THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY DECEIVES AND MISLEADS THE NATION.
It is now about fifteen years since the American Colonization Society
sprang into existence--a space of time amply sufficient to test its
ability. In its behalf the pulpit and the press (two formidable engines)
have been exerted to an extraordinary degree; statesmen, and orators,
and judges, and lawyers, and philanthropists, have eloquently advocated
its claims to public patronage. During this protracted period, and with
such powerful auxiliaries, a careless observer might naturally suppose
that much must have been accomplished towards abolishing slavery. But
what is the fact? Less than one hundred and fifty souls have been
removed annually to Africa--in all, about two thousand souls in fifteen
years!!--a drop from the Atlantic ocean--a grain of earth from the
American continent! In the mean time, the increase of the slaves has
amounted to upwards of _half a million_! and every week more than _one
thousand_ new-born victims are added to their number. Before a vessel,
with one hundred and fifty passengers, can go to and return from Africa,
more than ten thousand slave infants will have been added to our
population: while she is preparing to depart, or waiting for a fair
wind, the increase will freight her many times.
The following eloquent and comprehensive Circular (published last year
in London by Capt. Charles Stuart, in consequence of the visit of
Elliott Cresson, an agent who was sent out to dupe the philanthropists
of England) exhibits the inefficiency and criminality of the Society in
a striking light:
'AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. LIBERIA.--This Society was
formed in the United States, in 1817.
Its Thirteenth Annual Report has just reached this country.
Its object, as expressed by itself, (see the Thirteenth Report,
page 41, app. 9, art. 2,) "Is to promote and execute a plan for
colonizing the free people of color, residing in 'the United
States' in Africa, or such other place as Congress shall deem
most expedient."
The facts of the case are these:
1. That the United States have about 2,000,000 enslaved blacks.
2. That they have about 500,000 free blacks.
3. That both these classes are rapidly increasing.
4. That both are exceedingly depressed and degraded.
The duty of the United States to them, is the same exactly as we
owe to our colored fellow-subjects in our slave colonies, viz.
to obey God, by letting them go free, by placing them beneath
wise and equitable laws, and by loving them all, and treating
them like brethren; that is to say, the unquestionable duty of
the people of the United States is to emancipate their 2,000,000
slaves, and to raise the 500,000 free colored people to that
estimation in their native country which is due to them.
But the American Colonization Society deliberately rejects both
of these first great duties, and confines itself to the
colonization in Africa of the free colored people. They say, in
page 5, of their Thirteenth Report, "To abolition she could not
look--and need not look." It "could do nothing in the slave
States for the cause of humanity;" and in page 8, "Emancipation,
with the liberty to remain on this side of the Atlantic, is but
an act of dreamy madness."
Now in thus deliberately letting the great crime of negro
slavery alone; and in thus substituting a little restricted act
of very dubious benevolence to a few, for the great and sacred
duty of right which they owe to all,--they hurt the great cause
of everlasting truth and love, in the following particulars:
1. By offering to the nation a hope, at which many of their best
men seem eagerly grasping, of getting rid of the colored people
abroad--they conduce more and more, as this hope prevails, to
keep out of mind the superior, unalterable, and immediate duty
of righting them at home.
2. By removing whatever number it be, from their native country,
the number which remains must be diminished,--and the more the
number which remains is diminished, the more helpless will they
become--the less will be the hope of their ever recovering their
own liberty--and the more and longer will they be trampled upon.
3. The more the people of the United States (and this is equally
true of Great Britain) substitute a _half-way_ duty, difficult,
expensive, and partial as it must be, and criminal as it
unquestionably is--for the _whole_ duty which they owe their
negro fellow-subjects, of putting them, before the law, upon a
par with themselves--the less will they be likely to feel their
sin in continuing to wrong them; and the less they feel their
sin, the less likely will they be to repent of it, and to do
their duty.
4. The greater the number of slaves transported, the greater
will be the value of the labor of those who remain; the more
valuable their labor is, the greater will be the temptation to
over-labor them, and the more, of course, they will be
oppressed.
5. The American Colonization Society directly supports the false
and cruel idea that the native country of the colored people of
the United States, is not their native country, and that they
never can be happy until they either exile themselves, or are
exiled; and thus powerfully conduces to extinguish in them all
those delightful hopes, and to prevent all that glorious
exertion, which would make them a blessing to their country. In
this particular, the American Colonization Society takes up a
falsehood, as cruel to the colored people, as it is disgraceful
to themselves; dwells upon it, as if it were an irrefragable
truth; urges it, as such, upon others; and thus endeavors with
all its force, to make _that practically true_, which is one of
the greatest stains in the American character; which is one of
the greatest scourges that could possibly afflict the free
colored people; and which, in itself, is essentially and
unalterably false. For be the pertinacity of prejudice what it
may, in asserting that the blacks of America never can be
amalgamated in all respects, in equal brotherhood with the
whites, it will not the less remain an everlasting truth, that
the wickedness which produced and perpetuates the assertion, is
the only ground of the difficulty, and that all that is
requisite to remove the whole evil, is the relenting in love of
the proud and cruel spirit which produced it. Could the American
Colonization Society succeed in establishing their views on this
subject, as being really true of the people of the United
States, it would only prove that the people of the United States
were past repentance; that they were given over, through their
obstinacy in sin, finally to believe a lie; to harden
themselves, and to perish in their iniquity. But they have not
succeeded in establishing this fearful fact against themselves;
and as long as they continue capable of repentance, it _never_
can be true, that the proud and baneful prejudices which now so
cruelly alienate them from their colored brethren, may not, will
not, must not, yield to the sword of the Spirit, to the Word of
God, to the blessed weapons of truth and love.
The American Colonization Society is beautiful and beneficial as
far as it supports the cause commenced at Sierra Leone, by
introducing into Africa, civilization, commerce, and genuine
Christianity--by checking the African slave trade--and by
serving in love the emigrants who choose to pass to Liberia.
But it powerfully tends to veil the existing and outrageous
atrocity of negro slavery; and it corroborates against the
people of color, whether enslaved or free, one of the most base,
groundless, and cruel prejudices, that has ever disgraced the
powerful, or afflicted the weak.
The following calculations may throw further light upon the
subject.
The United States have about 2,000,000 slaves, and about 500,000
free colored people.
The American Colonization Society has existed for thirteen
years, and has exported yearly, upon an average, about 150
persons.
Meanwhile the natural yearly increase has been 56,000 souls; and
nearly a million have died in slavery!!
But it may be said, this is only the beginning--more may be
expected hereafter.--Let us see.
The average price of transporting each individual is calculated
at 30 dollars: suppose it to be reduced to 20, and then, as
56,000 must be exported yearly, in order merely to prevent
increase, 1,120,000 dollars would be yearly requisite simply for
transportation. Where is this vast sum to come from? Or suppose
it supplied, still, in the mass of crime and wretchedness, as it
now exists, there would be _no decrease_! Two millions of human
beings every 30 years would still be _born_ and _die_ in
slavery!!
But perhaps you wish to extinguish the crime in thirty years.
Then you must begin by transporting at least 100,000 yearly. In
order to do this, you must have an annual income of upwards of
2,000,000 dollars; and if you have not only to transport, but
also to purchase, you would probably want yearly, _twenty
millions_ more!!
Where are you to get this?--
Or suppose it got, and still one generation would perish in
their wretchedness; 2,000,000 of immortal souls--plundered by
you of the most sacred rights of human nature; of rights _always
the same_, and everlastingly _inalienable_, however
plundered--would have perished _unredressed_, and gone to
confront you at the bar of God.
And will He not make inquisition for blood? And what will it
avail you to say, "Oh, we satisfied ourselves, and traversed
land and sea, and spent thousands to satisfy others, that if we
transported a few hundreds or thousands of our oppressed
fellow-subjects to a distant country, yearly, with care, we
might guiltlessly leave the remaining hundreds of thousands, or
the millions, in slavery, and harmlessly indulge the invincible
repugnance which we felt to a colored skin. We really thought it
better, to exile our colored brethren from their native country,
or to render their lives in it, intolerable by scorn, should
they obstinately persist in remaining in it;--we really thought
this better, than humbling ourselves before our brother and our
God, and returning to both with repenting and undissembling
love."
Is not such language similar to the swearer's prayer!!
Great Britain and the United States, the two most favored, and
the two most guilty nations upon earth, both need rebuke. They
ought to be brethren, mutually dear and honorable to each other,
in all that is true and kind. But never, never, let them support
one another in guilt.
People of Great Britain, it is your business--it is _your
duty_,--to give to negro slavery no rest, but to put it
down--not by letting the trunk alone, while you idly busy
yourselves in lopping off, or in aiding others to lop off, a few
of the straggling branches--but by laying the axe at once to
its roots, and by putting your united nerve into the steel, till
this great poison-tree of lust and blood, and of all abominable
and heartless iniquity, fall before you; and law, and love, and
God and man, shout victory over its ruin.
Hearken--thus saith the Lord, "Rob not the poor, because he is
poor; neither oppress the afflicted in the gate. For the Lord
will plead their cause, and spoil the soul of those that spoiled
them." Prov. xxii. 22, 23.
LONDON, July 15, 1831. C. STUART.'[Y]
Sometimes the Society professes to be able to remove the whole colored
population in less than thirty years! and the belief is prevalent that
the project is feasible. Again it tells us--
'Admitting that the colonization scheme contemplates the
ultimate abolition of slavery, yet that result could only be
produced _by the gradual and slow operation of_ CENTURIES.' * *
'How came we by this population? By the prevalence for a century
of a guilty commerce. And will not the prevalence _for a
century_ of a restoring commerce, place them on their own
shores? Yes, surely!' * * 'There are those, Sir, who ask--and
could not a quarter century cease and determine the two great
evils? You and I, my dear Sir, on whom the frost of time has
fallen rather perceptibly, would say a century. And now, let me
ask, could ever a century, in the whole course of human affairs,
be better employed?'--[African Repository, vol. i. pp. 217, 347;
vol. v. p. 366.]
'It is not the work of a day nor a year, it is not a work of one
time, nor of two, nor of three, but it is one which will now
commence, _and may continue for ages_.'--[A new and interesting
View of Slavery. By Humanitas, a colonization advocate.
Baltimore, 1820.]
Wild enthusiasts in the cause may respond--'The Society never expected
to accomplish much single-handed: it is about to enlist the energies of
the General Government--and doubtless Congress will appropriate several
millions of dollars annually for the purchase and colonization of the
slaves.'
But are they sure, or is it probable, that Congress will make this
appropriation? And if it should, what can they do without the consent of
the people of color to remove? That consent can never be obtained. Is
it, then, proposed to buy the slaves of their masters, as if the claim
of property were valid? It were better that the money should rust at the
bottom of the deep!--better to buy bank-notes, and convert them to
ashes! To purchase slaves would only serve to make brisk the
slave-market. Their value would immediately rise in all the slave
States; especially in Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and North
Carolina, where they are now comparatively worthless--_and there would
be an end to voluntary emancipation_: for who would sacrifice his
'property,' when he might obtain an equivalent for it? Slave traders and
slave owners would be zealous to prevent any lack of miserable objects
for the bounty offered by government: if the natural increase were not
sufficient, they would be careful to make the importation from Africa
exceed the exportation to that ill-fated continent. Such a purchase
would be directly patronising the slave trade, at home and abroad, and
bribing masters to keep their slaves for the highest bidder. Besides, it
would be a gross violation of the great fundamental principle, that 'man
cannot hold property in man.'
