PART II.