I know it is easy to make calculations. I know it is an old maxim, that
'figures cannot lie:' and I very well know, too, that our philanthropic
arithmeticians are prodigiously fond of FIGURING, but of doing nothing
else. Give them a slate and pencil, and in fifteen minutes they will
clear the continent of every black skin; and, if desired, throw in the
Indians to boot. While they depopulate America, they find not the least
difficulty in providing for the wants of the emigrating myriads to the
coast of Africa: we have ships enough, and, notwithstanding the hardness
of the times, money enough. O, the surpassing utility of the arithmetic!
it is more potent than the stone of the philosopher, which, _when
discovered_, is to transmute, at a touch, base metal into pure gold!
In one breath, colonization orators tell us that the free blacks are
pests in the community; that they are an intemperate, ignorant, lazy,
thievish class; that their condition is worse than that of the slaves;
and that no efforts to improve them in this country can be successful,
owing to the prejudices of society. In the next breath we are told what
mighty works these miserable outcasts are to achieve--that they are the
missionaries of salvation,[Z] who are to illumine all Africa--that they
will build up a second American republic--and that our conceptions
cannot grasp the result of their labors. Now I, for one, have no faith
in this instantaneous metamorphosis.[AA] I believe that neither a sea
voyage nor an African climate has any miraculous influence upon the
brain. I believe that ignorant and depraved black men, who are
transported across the ocean, will be ignorant and depraved black men on
reaching the coast of Africa. I believe, also, that they who are capable
of doing well, surrounded by barbarians, may do better among a civilized
and christian people.
It is stated in a Circular put forth by the Society last year, that
'from the _actual experience_ of the Society, it has been found that
$20, _or less_, will defray the whole expense of transporting an
individual to the Colony.' This is a very deceptive statement. The
receipts of the Society from 1820 to 1830, amounted to $112,841 89; the
expenses during the same period were $106,457 72; balance on hand,
$6,384 17. Nineteen expeditions had been fitted out, and 1,857
emigrants,[AB] _including re-captured Africans_, landing on the shores
of Africa--averaging annually, for the ten years, about 186 persons, or
since the organization of the Society, about 124 persons. 'The
emigrants,' the Board of Managers inform us, in a recent address to
Auxiliary Societies, 'for the last three years, average about 227, while
the expenses, _exclusive of transportation, and temporary subsistence of
the new colonists_, exceed TEN THOUSAND DOLLARS'!! In the very last
number of the African Repository, (for April, 1832,) the Vice-Agent at
Liberia, A. D. Williams, writes to the Rev. R. R. Gurley as follows:--'I
think the price, say $35, fixed by the Board for the transportation of
each emigrant, _is entirely too low_: it should be at least $40, if not
$45.' Why, then, does the Society attempt to impose upon public
credulity, by stating that only $20 are requisite for every individual
transportation, when the actual cost has been more than thrice, and is
likely to be more than double that amount?[AC]
The Society has succeeded in making the people believe that the
establishment of a colony or colonies on the coast of Africa is the only
way to abolish the foreign slave trade: on this account it has secured
an extensive patronage. Here is another fatal delusion. I shall show not
only that it has not injured this trade in the least, but that the trade
_continues to increase in activity and cruelty_. Let us look at its own
admissions.
'We regret to say, that the slave trade appears to be carried on
to a great extent, and with circumstances of the most revolting
cruelty.' * * * 'The French slave trade, notwithstanding the
efforts of the government, appears to be undiminished. The
number of Spanish vessels employed in the trade is immense, and
as the treaty between England and Spain only permits the seizure
of vessels having slaves actually on board, many of these watch
their opportunity on the coast, run in, and receive all their
slaves on board in a single day.' * * 'By an official document
from Rio de Janeiro, it appears that the following importations
of slaves were made into that port in 1826 and 1827.
'1826, landed alive, 35,966 ... died on the passage 1,905
'1827, landed alive, 41,384 ... died on the passage 1,643
'Thus it would seem, (says the Boston Gazette,) that to only one
port in the Brazils, and in the course of two years,
_seventy-seven thousand three hundred and fifty_ human beings
were transported from their own country, and placed in a state
of slavery.'--[African Repository, vol. i. v. pp. 179, 181.]
'It is not by legal arguments, or penal statutes, or armed
ships, that the slave trade can be prevented. Almost every power
in Christendom has denounced it. It has been declared felony--it
has been declared piracy; and the fleets of Britain and America
have been commissioned to drive it from the ocean. Still, in
defiance of all this array of legislation and of armament, slave
ships ride triumphant on the ocean; and in these floating
caverns, less terrible only than the caverns which demons
occupy, from sixty to eighty thousand wretches, received
pinioned from the coast of Africa, are borne annually away to
slavery or death. Of these wretches a frightful number are, with
an audacity that amazes, landed and disposed of within the
jurisdiction of this republic.'--[Idem, vol. v. 274.]
'Notwithstanding all the efforts that have been made to suppress
the slave trade, by means of solemn treaties and laws declaring
it to be piracy; and notwithstanding the attempts to
exterminate it by the naval forces of the United States and
Great Britain, the inhuman traffic is still pursued to as great
an extent as at any former period, and with greater cruelty than
ever.'--[African Repository, vol. vi. p. 345.]
'The slave trade, which many suppose has been every where
abolished for years, there is reason to believe is still carried
on to almost as great an extent as ever. It has been recently
stated in the papers, that an association of merchants at Nantz,
in France, had undertaken to supply the island of Cuba with
thirty thousand fresh negro slaves annually! And in Brazil, it
is well known, that for several years past, the importations
have even exceeded this number.'--[Idem, vol. vii. p. 248.]
'Africa, for three long centuries, has been ravaged by the slave
trade. Notwithstanding all that has been done to suppress that
traffic, notwithstanding its formal abolition by all civilized
nations, it is carried on at the present hour, _with all its
atrocities unmitigated_. The flags of France, Portugal, Brazil,
and Spain, with the connivance of those governments, afford to
the slave trader, in spite of laws and treaties and armed
cruisers, a partial protection, of which he avails himself to
the utmost. And with what cruelty he carries on his war against
human nature, every year affords us illustrations sufficiently
horrible.'--[Christian Spectator for September, 1830.]
'This horrible traffic, notwithstanding its abolition by every
civilized nation in the world, except Portugal and Brazil, and
notwithstanding the decided measures of the British and American
governments, is still carried on to almost as great an extent as
ever. Not less than 60,000 slaves, according to the most
moderate computation, are carried from Africa annually. This
trade is carried on by Americans to the American states. And the
cruelties of this trade, which always surpassed the powers of
the human mind to conceive, _are greater now than they ever were
before_. We might, but we will not, refer to stories, recent
stories, of which the very recital would be torment.'--[Seventh
Annual Report.]
'Notwithstanding the vigilance of the powers now engaged to
suppress the slave trade, I have received information, that in a
single year, in the single island of Cuba, slaves equal in
amount to one half of the above number of fifty-two thousand
have been illicitly introduced.' * * 'Mr Mercer submitted the
following preamble and resolutions:--Whereas, to the affliction
of the Christian world, the African slave trade, notwithstanding
all the efforts, past and present, for its suppression, still
exists and is conducted _with aggravated cruelty_, by the
resources of one continent, to the dishonor of another, and to
an extent little short of the desolation of a third,'
&c.--[Tenth Annual Report.]
'It is painful to state, that the Managers have reason to
believe that the slave trade is still prosecuted, to a great
extent, and with circumstances of undiminished atrocity. The
fact, that much was done by Mr Ashmun to banish it from the
territory, under the colonial jurisdiction, is unquestionable;
but, _it now exists, even on this territory_; and a little to
the north and south of Liberia, it is seen in its true
characters--of fraud, rapine, and blood! In the opinion of the
late Agent, the present efforts to suppress this trade must
prove abortive.'--[Thirteenth Annual Report.]
'Some appalling facts in regard to the slave trade have come to
the knowledge of the Board of Managers during the last year.
_With undiminished atrocity and activity_ is this odious traffic
now carried on _all along the African coast_. Slave factories
are established _in the immediate vicinity of the Colony_, and
at the Gallinas (between Liberia and Sierra Leone) not less than
nine hundred slaves were shipped during the last summer, in the
space of three weeks.'--[Fourteenth Annual Report, 1831.]
'In defiance of all laws enacted, it is estimated that no less
than _fifty thousand_ Africans were, during the last year,
(1831,) carried into foreign slavery. During the months of
February and March of the same year, two thousand were landed
on the island of Cuba.'--[Circular published by the
Massachusetts Colonization Society for 1832.]
Here, then, is the acknowledgment of the Society, that it has
accomplished _nothing_ toward the suppression of the slave trade in
fifteen years! Nor has the settlement at Sierra Leone effected aught in
thirty years! Nor have the untiring labors of Wilberforce and Clarkson,
for a longer period, produced any visible effect! The accursed traffic
still continues to increase--and why? Simply _because the market for
slaves is not destroyed_. Break up this market, and you annihilate the
slave trade. Keep it open, and you may line the shores of Africa and
America with naval ships and armed troops, and the trade will continue.
No proposition in Euclid is plainer. So long as there is a brisk market
for goods, that market will be supplied. The assertion has been made in
Congress by Mr Mercer of Virginia, (one of the Vice-Presidents of the
Society,) that these horrible cargoes are smuggled into our southern
states to a deplorable extent. In 1819, Mr Middleton, of South Carolina,
declared it to be his belief 'that 13,000 Africans were annually
smuggled into our southern states.' Mr Wright of Virginia estimated the
number at 15,000!!!--[_Vide_ Seventh Annual Report--app.]--This number
is seven times as great as that which the Colonization Society has
transported in fifteen years![AD] By letting the system of slavery
alone, then, and striving to protect it, the Society is encouraging and
perpetuating the foreign slave trade!
FOOTNOTES:
[Y] 'We think the annual increase, as computed by Capt. Stuart, too low
by 10 or 15,000. The estimate also of the expense of transportation is
much below the actual cost. Besides, there is no provision made for the
support of these helpless beings after their arrival in Africa, until
they could provide for their own wants. Double the cost of
transportation would be required for their subsistence till they could
maintain themselves, without making any provision for implements of
husbandry, mechanics' tools, &c. &c. without which they would all
perish, even without the help of a pestiferous climate. But yet the
table shows at one view the utter futility of the whole scheme of
African Colonization. Slavery can no more be removed by these means than
the waters of the Mississippi can be exhausted by steam engines. And the
removal of slavery is the great consummation to which all benevolent
efforts for benefitting the African race in this country, should
ultimately tend. All schemes that do not promote this end will prove
futile, and will end in disappointment. The axe must be laid to the root
of the corrupt tree. It is a system that admits of no palliation, no
compromise.'--['Herald of Truth,' Philadelphia.]
[Z] 'Every emigrant to Africa is a _missionary_ carrying with him
credentials in the holy cause of civilization, religion, and free
institutions'!!--[Speech of H. Clay--Tenth Annual Report.]--Why does not
Mr Clay increase this band of _missionaries_, by sending out some of his
own slaves? Is he consistent?
[AA] 'As to the morals of the colonists, I consider them _much better
than those of the people of the United States_. That is, you may take an
equal number of inhabitants from any section of the Union, and you will
find more drunkards, more profane swearers and Sabbath breakers, &c.,
than in Liberia. Indeed I know of no country where things are conducted
more quietly and orderly than in this colony; you rarely hear an oath,
and as to riots or breaches of the peace, I recollect of but one
instance, and that of a trifling nature, that has come under my notice
since I assumed the government of the colony. The Sabbath is more
strictly observed than I ever saw it in the United States.'--[Letter
from J. Mechlin, Jr. Governor of the Colony of Liberia.]
'I saw no intemperance, nor did I hear a profane word uttered by any
one.' [Letter of Capt. William Abels.]
If these statements be a true representation of the moral condition of
the colonists; if 'their morals are much better than those of the people
of the United States;' let us immediately bring back these expatriated
_missionaries_ to civilize and reform ourselves; for, according to our
own confession, we need their instruction and example as much as any
heathen nation. If these 'missionaries,' who, in this country, could
'scarcely be reached in their debasement by the heavenly light;' if
these 'most degraded, most abandoned beings on the earth,' have actually
risen up to this exalted height of intelligence and purity, in so brief
a period after a separation from ourselves, how desperately wicked and
corrupt does the fact make our own conduct appear!
[AB] Of this number, nearly three-fourths were free persons of color. If
the Society is anxious to emancipate the slaves, why does it not confine
its efforts exclusively to their transportation, seeing so many are
offered for that purpose? Doubtless the reply will be--'O, it is
important, in the incipient state of the colony, to send free persons of
color, because they are more intelligent and virtuous.' Ah! is it so?
What! give the preference to those whom it elsewhere brands as 'more
corrupt, depraved and abandoned than the slaves can be,' and who
'contribute greatly to the _corruption of the slaves_?' 'O!' it may
reply, 'a careful selection is made between the virtuous and
vicious--none are sent whose character is not reputable.' But what is to
become of this choice selection, when it is able (as it hopes to be) to
send off even as many as seventy thousand annually?
[AC] 'The expense of transporting such persons from the United States to
the coast of Africa, has been variously estimated. By those who compute
it at the lowest rate, the mere expense of this transportation has been
estimated at $20 per head. In this estimate, however, is not
comprehended the expense of transporting the persons destined for
Africa, to the port of their departure from the United States, or the
necessary expense of sustaining them, either there or in Africa, for a
reasonable time after their first arrival. All these expenses combined,
the Committee think they estimate very low, when they compute the amount
at $100 per head. It has been estimated by some at double this amount;
and if past experience may be relied upon as proving any thing, the
official documents formerly furnished to the Senate by the Department of
the Navy, show that the expenses attending the transportation of the few
captured slaves who have been returned to Africa by the United States,
at the expense of this government, _far exceeds even the largest
estimate_. But taking the expense to be only what the Committee have
estimated it: Then the sum requisite to transport the whole number of
the free colored population of the United States, would exceed
twenty-eight millions of dollars; and the expense of transporting a
number, equal only to the mere annual increase of this population, would
exceed seven hundred thousand dollars per annum. Sums which would impose
upon the people of this country, an additional burthen of taxation,
greater than this Committee believe they could easily bear; and much
greater than ought to be imposed upon them for any such purpose.' * *
'The annual increase of the slave population, at present, is at least
57,000. Now allow the same sum per head for the transportation of these
persons, that has been estimated for the transportation in the other
similar case; and the sum requisite to defray the expense of the
transportation of all the slaves in the United States, would be one
hundred and ninety millions of dollars; and that requisite to defray the
expense of the transportation of a number only equal to their mere
annual increase, would be five millions seven hundred thousand dollars
per annum. But to either of these sums must be added the reasonable
equivalent, or necessary aid, to be paid by the United States to humane
individuals, in order to induce them voluntarily to part with their
property. The Committee have no 'data' by which they can measure what
this might be. But any sum, however small, will make so great an
augmentation of the amount, as almost to baffle calculation, and to
exhibit this project at once, as one exceeding, very far, indeed, any
revenue which the United States could ever draw from their citizens,
even if the object was to increase and multiply, instead of reducing the
numbers of the class of productive labor.'--[Mr Tazewell's Report--U. S.
Senate, 1828.]
[AD] The following amusing anecdote is a capital illustration of the
folly of those colonizationists, who are endeavoring to suppress the
rising tide of our colored population by extracting a few drops annually
with their 'mop and pattens.' Dame Partington is clearly outdone by
them, in regard to pertinacity of purpose and feebleness of execution.
Rev. Sidney Smith, in his speech at the Taunton meeting, (England,)
said:
'The attempt of the House of Lords to stop the progress of Reform,
reminded him of the conduct of the excellent Mrs. Partington, during the
great storm at Sidmouth, in 1824. The tide rose to an incredible height;
the waves rushed in upon the houses, and every thing was threatened with
destruction. In the midst of the fearful commotion of the elements, Dame
Partington, who lived upon the sea beach, was seen at the door of her
house, with mop and pattens, trundling her mop and sweeping out the sea
water, and vigorously pushing back the Atlantic. The Atlantic was
roused, and so was Mrs. Partington; but the contest was unequal. The
Atlantic beat Mrs. Partington. She was excellent at a slop or a puddle,
but she could do nothing with a tempest.'
END OF PART I.
THOUGHTS ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION.
PART II.
SENTIMENTS OF THE PEOPLE OF COLOR.
If the American Colonization Society were indeed actuated by the purest
motives and the best feelings toward the objects of its supervision; if
it were not based upon injustice, fraud, persecution and incorrigible
prejudice; still if its purposes be contrary to the wishes and injurious
to the interests of the free people of color, it ought not to receive
the countenance of the public. Even the trees of the forest are keenly
susceptible to every touch of violence, and seem to deprecate
transplantation to a foreign soil. Even birds and animals pine in exile
from their native haunts; their local attachments are wonderful; they
migrate only to return again at the earliest opportunity. Perhaps there
is not a living thing, from the hugest animal down to the minutest
animalcule, whose pleasant associations are not circumscribed, or that
has not some favorite retreats. This universal preference, this love of
_home_, seems to be the element of being,--a constitutional attribute
given by the all-wise Creator to bind each separate tribe or community
within intelligent and well-defined limits: for, in its absence, order
would be banished from the world, collision between the countless
orders of creation would be perpetual, and violence would depopulate the
world with more than pestilential rapidity.
Shall it be said that beings endowed with high intellectual powers,
sustaining the most important relations, created for social enjoyments,
and made but a little lower than the angels--shall it be said that their
local attachments are less tenacious than those of trees, and birds, and
beasts, and insects? I know that the blacks are classed, by some, who
scarcely give any evidence of their own humanity but their shape, among
the brute creation: but are they _below_ the brutes? or are they more
insensible to rude assaults than forest-trees?
'Men,' says an erratic but powerful writer[AE]--'men are like trees:
they delight in a rude [and native] soil--they strike their roots
downward with a perpetual effort, and heave their proud branches upward
in perpetual strife. Are they to be removed?--you must tear up the very
earth with their roots, rock and ore and impurity, or they perish. They
cannot be translated with safety. Something of their home--a little of
their native soil, must cling to them forever, or they die.'
This love of home, of neighborhood, of country, is inherent in the human
breast. It accompanies the child from its earliest reminiscence up to
old age: it is written upon every tangible and permanent object within
the habitual cognizance of the eye--upon stone, and tree, and
rivulet--upon the green hill, and the verdant plain, and the opulent
valley--upon house, and garden, and steeple-spire--upon the soil,
whether it be rough or smooth, sandy or hard, barren or luxuriant.
'Like ivy, where it grows, 'tis seen
To wear an everlasting green.'
The man who does not cherish it is regarded as destitute of sensibility;
and to him is applied by common consent the burning rebuke of Sir Walter
Scott:
'Breathes there the man, with soul so dead,
Who never to himself hath said,
This is my own, my native land!
Whose heart hath ne'er within him burned,
As home his footsteps he hath turned,
From wandering on a foreign strand!
If such there breathe, go, mark him well;
For him no Minstrel raptures swell;
High though his titles, proud his name,
Boundless his wealth as wish can claim;
Despite those titles, power, and pelf,
The wretch, concentred all in self,
Living, shall forfeit fair renown,
And, doubly dying, shall go down
To the vile dust, from whence he sprung,
Unwept, unhonored, and unsung.'
Whose bosom does not thrill with pleasurable emotion whenever he listens
to that truest, sweetest, tenderest effusion,--'Home, sweet home?'
''Mid pleasures and palaces though we may roam,
Be it ever so humble, there's no place like home;
A charm from the skies seems to hallow us there,
Which, seek thro' the world, is ne'er met with elsewhere.
Home--home!
Sweet, sweet home!
_There's no place like home!_
'An exile from home, splendor dazzles in vain--
O give me my lowly thatched cottage again;
The birds singing gaily that came at my call--
Give me them, with the peace of mind dearer than all!
Home--home!
Sweet, sweet home!
_There's no place like home!_'
No one will understand me to maintain that population should never be
thinned by foreign emigration; but only that such an emigration is
unnatural. The great mass of a neighborhood or country must necessarily
be stable: only fractions are cast off and float away on the tide of
adventure. Individual enterprise or estrangement is one thing: the
translation of an entire people to an unknown clime, another. The former
may be moved by a single impulse--by a love of novelty, or a desire of
gain, or a hope of preferment: he leaves no perceptible void in
society. The latter can never be expatriated but by some extraordinary
calamity, or by the application of intolerable restraints. They must
first be rendered broken-hearted or loaded with chains--hope must not
merely sicken but die--cord after cord must be sundered--ere they will
seek another home. Our pilgrim-fathers were driven out from the mother
country by ecclesiastical domination: to worship God according to the
dictates of their own consciences, was the only cause of their exile.
Had they been permitted to enjoy this sacred right,--no matter how great
were their temporal privations, or their hopes of physical
enjoyments,--they would not have perilled their lives on the stormy
deep, to obtain an asylum in this western hemisphere.
It may be said, in reply to the foregoing remarks upon the love of home
and of country, that the people of color cannot cherish this abhorrence
of migration, because here they have no 'continuing city,' and are not
recognised as fellow-countrymen. In PART I., I have shown, by copious
extracts, that colonizationists artfully represent them as aliens and
foreigners, wanderers from Africa--destitute of that _amor patriae_,
which is the bond of union--seditious--without
alliances--irresponsible--unambitious--cherishing no attachment to the
soil--feeling no interest in our national prosperity--ready for any
adventure--eager to absent themselves from the land--malignant in their
feelings towards society--incapable of local preference--content to
remain in ignorance and degradation--&c. &c. &c.
Every such representation is a libel, as I shall show in subsequent
pages. The language of the people of color is,--'This is our country:
here were we born--here will we live and die--we know of no other place
that we can call our true and appropriate home--here are our earliest
and most pleasant associations--we are freemen, we are brethren, we are
countrymen and fellow-citizens--we are not for insurrection, but for
peace and equality.' This is not the language of sedition or alienated
affection. Their _amor patriae_ is robust and deathless: like the oak,
tempests do but strengthen its roots and confer victory upon it. Even
the soil on which the unhappy slave toils and bleeds, is to him
consecrated earth.
African colonization is directly and irreconcileably opposed to the
wishes of our colored population as a body. Their desires ought to be
tenderly regarded. In all my intercourse with them in various towns and
cities, I have never seen one of their number who was friendly to this
scheme--and I have not been backward in canvassing their opinions on
this subject. They are as unanimously opposed to a removal to Africa, as
the Cherokees from the council-fires and graves of their fathers. It is
remarkable, too, that they are as united in their respect and esteem for
the republic of Hayti. But _this is their country_--they are resolute
against every migratory plot, and willing to rely on the justice of the
nation for an ultimate restoration to all their lost rights and
privileges. What is the fact? Through the instrumentality of BENJAMIN
LUNDY,[AF] the distinguished and veteran champion of emancipation, a
great highway has been opened to the Haytien republic, over which our
colored population may travel _toll free_, and at the end of their brief
journey be the free occupants of the soil, and meet such a reception as
was never yet given to any sojourners in any country, since the
departure of Israel into Egypt. One would think, that, with such
inducements and under such circumstances, this broad thoroughfare would
present a most animating spectacle; that the bustle and roar of a
journeying multitude would fall upon the ear like the strife of the
ocean, or the distant thunder of the retiring storm; and that the song
of the oppressor and the oppressed, a song of deliverance to each, would
go up to heaven, till its echoes were seemingly the responses of angels
and justified spirits. But it is not so. Only here and there a traveller
is seen to enter upon the road--there is no noise of preparation or
departure; but a silence, deeper than the breathlessness of midnight,
rests upon our land--not a shout of joy is heard throughout our
borders!
How shall we account for this amazing apathy but on the ground that our
colored population are unwilling to leave their native homes, no matter
how strong soever are the inducements held out to them abroad?
If it be said that they are not compelled to emigrate against their
wishes--I answer, it is true that direct _physical force_ is not
applied; but why are they induced to remove? Is it because they
instinctively prefer Africa to their native country? Do they actually
_court_ the perils of the sea,--the hostilities of a savage tribe,--the
sickening influences of an African climate? Or are they not peremptorily
assured that they never can, _and never shall_, enjoy their rights and
privileges at home--and thus absolutely compelled to leave all that is
dear behind, and to seek a shelter in a strange land--a land of darkness
and cruelty, of barbarism and wo?
The free people of color, and even the slaves, have on numerous
occasions given ocular demonstration of their attachment to this
country. Large numbers of them were distinguished for their patient
endurance, their ardent devotion, and their valorous conduct during our
revolutionary struggle. In the last war, they signalized themselves in a
manner which extorted the applause even of their calumniators--of many
who are doubtless at the present day representing them as seditious and
inimical to the prosperity of the country. I have before me a
Proclamation in the French language, issued by General Andrew Jackson,
of which the following is a translation:
'PROCLAMATION TO THE FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR.
'Soldiers!--When on the banks of the Mobile, I called you to
take up arms, inviting you to partake the perils and glory of
your white fellow citizens, _I expected much from you_; for I
was not ignorant that you possessed qualities most formidable to
an invading enemy. I knew with what fortitude you could endure
hunger and thirst, and all the fatigues of a campaign. _I knew
well how you loved your_ NATIVE _country_, and that you had, as
well as ourselves, to defend what man holds most dear--his
parents, relations, wife, children and property. YOU HAVE DONE
MORE THAN I EXPECTED. In addition to the previous qualities I
before knew you to possess, I found, moreover, among you _a
noble enthusiasm_ which leads to the performance of great
things.
'Soldiers!--The President of the United States shall hear how
praiseworthy was your conduct in the hour of danger, and the
Representatives of the American people will, I doubt not, give
you the praise your exploits entitle you to. _Your General
anticipates them in applauding your noble ardor._
'The enemy approaches; his vessels cover our lakes; our brave
citizens are united, and all contention has ceased among them.
Their only dispute is, who shall win the prize of valor, or who
the most glory, its noblest reward.
'By order.
'THOMAS BUTLER, _Aid de Camp_.'
In commenting upon the above Proclamation, an intelligent writer in the
New-Orleans 'LIBERALIST' of March 15, 1830, very expressively
remarks:--'Those who served in the memorable campaign of 1814 will know
if the hero of the west was guilty of exaggeration. Just as fatal as was
every glance of his keen eye to the English lines, so is every word of
this Proclamation a killing thunderbolt to the detractors of this
portion of our fellow beings, now so inhumanly persecuted.' Yes--when
peril rears its crest, and invasion threatens our shores, then prejudice
is forgotten and the tongue of detraction is still--then the people of
color are no longer brutes or a race between men and monkeys, no longer
turbulent or useless, no longer aliens and wanderers from Africa--but
they are complimented as intelligent, patriotic citizens from whom much
is expected, and who have property, home and country at stake! Ay, and
richly do they merit this compliment.
A respectable colored gentleman in the city of New-York, referring to
this famous Proclamation, makes the following brief comment: 'When we
could be of any use to the army, we possessed all the cardinal virtues;
but now that time has passed, we forsooth are the most miserable,
worthless beings the Lord in his wise judgment ever sent to curse the
rulers of this troublesome world! I feel an anathema rising from my
heart, but I have suppressed it.'
How black is the ingratitude, how pitiful the hypocrisy, manifested in
our conduct as a people, toward our colored population! Every cheek
should wear the blush of shame--every head be bowed in self-abasement!
From the organization of the American Colonization Society, down to the
present time, the free people of color have publicly and repeatedly
expressed their opposition to it. They indignantly reject every overture
for their expatriation. It has been industriously circulated by the
advocates of colonization, that I have caused this hostility to the
African scheme in the bosoms of the blacks; and that, until the
Liberator was established, they were friendly to it. This story is
founded upon sheer ignorance. It is my solemn conviction that I have not
proselyted a dozen individuals; for the very conclusive reason that no
conversions were necessary. Their sentiments were familiar to me long
before they knew my own. My opponents abundantly overrate my influence,
in acknowledging that I have overthrown, in a single year, the
concentrated energies of the mightiest men in the land, and the
perpetual labors of fifteen years. They shall not make me vain. Such a
concession affords substantial evidence of perverted strength and
misapplied exertion.
If the people of color were instantly to signify their willingness to
emigrate, my hostility to the American Colonization Society would
scarcely abate one jot: for their assent could never justify the
principles and doctrines propagated by the Society. Those principles and
doctrines have been shown, I trust, to be corrupt, selfish,
proscriptive, opposed to the genius of republicanism and to the spirit
of christianity.
The first public demonstration of hostility to the colonization scheme
was made in 1817, by the free colored inhabitants of Richmond, Virginia.
The proceedings of their meeting, copies of which were printed for
distribution, I have accidentally mislaid. To the sentiments of the
people of color, as expressed in the following pages, I cannot too
earnestly solicit the serious attention of every good man and true
philanthropist. After such an exhibition, persistance in expelling this
portion of our population from our shores must be productive of
aggravated guilt and the most dreadful collisions.
A VOICE PROM PHILADELPHIA.
PHILADELPHIA, January, 1817.
At a numerous meeting of the people of color, convened at Bethel church,
to take into consideration the propriety of remonstrating against the
contemplated measure, that is to exile us from the land of our nativity;
James Forten was called to the chair, and Russell Parrott appointed
secretary. The intent of the meeting having been stated by the chairman,
the following resolutions were adopted, without one dissenting voice.
Whereas our ancestors (not of choice) were the first successful
cultivators of the wilds of America, we their descendants feel ourselves
entitled to participate in the blessings of her luxuriant soil, which
their blood and sweat manured; and that any measure or system of
measures, having a tendency to banish us from her bosom, would not only
be cruel, but in direct violation of those principles, which have been
the boast of this republic.
Resolved, That we view with deep abhorrence the unmerited stigma
attempted to be cast upon the reputation of the free people of color, by
the promoters of this measure, 'that they are a dangerous and useless
part of the community,' when in the state of disfranchisement in which
they live, in the hour of danger they ceased to remember their wrongs,
and rallied around the standard of their country.
Resolved, That we never will separate ourselves voluntarily from the
slave population in this country; they are our brethren by the ties of
consanguinity, of suffering, and of wrong; and we feel that there is
more virtue in suffering privations with them, than fancied advantages
for a season.
Resolved, That without arts, without science, without a proper knowledge
of government, to cast into the savage wilds of Africa the free people
of color, seems to us the circuitous route through which they must
return to perpetual bondage.
Resolved, That having the strongest confidence in the justice of God,
and philanthropy of the free states, we cheerfully submit our destinies
to the guidance of Him who suffers not a sparrow to fall, without his
special providence.
Resolved, That a committee of eleven persons be appointed to open a
correspondence with the honorable Joseph Hopkinson, member of Congress
from this city, and likewise to inform him of the sentiments of this
meeting, and that the following named persons constitute the committee,
and that they have power to call a general meeting, when they in their
judgment may deem it proper.
Rev. Absalom Jones, Rev. Richard Allen, James Forten, Robert Douglass,
Francis Perkins, Rev. John Gloucester, Robert Gorden, James Johnson,
Quamoney Clarkson, John Summersett, Randall Shepherd.
JAMES FORTEN, Chairman.
RUSSELL PARROTT, Secretary.
At a numerous meeting of the free people of color of the city and county
of Philadelphia, held in pursuance of public notice, at the school house
in Green's court, on the evening of August 10th, for the purpose of
taking into consideration the plan of colonizing the free people of
color of the United States, on the coast of Africa, James Forten was
appointed chairman, and Russell Parrott, secretary.
Resolved unanimously, That the following address, signed on behalf of
the meeting, by the Chairman and Secretary, be published and circulated.
_To the humane and benevolent Inhabitants of the city and county
of Philadelphia._
The free people of color, assembled together, under circumstances of
deep interest to their happiness and welfare, humbly and respectfully
lay before you this expression of their feelings and apprehensions.
Relieved from the miseries of slavery, many of us by your aid,
possessing the benefits which industry and integrity in this prosperous
country assure to all its inhabitants, enjoying the rich blessings of
religion, by opportunities of worshipping the only true God, under the
light of Christianity, each of us according to his understanding; and
having afforded to us and to our children the means of education and
improvement; we have no wish to separate from our present homes, for any
purpose whatever. Contented with our present situation and condition, we
are not desirous of increasing their prosperity but by honest efforts,
and by the use of those opportunities for their improvement, which the
constitution and laws allow to all. It is therefore with painful
solicitude, and sorrowing regret, we have seen a plan for colonizing the
free people of color of the United States on the coast of Africa,
brought forward under the auspices and sanction of gentlemen whose names
give value to all they recommend, and who certainly are among the
wisest, the best, and the most benevolent of men, in this great nation.
If the plan of colonizing is intended for our benefit; and those who now
promote it, will never seek our injury; we humbly and respectfully urge,
that it is not asked for by us; nor will it be required by any
circumstances, in our present or future condition; as long as we shall
be permitted to share the protection of the excellent laws and just
government which we now enjoy, in common with every individual of the
community.
We, therefore, a portion of those who are the objects of this plan, and
among those whose happiness, with that of others of our color, it is
intended to promote; with humble and grateful acknowledgments to those
who have devised it, renounce and disclaim every connexion with it; and
respectfully but firmly declare our determination not to participate in
any part of it.
If this plan of colonization now proposed, is intended to provide a
refuge and a dwelling for a portion of our brethren, who are now held in
slavery in the south, we have other and stronger objections to it, and
we entreat your consideration of them.
The ultimate and final abolition of slavery in the United States, by the
operation of various causes, is, under the guidance and protection of a
just God, progressing. Every year witnesses the release of numbers of
the victims of oppression, and affords new and safe assurances that the
freedom of all will be in the end accomplished. As they are thus by
degrees relieved from bondage, our brothers have opportunities for
instruction and improvement; and thus they become in some measure fitted
for their liberty. Every year, many of us have restored to us by the
gradual, but certain march of the cause of abolition--parents, from whom
we have been long separated--wives and children whom we had left in
servitude--and brothers, in blood as well as in early sufferings, from
whom we had been long parted.
But if the emancipation of our kindred shall, when the plan of
colonization shall go into effect, be attended with transportation to a
distant land, and shall be granted on no other condition; the
consolation for our past sufferings and of those of our color who are in
slavery, which have hitherto been, and under the present situation of
things would continue to be, afforded to us and to them, will cease for
ever. The cords, which now connect them with us, will be stretched by
the distance to which their ends will be carried, until they break; and
all the sources of happiness, which affection and connexion and blood
bestow, will be ours and theirs no more.
Nor do we view the colonization of those who may become emancipated by
its operation among our southern brethren, as capable of producing their
happiness. Unprepared by education, and a knowledge of the truths of our
blessed religion, for their new situation, those who will thus become
colonists will themselves be surrounded by every suffering which can
afflict the members of the human family.
Without arts, without habits of industry, and unaccustomed to provide by
their own exertions and foresight for their wants, the colony will soon
become the abode of every vice, and the home of every misery. Soon will
the light of Christianity, which now dawns among that portion of our
species, be shut out by the clouds of ignorance, and their day of life
be closed, without the illuminations of the gospel.
To those of our brothers, who shall be left behind, there will be
assured perpetual slavery and augmented sufferings. Diminished in
numbers, the slave population of the southern states, which by its
magnitude alarms its proprietors, will be easily secured. Those among
their bondmen, who feel that they should be free, by rights which all
mankind have from God and from nature, and who thus may become dangerous
to the quiet of their masters, will be sent to the colony; and the tame
and submissive will be retained, and subjected to increased rigor. Year
after year will witness these means to assure safety and submission
among their slaves, and the southern masters will colonize only those
whom it may be dangerous to keep among them. The bondage of a large
portion of our brothers will thus be rendered perpetual.
Should the anticipations of misery and want among the colonists, which
with great deference we have submitted to your better judgment, be
realized; to emancipate and transport to Africa will be held forth by
slaveholders as the worst and heaviest of punishments; and they will be
threatened and successfully used to enforce increased submission to
their wishes, and subjection to their commands.
Nor ought the sufferings and sorrows, which must be produced by an
exercise of the right to transport and colonize such only of their
slaves as may be selected by the slaveholders, escape the attention and
consideration of those whom with all humility we now address. Parents
will be torn from their children--husbands from their wives--brothers
from brothers--and all the heart-rending agonies which were endured by
our forefathers when they were dragged into bondage from Africa, will be
again renewed, and with increased anguish. The shores of America will,
like the sands of Africa, be watered by the tears of those who will be
left behind. Those who shall be carried away will roam childless,
widowed, and alone, over the burning plains of Guinea.
Disclaiming, as we emphatically do, a wish or desire to interpose our
opinions and feelings between all plans of colonization, and the
judgment of those whose wisdom as far exceeds ours as their situations
are exalted above ours; _we humbly_, respectfully, and fervently
intreat and beseech your disapprobation of the plan of colonization now
offered by 'the American Society for colonizing the free people of color
of the United States.'--Here, in the city of Philadelphia, where the
voice of the suffering sons of Africa was first heard; where was first
commenced the work of abolition, on which heaven has smiled, for it
could have had success only from the Great Maker; let not a purpose be
assisted which will stay the cause of the entire abolition of slavery in
the United States, and which may defeat it altogether; which proffers to
those who do not ask for them what it calls benefits, but which they
consider injuries; and which must insure to the multitudes whose prayers
can only reach you through us, MISERY, _sufferings, and perpetual
slavery_.
JAMES FORTEN, Chairman.
RUSSELL PARROTT, Secretary.
A VOICE FROM NEW-YORK.
NEW-YORK, January, 1831.
At a public meeting of the colored citizens of New-York, held at Boyer
Lodge Room, on Tuesday evening, the 25th ult. Mr Samuel Ennals was
called to the chair, and Mr Philip Bell appointed secretary. The
chairman stated that the object of the meeting was to take into
consideration the proceedings of an association, under the title of the
'New-York Colonization Society.' An address to the 'Citizens of
New-York' relative to that Society, was read from the Commercial
Advertiser of the 8th ult.; whereupon the following resolutions were
unanimously adopted.
Whereas a number of gentlemen in this city, of mistaken views with
respect to the wishes and welfare of the people of this state, on the
subject of African colonization, and in pursuance of such mistaken views
are using every exertion to form 'African Colonization Societies;' and
whereas a public document, purporting to be an address to the people of
the 'city of New-York' on this subject, contains opinions and assertions
regarding the people of color as unfounded as they are unjust and
derogatory to them--Therefore
Resolved, That this meeting do most solemnly protest against the said
address, as containing sentiments with respect to the people of color,
unjust, illiberal and unfounded; tending to excite the prejudice of the
community.
Resolved, That in our opinion the sentiments put forth in the
resolution at the formation of the 'Colonization Society of the city of
New-York,' are such as to impress this community with the belief that
the colored population are a growing evil, immoral, and destitute of
religious principles.
Resolved, That we view the resolution calling on the worshippers of
Christ to assist in the unholy crusade against the colored population of
this country, as totally at variance with true Christian principles.
Resolved, That we claim _this country, the place of our birth, and not
Africa_, as our mother country, and all attempts to send us to Africa we
consider as gratuitous and uncalled for.
Resolved, That a committee of three persons be appointed to draft an
address to the people of New-York, and to be published, together with
these resolutions, and the same be signed by the Chairman and Secretary.
SAMUEL ENNALS, Chairman.
PHILIP BELL, Secretary.
_An Address to the Citizens of New-York._
In protesting against the sentiments and declarations to our prejudice
with which the above noticed 'address' and 'resolutions' abound, we are
well aware of the power and influence we have attempted to resist. The
gentlemen named as officers of the 'Colonization Society' are men of
high standing, their dictum is law in morals with our community; but we
who feel the effect of their proscription, indulge the hope of an
impartial hearing.
We believe many of those gentlemen are our friends, and we hope they all
mean well; we care not how many Colonization Societies they form to send
slaves from the south to a place where they may enjoy freedom; and if
they can 'drain the ocean with a bucket,' may send '_with their own
consent_,' the increasing free colored population: but we solemnly
protest against that Christian philanthropy which in acknowledging our
wrongs commits a greater by vilifying us. The conscientious man would
not kill the animal, but cried 'mad dog,' and the rabble despatched him.
These gentlemen acknowledge the anomaly of those political ethics which
make a distinction between man and man, when their foundation is, 'that
all men are born equal,' and possess in common 'unalienable rights;' and
to justify the withholding of these 'rights' would proclaim to
foreigners that we are 'a distinct and inferior race,' without religion
or morals, and implying that our condition cannot be improved here
because there exists an unconquerable prejudice in the whites towards
us. We absolutely deny these positions, and we call upon the learned
author of the 'address' for the indications of distinction between us
and other men. There are different _colors_ among all species of
animated creation. A difference of color is not a difference of species.
Our structure and organization are the same, and not distinct from other
men; and in what respects are we inferior? Our political condition we
admit renders us less respectable, but does it prove us an inferior part
of the human family? Inferior indeed we are as to the means which we
possess of becoming wealthy and learned men; and it would argue well for
the cause of justice, humanity and true religion, if the reverend
gentlemen whose names are found at the bottom of President Duer's
address, instead of showing their benevolence by laboring to move us
some four thousand miles off, were to engage actively in the furtherance
of plans for the improvement of our moral and political condition in the
country of our birth. It is too late now to brand with inferiority any
one of the races of mankind. We ask for proof. Time was when it was
thought impossible to civilize the red man. Yet our own country presents
a practical refutation of the vain assertion in the flourishing
condition of the Cherokees, among whom intelligence and refinement are
seen in somewhat fairer proportions than are exhibited by some of their
white neighbors. In the language of a writer of expanded views and truly
noble sentiments, 'the blacks must be regarded as the real authors of
most of the arts and sciences which give the whites at present the
advantage over them. While Greece and Rome were yet barbarous, we find
the light of learning and improvement emanating from this, by
supposition, degraded and accursed continent of Africa, out of the midst
of this very woolly-haired, flat-nosed, thick lipped, and coal black
race, which some persons are tempted to station at a pretty low
intermediate point between men and monkeys.'[AG] It is needless to dwell
on this topic; and we say with the same writer, the blacks had a long
and glorious day: and after what they have been and done, it argues not
so much a mistaken theory, as sheer ignorance of the most notorious
historical facts, to pretend that they are naturally inferior to the
whites.
We earnestly desire that this address may not be misunderstood. We have
no objection in the abstract to the Colonization Society; but we do
protest against the means which that Society uses to effect its
purposes. It is evident, to any impartial observer, that the natural
tendency of all their speeches, reports, sermons, &c. is to widen the
breach between us and the whites, and give to prejudice a tenfold
vigor. It has produced a mistaken sentiment toward us. Africa is
considered the home of those who have never seen its shores. The poor
ignorant slave, who, in all probability, has never heard the name of
Christ, by the colonization process is suddenly transformed into a
'missionary,' to instruct in the principles of Christianity and the arts
of civilized life. The Friends have been the last to aid the system
pursued by the Society's advocates. And we say (for we feel it) that in
proportion as they become colonizationists, they become less active and
less friendly to our welfare as citizens of the United States.
There does exist in the United States a prejudice against us; but is it
unconquerable? Is it not in the power of these gentlemen to subdue it?
If their object is to benefit us, why not better our condition here?
What keeps us down but the want of wealth? Why do we not accumulate
wealth? Simply because we are not encouraged. If we wish to give our
boys a classical education, they are refused admission into your
colleges. If we consume our means in giving them a mercantile education,
you will not employ them as clerks; if they are taught navigation, you
will not employ them as captains. If we make them mechanics, you will
not encourage them, nor will white mechanics work in the same shop with
them. And with all these disabilities, like a mill-stone about us,
because we cannot point to our statesmen, bankers and lawyers, we are
called an inferior race. Look at the glaring injustice towards us. (A
foreigner, before he knows one of our streets from another, mounts a
cart under the license of another man, or is a public porter, a
lamp-lighter, a watchman, &c.)
These gentlemen know but little of a large portion of the colored
population of this city. Their opinions are formed from the unfortunate
portion of our people whose characters are scrutinized by them as judges
of courts. Their patrician principles prevent an intercourse with men in
the middle walks of life, among whom a large portion of our people may
be classed. We ask them to visit the dwellings of the respectable part
of our people, and we are satisfied that they will discover more
civilization and refinement than will be found among the same number of
white families of an equal standing.
Finally, we hope that those who have so eloquently pleaded the cause of
the Indian, will at least endeavor to preserve consistency in their
conduct. They put no faith in Georgia, although she declares that the
Indians shall not be removed but '_with their own consent_.' Can they
blame us if we attach the same credit to the declaration that they mean
to colonize us 'only with our consent?' They cannot indeed use force;
that is out of the question. But they harp so much on 'inferiority,'
'prejudice,' 'distinction,' and what not, that there will no alternative
be left us but to fall in with their plans. We are content to abide
where we are. We do not believe that things will always continue the
same. The time must come when the declaration of independence will be
felt in the heart as well as uttered from the mouth, and when the rights
of all shall be properly acknowledged and appreciated. God hasten that
time. This is our home, and this our country. Beneath its sod lie the
bones of our fathers: for it some of them fought, bled, and died. Here
we were born, and here we will die.
A VOICE FROM BOSTON.
BOSTON, March 12, 1831.
Pursuant to public notice, a meeting was held by the colored citizens of
Boston, February 15th, at their school-house, for the purpose of
expressing their sentiments in a remonstrance against the doings of the
State Colonization Society, Feb. 10th. It was called to order by Mr J.
G. Barbadoes. Mr Robert Roberts was elected chairman, and Mr James G.
Barbadoes secretary. A prayer was then offered up to the throne of
grace, by the Rev. Mr Snowden. The chairman having explained the object
of the meeting, sundry resolutions were offered by Mr Barbadoes, and
fairly discussed. On motion, a committee of five was chosen to amend the
resolutions, and to draft an address to certain white citizens who had
formed a State Society auxiliary to the American Colonization Society,
and to the enlightened public. John T. Hilton, James G. Barbadoes, Rev.
Hosea Easton, Thomas Dalton and Thomas Cole were placed on the
committee.
The committee, to whom was referred the subject of an attempt, by
certain white citizens, to establish in this State a Society auxiliary
to the American Colonization Society, whose supposed object was the
removal of the free colored population to western Africa, have with
diligence sought for and obtained every fact within their reach,
relative to what was enjoined upon them by the respectable body by whom
they were delegated; and now respectfully
REPORT:
That they have attended to the duty with which they were charged, with
all the wisdom, prudence and fidelity which they possessed, and which
the merits of the case required. They therefore submit to the
consideration of the meeting their several conclusions on the subject.
The duty of your committee seemed to be divided into three general
inquiries:--1st. To ascertain whether the Society above named was truly
established in this metropolis. 2d. By whom it was established, and for
what purpose. 3d. If established for the purpose entertained by the free
colored population, what method should be adopted in regard to
expressing their disapprobation thereto.
As to the first inquiry, your committee can state, that every doubt is
now removed respecting the formation of such a Society, the proceedings
of the meeting being published, together with the names of the officers.
On the second inquiry, your committee refer you to the 2d Article of the
Constitution of said Society, (published in the Boston Courier of Feb.
16, 1831,) which reads thus:
'The object to which this Society shall be exclusively devoted,
shall be to aid the parent institution at Washington, in the
colonization of the free people of color of the United States on
the coast of Africa; and to do this not only by the contribution
of money, but by the exertion of its influence to promote the
formation of other societies.'
We deem any explanation here unnecessary.
In regard to the third and most essential inquiry, your committee
report, that they know of no better way of expressing their
disapprobation of such measures, than to use every exertion to persuade
their brethren not to leave the United States upon any consideration
whatever; but if there are or should be any exasperated in consequence
of abuse from their white countrymen, and who are determined to leave
the country, we think it desirable to recommend them to Hayti or Upper
Canada, where they will find the laws equal. Your committee deem it
expedient also to urge this duty upon the several ministers of color
throughout the United States, and all other persons of color whose
influence may have any bearing in preventing their brethren from
yielding to a request so unjust and cruel.
And if your respectable body should not think your committee were going
beyond the bounds of their duty, they would recommend the clerical order
throughout the United States, who have had or who are having any thing
to do with the deceptive scheme above alluded to, to read the 13th
chapter of Ezekiel. Read it--read it--and understand it. Your committee
would recommend those clergymen, who have not defiled their garment with
the blood of the innocent, to read the 1st, 2nd, 11th and 12th verses of
the 24th chapter of Proverbs.
In support of the sentiments thus expressed, it becomes necessary that
our reasons should accompany them, why we object to the plan of dragging
us to Africa--a country to us unknown, except by geography. In the first
place, we are told that Africa is our native country; consequently the
climate will be more congenial to our health. We readily deny the
assertion. How can a man be born in two countries at the same time? Is
not the position superficial to suppose that American born citizens are
Africans? In regard to the climate, what better proof do we want of its
salubrity, than to know that of the numerous bodies who have embarked, a
large portion of them have immediately fallen victims, on their arrival,
to the pestilence usual to that place?
It is again said, that the establishment of a colony on the coast of
Africa will prevent the slave trade. We might as well argue, that a
watchman in the city of Boston would prevent thievery in New-York, or
any other place; or that the custom-house officers there would prevent
goods being smuggled into any other port of the United States.
We are aware, that such an unnecessary expense devoted to the
application of a remedy so far from the disease, is absolutely contrary
to common sense. We are sensible that the moral disease, _slavery_, is
in America, and not in Africa. If there was no market for the vending of
slaves, there would be no inducement for the thief to steal them. The
remedy for this evil, we humbly conceive, consists of three general
prescriptions, viz. 1st. Let him who stealeth obey the word of God, and
steal no more. 2d. Let him who hath encouraged the thief by purchase,
(and consequently is a partaker with him,) do so no more. 3rd. Let the
clerical physicians, who have encouraged, and are encouraging, both the
thief and the receiver, by urging their influence to the removal of the
means of their detection, desist therefrom, and with their mighty weight
of influence step into the scale of justice: then will be done away this
horrible traffic in blood.
From the above considerations, we sincerely recommend to our white
countrymen honor and humanity, which will render useless the
transportation of the colored population to the coast of Africa, it
being altogether gratuitous and uncalled for.
We proceed to offer several objections to the operation alluded to--one
is, the circumstance of the project originating with those who were
deeply interested in slavery, and who hold slaves as their property. We
consider the fact no evidence of the innocence of its design. We further
object, because its members admit slavery to be an evil, and use no
means to destroy it; but are exerting all their influence to urge every
free person of color to Africa, (whose right to this soil holds good
with any other citizen,) thereby rivetting the chains of slavery
stronger than ever upon their oppressed brethren.
Again we object, because the whole spring of action seems to originate
in the fear lest the free colored people may whisper liberty in the ears
of the oppressed. We would suggest, however, that they who are fond of
liberty should not be annoyed at its sound, from whatever source it may
come.
Again we object, on the ground of there being sufficient land in the
United States, on which a colony might be established that would better
meet the wishes of the colored people, and at a much cheaper rate than
could possibly be done by sending them to a howling wilderness far away,
and to them unknown.
One of the leaders of the newly formed Society argued that in case a
colony was formed for the blacks in the United States, they would in a
short time be removed, as has been the case with the poor Indians. To
obviate this objection, we here inform him that Hayti will hold all the
slaves he will send her; and as for the free people, we expect they can
go where they please, either to Africa, Hayti or Upper Canada, or remain
at home, without asking the consent of a slaveholding party. Nor can we
conceive why free citizens, acting this liberty, should interfere with
them, if they are--as they have represented themselves to be--honest and
benevolent men. We conceive that the question in view stands in two
distinct points--the removal of the free colored population from this
country, or the acknowledgment of them as citizens. The former position
must be acknowledged, on all sides, a means of perpetuating slavery in
our land; the latter, of abolishing it; consequently it may be seen who
are for the well-being of their country.
We regret that our interest has thus drawn us before the public, on
account of the regard we entertain towards many of our warmest friends
who have been deceived by a cloak of philanthropy, smooth words, and a
sanctified appearance. We remind them, however, that the blood of Abel
is beginning to be heard by many who are willing to acknowledge that
they hear it.
We cannot close our duty without gratefully acknowledging the respect we
entertain for those who have defended our cause with more than Spartan
courage. It is the opinion of your committee, that they are to be
respected as our countrymen, our brethren, and our fellow citizens--not
to say they are to be applauded as men, whose great acts are based upon
the acclamation of their fellow men; but rather let us hold up their
hands, and let their works praise them. We shall only add an expression
of our hopes, that the Spirit of Liberty, recently awakened in the old
world, may redouble its thundering voice, until every tyrant is seized
with a Belshazzar tremble at the hand-writing upon the wall of his
corrupt palace.
In addition to the above, your committee submit the following
resolutions for your acceptance.
Resolved, That this meeting contemplate, with lively interest, the rapid
progress of the sentiments of liberty among our degraded brethren, and
that we will legally oppose every operation that may have a tendency to
perpetuate our present political condition.
Resolved, That this meeting look upon the American Colonization Society
as a clamorous, abusive and peace-disturbing combination.
Resolved, That this meeting look upon the conduct of those clergymen,
who have filled the ears of their respective congregations with the
absurd idea of the necessity of removing the free colored people from
the United States, as highly deserving the just reprehension directed to
the false prophets and priests, by Jeremiah the true prophet, as
recorded in the 23d chapter of his prophecy.
Resolved, That this meeting appeal to a generous and enlightened public
for an impartial hearing relative to the subject of our present
political condition.
Resolved, That the gratitude of this meeting, which is so sensibly felt,
be fully expressed to those editors whose independence of mind and
correct views of the rights of man have led them so fearlessly to speak
in favor of our cause; that we rejoice to behold in them such a strong
desire to extend towards us the inestimable blessing in the gift of a
wise Providence which is demanded by all nature, and for which their
veteran fathers struggled in the revolution.
ROBERT ROBERTS, Chairman.
JAMES G. BARBADOES, Secretary.
A VOICE FROM BALTIMORE.
BALTIMORE, March 21, 1831.
At a respectable meeting of persons of color, convened, pursuant to
public notice, for the purpose of expressing their sentiments in regard
to the pretensions of the American Colonization Society, William
Douglass was called to the chair, and William Watkins appointed
secretary. The object of the call having been explicitly stated, the
meeting immediately proceeded to the consideration of the following
resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:--On motion,
Resolved, That it is the belief of this meeting, that the American
Colonization Society is founded more in a selfish policy, than in the
true principles of benevolence;--and, therefore, so far as it regards
the life-giving spring of its operations, is not entitled to our
confidence, but should be viewed by us with all that caution and
distrust which our happiness demands.
Resolved, That we are not insensible to the means usually employed by
that Society, and its auxiliaries, to effectuate our removal--that we
sincerely deprecate their gratuitous and illiberal attacks upon, and
their too frequently exaggerated statements of our moral standing in the
community--that such means are unworthy of a magnanimous people, and of
a virtuous and noble cause.
Resolved, That we consider the land in which we were born, and in which
we have been bred, our only '_true and appropriate home_,'--and that
when _we_ desire to remove, we will apprise the public of the same, in
due season.
Resolved, That we are deeply sensible that many of our warm and sincere
friends have espoused the colonization system, from the purest
motives,--and that we sincerely regret their efforts to ameliorate our
condition are not more in accordance with our wishes.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the daily
papers of this city, signed by the Chairman and Secretary.
WILLIAM DOUGLASS, Chairman.
WILLIAM WATKINS, Secretary.
A VOICE FROM WASHINGTON.
WASHINGTON, May 4, 1831.
Pursuant to previous notice, a large and very respectable meeting of the
colored citizens of Washington, D. C., convened at the African Methodist
Episcopal church on Wednesday evening last, for the purpose of
expressing their views upon the subject of African colonization. Mr John
W. Prout was called to the chair, and Arthur Waring was appointed
secretary.
The chairman briefly explained the object of the meeting, in a short
speech well adapted to the occasion, which was followed by several neat
and very appropriate addresses delivered by sundry gentlemen present.
The following preamble and resolutions were offered and adopted, nearly
unanimously.
Whereas we consider that the period has arrived for the colored citizens
of this place to express their opinion upon the subject of colonization
in Liberia; a subject of great importance to themselves, as well as to
the colored citizens of the United States generally; and whereas our
brethren at a distance are desirous of obtaining information relative to
the object and policy pursued by the American Colonization Society:
Therefore, be it
Resolved, That this meeting view with distrust the efforts made by the
Colonization Society to cause the free people of color of these United
States to emigrate to Liberia on the coast of Africa, or elsewhere.
Resolved, That it is the declared opinion of the members of this
meeting, that the soil which gave them birth is their only _true and
veritable home_, and that it would be impolitic, unwise and improper for
them to leave their home without the benefits of education.
Resolved, That this meeting conceive that among the advocates of the
colonization system, they have many true and sincere friends; and do
regret that their actions, although prompted no doubt by the purest
motives, do not meet our approbation.
Resolved, That we believe the PRESS to be the most efficient means of
disseminating light and knowledge among our brethren; and that this
meeting do acknowledge with gratitude the efforts made in our behalf, by
the editors of the Genius of Universal Emancipation, and the
Liberator;--and do most earnestly recommend their respective papers to
our brethren generally, for their approval and support.
Resolved, That the foregoing resolutions be signed by the Chairman and
Secretary, and published.
JOHN W. PROUT, Chairman.
ARTHUR WARING, Secretary.
A VOICE FROM BROOKLYN.
BROOKLYN, (N. Y.) June 3, 1831.
At a numerous and respectable meeting of the colored inhabitants of the
village and township of Brooklyn, convened in the African Hall,
Nassau-street, for the purpose of taking into consideration our views in
relation to the Colonization Society--
The throne of grace was addressed by the Rev. Mr Hogarth, after which
Henry C. Thompson was called to the chair, and George Hogarth appointed
secretary.
Appropriate addresses were delivered by Messrs George Hogarth, James
Pennington, and George Woods. The following resolutions were then
adopted:--
Resolved, unanimously, That the call of this meeting be approved of; and
that the colored citizens of this village have, with friendly feelings,
taken into consideration the objects of the American Colonization
Society, together with all its auxiliary movements, preparatory for our
removal to the coast of Africa; and we view them as wholly gratuitous,
not called for by us, and not essential to the real welfare of our race:
That we know of no other country in which we can justly claim or demand
our rights as citizens, whether civil or political, but in these United
States of America, our native soil: And, that we shall be active in our
endeavors to convince the members of the Colonization Society, and the
public generally, that we are _men_, that we are _brethren_, that we are
_countrymen_ and _fellow-citizens_, and demand an equal share of
protection from our federal government with any other class of citizens
in the community.
It was also Resolved, That the following persons, viz.: James
Pennington, Henry C. Thompson, and George Woods, be appointed a
committee to draft an address to the public, expressing our views more
fully in relation to the Colonization Society; and that a delegate be
appointed to proceed to the city of Philadelphia, to represent us in the
ensuing convention, (which will commence its sitting the 6th inst.) to
co-operate with the measures that may then be adopted for the general
welfare of our race.
HENRY C. THOMPSON, Chairman.
GEORGE HOGARTH, Secretary.
_Address to the Colored Citizens of Brooklyn, (N. Y.) and its Vicinity._
Respected brethren, and fellow-citizens:--As men and as christians,
whose secular and eternal interests are the same, we are seriously
called upon by truth and reason, and every thing of which human action
is composed, to take into consideration the objects of the American
Colonization Society; which aims to remove us, the free people of color,
from this, our beloved and native land, to the coast of Africa; a
country unknown to us in every respect.
As they propose to remove us with our own free will and consent, we do
not contradict the assertion, that their objects, in the abstract, are
salutary and benevolent; but when we hear those influential gentlemen,
who are advocating this cause, generalize by language directly
calculated to increase that prejudice, which is already one grand reason
of our wretchedness, we are moved by a spirit of reliance upon justice
and humanity, to lift our positive and decided voice against their
proceedings; and consider them as a stigma upon our morals as a people,
as natives and citizens of this country, to whom equal rights are
guaranteed by the Declaration of Independence.
When we consider that by abridging men in their moral liberty, we touch
their responsibility to the highest authority in the universe, we should
shudder at the thought of retaining such feelings as would lead to any
irreligious or impolitic acts; nor should we be willing to yield one
particle of ours to others, unless it be on the ground of expediency,
and in some way conducive to the glory of God.
We are sorry to say that those gentlemen have injured their cause, and
perhaps caused much good to be evil spoken of, by making use of improper
language, in their discussions upon our character and condition in this
country; without using one effort to improve or prepare us for the posts
of honor and distinction which they hold forth to us, whenever we set
foot on this much talked of, and long expected promised land. We would
ask the Colonization Society, what are they doing at home to improve our
condition? It is a true proverb, that 'charity begins at home.' How can
they extend their charities with christian sympathies and feeling some
thousand miles across the Atlantic ocean, when they are not willing,
with a few exceptions, to give us even a christian instruction while
among them? To prove the assertion, we would inquire, how many of our
sable brethren have been elevated to any post of distinction in this
country? Even in states, where our numbers have almost doubled, have we
seen one statesman, one officer, or one juror? No! in our village and
its vicinity, how many of us have been educated in colleges, and
advanced into different branches of business; or taken into mercantile
houses, manufacturing establishments, &c.? Are we not even prohibited
from some of the common labor and drudgery of the streets, such as
cartmen, porters, &c.? It is a strange theory to us, how these gentlemen
can promise to honor and respect us in Africa, when they are using every
effort to exclude us from all rights and privileges at home.
They say, 'that those of our friends, who look for the day when we shall
have equal rights in this country, are mistaken.' May we not accept it
as an assurance, that they will do all they can to prevent us from
arriving to any degree of respectability at home, in our own land? Away
then with such false sympathies and friendships! they are as foreign to
us as the coast of Africa!
We truly believe, that many gentlemen who are engaged in the
Colonization Society are our sincere friends and well-wishers; they
wish to do something for us, consequently they have subscribed largely
to it, because there was no other plan on foot. Some of them have been
deluded into its schemes, with a view of thoroughly civilizing and
christianizing Africa, by our free people of color and emancipated
slaves, who may, from time to time, be colonized on its coasts, with
their consent. We conceive that such measures are fraught with
inconsistency, and in no way calculated to have such an effect. To send
a parcel of uninstructed, uncivilized, and unchristianized people, to
the western coast of Africa, with bibles in their hands to teach the
natives the truths of the gospel, social happiness, and moral virtue, is
mockery and ridicule in the extreme.
Missionary families should be well instructed in the rudiments of our
holy religion, that their example may shine forth as lights in that much
neglected and benighted land. We are much in favor of christianizing
Africa; but not according to the plans of the Colonization Society, to
purchase their lands of them, with a few paltry guns, beads, &c., and
then establish forts and garrisons, to protect traders and traffickers,
without, perhaps, once naming the religion of Jesus to them. We well
know that the examples of traders and traffickers are in no way
calculated to induce heathens to embrace our religion. For example, we
will refer to the early settlements of our American colonies, and
inquire what religious impressions did the settlers make (who were wise
and learned from Europe) upon the aborigines of our country? We believe
that a few men, well instructed and possessing a true missionary spirit,
are calculated to do more good in that country, than a thousand on the
colonization plan.
Many wish us to go to Africa, because they say that our constitutions
are better adapted to that climate than this. If so, we would ask why so
many of our hearty, hale and healthy brethren, on arriving in that
country, fall victims to the malignant fevers and disorders, prevalent
in those regions? We would observe, that none are exempt from being
touched with the contagion. It operates more severely upon those from
the higher latitudes.
Some of our brethren have come to the conclusion to leave this country,
with all its prejudices, and seek an asylum in foreign climes. We would
recommend to your serious consideration, the location in Upper Canada; a
place far better adapted to our constitutions, our habits, and our
morals; where prejudice has not such an unlimited sway; where you will
be surrounded by Christians, and have an opportunity to become civilized
and christianized.
Brethren, it is time for us to awake to our interests; for the
Colonization Society is straining every nerve for the accomplishment of
its objects. By their last publications we see, that they have invoked
all Christian assemblies and churches throughout the Union, to exert
their influence, by raising subscriptions to send us (the strangers
within their gates, as they call us) to the coast of Africa. They have
got the consent of eleven states, who have instructed their senators to
do something in the next Congress for our removal. Maryland calls
imperatively on the general government to send us away, or else they
will colonize their own free blacks. They have, by their influence,
stopped the emancipation of slaves in a measure, except for colonization
purposes.
We owe a tribute of respect to the state of New-York, for her not having
entered into the confederacy. Though she is the last in proclaiming
general emancipation to the slave, yet we find her slow in adopting any
such unchristian measures. We may well say, she is deliberate in her
councils, and determinate in her resolutions.
Finally, brethren, we are not strangers; neither do we come under the
alien law. Our constitution does not call upon us to become naturalized;
we are already American citizens; our fathers were among the first that
peopled this country; their sweat and their tears have been the means,
in a measure, of raising our country to its present standing. Many of
them fought, and bled, and died for the gaining of her liberties; and
shall we forsake their tombs, and flee to an unknown land? No! let us
remain over them and weep, until the day arrive when Ethiopia shall
stretch forth her hands to God. We were born and nurtured in this
Christian land; and are surrounded by christians, whose sacred creed is,
to do unto all men as ye would they should do unto you--to love our
neighbors as ourselves; and which expressly declares, if we have respect
to persons, we commit sin. Let us, brethren, invoke the christian's God,
in our behalf, to do away the prejudices of our brethren, that they may
adopt the solemn truths of the gospel, and acknowledge that God is no
respecter of persons--that he has made of one blood all the nations that
dwell on the face of the earth--that they may no longer bring their
reasonings in contact with the omniscience of Deity; and insinuate to
the public, that our intellect and faculties are measurably inferior to
those of our fairer brethren. Because adversity has thrown a veil over
us, and we, whom God has created to worship, admire and adore his divine
attributes, shall we be held in a state of wretchedness and degradation,
with monkeys, baboons, slaves, and cattle, because we possess a darker
hue?
We feel it our duty ever to remain true to the constitution of our
country, and to protect it, as we have always done, from foreign
aggressions. Although more than three hundred thousand of us are
virtually deprived of the rights and immunities of citizens, and more
than two millions held in abject slavery, yet we know that God is just,
and ever true to his purpose. Before him the whole world stands in awe,
and at his command nations must obey. HE who has lately pleaded the
Indian's cause in our land, and who has brought about many signal
events, to the astonishment of our generation, we believe is in the
whirlwind, and will soon bring about the time when the sable sons of
America will join with their fairer brethren, and re-echo liberty and
equal rights in all parts of Columbia's soil.
We pray the Lord to hasten the day, when prejudice, inferiority,
degradation and oppression shall be done away, and the kingdoms of this
world become the kingdoms of our God and his Christ.
Signed in behalf of a public meeting in Brooklyn.
H. C. THOMPSON, Chairman.
GEORGE HOGARTH, Secretary.
A VOICE FROM HARTFORD.
HARTFORD, Ct., July 14, 1831.
At a large and respectable meeting of the colored inhabitants of the
city of Hartford and its vicinity, convened at the vestry room of the
African church, on the 13th inst. for the purpose of expressing their
views in relation to the American Colonization Society, Mr Henry Foster
was called to the chair, and Mr Paul Drayton appointed secretary. The
object of the meeting was then stated in a brief and pertinent manner,
after which extracts from several speeches delivered by the founders of
the colonization scheme, together with the general sentiments of
colonizationists extracted from the African Repository, were laid before
the meeting, and the following resolutions were unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the American
Colonization Society is actuated by the same motives which influenced
the mind of Pharaoh, when he ordered the male children of the Israelites
to be destroyed.
Resolved, That it is the belief of this meeting, that the Society is the
greatest foe to the free colored and slave population with whom liberty
and equality have to contend.
Resolved, That we look upon the man of color that would be influenced by
the Society to emigrate to Liberia, as an enemy to the cause and a
traitor to his brethren.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that many of those who
are engaged in this unjust scheme would be willing, if it were, in their
power, to place us before the point of the bayonet, and drive us out of
existence--so that they may get rid of that dark cloud, as we are
termed, which hangs over these United States.
Resolved, That, in our belief, we have committed no crime worthy of
banishment, and that we will resist all the attempts of the Colonization
Society to banish us from this our native land.
Resolved, That we consider ourselves the legitimate sons of these United
States, from whence we will never consent to be transported.
Resolved, That we will resist, even unto death, all the attempts of this
Society to transport us to the pestilential shores of Liberia.
Resolved, That we will not countenance the doctrine of any pretended
minister of the gospel, who is in league with those conspirators against
our rights. We would, therefore, warn them to beware of following the
footsteps of Balaam, who taught Balak to cast a stumbling block in the
way of the children of Israel; for we verily believe, that if God
almighty have to deliver his people by his mighty arm of power, they
will share the fate of that false prophet.
Resolved, That, though we be last in calling a meeting, we feel no less
the pernicious influence of this Society than the rest of our brethren;
and that we consider all their pretexts, whether under the cloak of
religion or philanthropy, gratuitous and uncalled for. We would,
therefore, advise the Society, that as we have learned that there are
one hundred and fifty thousand dollars in its funds, it had better
appropriate this sum in meliorating the condition of our brethren the
slaves, in this their native land, and raising them from that
degradation into which they are plunged.
Resolved, That the thanks of the meeting be returned to Messrs William
Lloyd Garrison, Isaac Knapp, and every friend of emancipation, for their
benevolent exertions in our behalf.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the Chairman
and Secretary, and sent to the Liberator for publication.
HENRY FOSTER, Chairman.
PAUL DRAYTON, Secretary.
A VOICE FROM MIDDLETOWN.
MIDDLETOWN, Ct., July 15, 1831.
At a meeting of the colored citizens of Middletown, pursuant to public
notice, held in the Lecture Room in the African church--Mr Joseph
Gilbert was called to the chair, and Amos L. Beman appointed secretary.
The meeting being thus opened, it was warmly and freely addressed by
Messrs Jeffrey, Condoll and Gilbert, when, on motion, it was
Resolved, That the proceedings of our brethren in Brooklyn, N. Y., meet
our entire approbation: they breathe our sentiments in full, and may our
voices cheerfully accord with them in protesting against leaving this
our native soil. Why should we leave this land, so dearly bought by the
blood, groans and tears of our fathers? Truly this is our home: here let
us live, and here let us die. What! emigrate to Liberia, a land so
detrimental to our health! We have now before us a letter written by a
friend who emigrated from this place to the burning shores of Africa, in
hopes of splendor, wealth and ease; and he says that 'sickness and
distress prevail to a great extent--and it is a clear case that those
who come from the United States must undergo a long and protracted
sickness with this country's fever, and I would not advise my friends to
emigrate.'
JOSEPH GILBERT, Chairman.
AMOS G. BEMAN, Secretary
A VOICE FROM NEW-HAVEN.
NEW-HAVEN, August 8, 1831.
At a meeting of the Peace and Benevolent Society of Afric-Americans,
held on the 7th inst., Mr Henry Berrian was called to the chair, and Mr
Henry N. Merriman was appointed secretary. The following resolutions
were then unanimously adopted.
Resolved, That we consider those christians and philanthropists, who are
boasting of their liberty and equality, saying, that all men are born
free and equal, and yet are endeavoring to remove us from our native
land, to be inhuman in their proceedings, defective in their principles,
and unworthy of our confidence.
Resolved, That we consider those colonizationists and ministers of the
gospel, who are advocating our transportation to an unknown clime,
because our skin is a little darker than theirs, (notwithstanding God
has made of one blood all nations of men, and has no respect of
persons,) as violaters of the commandments of God and the laws of the
bible, and as trying to blind our eyes by their vain movements--their
mouths being smooth as oil, and their words sharper than any two-edged
sword.
Resolved, That, while we have no doubt of the sinister motives of the
great body of colonizationists, we believe some of them are our friends
and well-wishers, who have not looked deeply into the subject; but when
they make a careful examination, we think they will find themselves in
error.
Resolved, That it is our earnest desire that Africa may speedily become
civilized, and receive religious instruction; but not by the absurd and
invidious plan of the Colonization Society--namely, to send a nation of
ignorant men to teach a nation of ignorant men. We think it most wise
for them to send missionaries.
Resolved, That we will resist all attempts made for our removal to the
torrid shores of Africa, and will sooner suffer every drop of blood to
be taken from our veins than submit to such unrighteous treatment.
Resolved, That we know of no other place that we can call our true and
appropriate home, excepting these United States, into which our fathers
were brought, who enriched the country by their toils, and fought, bled
and died in its defence, and left us in its possession--and here we will
live and die.
Resolved, That we consider the American Colonization Society founded on
principles that no Afric-American, unless very weak in mind, will
follow; and any man who will be persuaded to leave his own country and
go to Africa, as an enemy to his country and a traitor to his brethren.
Resolved, That we have heard with pleasure of the proceedings of our
brethren in neighboring cities; and that a number of this Society will
willingly become auxiliary to the parent Society of Philadelphia, for
the mutual benefit of the Afric-Americans throughout the United States.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the Chairman
and Secretary, and sent to the Liberator for publication.
HENRY BERRIAN, Chairman.
HENRY N. MERRIMAN, Secretary.
A VOICE FROM COLUMBIA.
COLUMBIA, Pa., August 5, 1831.
At a respectable meeting of Afric-Americans convened pursuant to public
notice, at their school-house, with a view of taking into consideration
the novel scheme of the American Colonization Society, Mr Stephen Smith
was called to the chair, and Mr James Richards appointed secretary. A
prayer was then offered to the throne of grace, by Mr Smith. The
chairman called the house to order, and explained the object of the
meeting in a few preliminary remarks; after which, the meeting proceeded
to business, and adopted the subsequent resolutions.
Resolved, That we view the country in which we live as our only true and
appropriate home; and let colonizationists pour contempt upon our race,
and slaveholders look on our brethren as a nuisance to the country, yet
here will we live, here were we born, this is the country for which some
of our ancestors fought and bled and conquered, nor shall a conspiring
world be able to drive us hence.
Resolved, That it is our firm belief, that the Colonization Society is
replete with infinite mischief, and that we view all the arguments of
its advocates as mere sophistry, not worthy our notice as freemen. Being
citizens of these United States, we could call upon our brethren to
awake from their slumber of ignorance, break the chain of prejudice that
has so long bound them, and in the strength of the omnipotent Spirit
give their hearts to God.
Resolved, That we will resist all attempts to send us to the burning
shores of Africa. Beware of Alexander, the coppersmith, for he hath
done us much harm. May the Lord reward him! We verily believe that if by
an extraordinary perversion of nature, every man and woman, in one
night, should become white, the Colonization Society would fall like
lightning to the earth.
Resolved, That we will not be duped out of our rights as freemen, by
colonizationists, nor by any other combination of men. All the encomiums
pronounced upon Liberia can never form the least temptation to induce us
to leave our native soil, to emigrate to a strange land.
Resolved, That we readily coalesce with our brethren in the different
towns and cities, and take the liberty to say, that we as a little flock
feel a fixed resolution to maintain our ground, till the great Author of
our being shall say to those who deprive us of our rights,--Thus saith
the Lord, because ye have not hearkened to me in proclaiming liberty,
every one to his brother, and every man to his neighbor, behold I will
proclaim liberty for you, saith the Lord, to the sword, to the
pestilence, and to the famine.
Resolved, That it is the decided opinion of this meeting, that African
colonization is a scheme of southern policy, a wicked device of
slaveholders who are desirous of riveting more firmly, and perpetuating
more certainly, the fetters of slavery; who are only anxious to rid
themselves of a population whose presence, influence and example have a
tendency (as they suppose) to produce discontent among the slaves, and
to furnish them with incitements to rebellion.
Resolved, That this meeting will not encourage a scheme, which has for
its basis prejudice and hatred. Though there may be some good wheat, yet
it is to be feared the enemy has sown tares among it.
Resolved, That we will support the colony at Canada, the climate being
healthier, better adapted to our constitutions, and far more consonant
with our views than that of Africa.
Resolved, That we unanimously agree to patronize the Liberator, and use
our best endeavors to get subscribers for the same; and that we are
under renewed obligations to God, that he ever raised up such honest
hearted men as Messrs Garrison and Knapp.
Resolved, That this meeting cause its proceedings to be sent to the
Liberator for publication; praying that the Lord will succeed all the
lawful efforts of its conductor to meliorate the condition of our
brethren in these United States, trusting his weapons are not carnal,
but mighty through God to pull down the strong holds of the devil.
Signed by the Chairman and Secretary.
STEPHEN SMITH, Chairman.
JAMES RICHARDS, Secretary.
A VOICE FROM NANTUCKET.
NANTUCKET, August 5, 1831.
At a respectable meeting of the colored inhabitants of the town of
Nantucket, convened for the purpose of taking into consideration our
views in relation to the American Colonization Society, Mr Arthur Cooper
was called to the chair, and Edward J. Pompey appointed secretary.
Addresses were delivered by Messrs William Harris and Edward J. Pompey,
in which they took a general view of the Colonization Society, of its
leading members, and some of the speeches and remarks made by gentlemen
at the meetings of said Society. The following resolves were then
adopted: